Acquisition of knowledge of English by the Aboriginal population

In his detailed account of the recent state of knowledge about Aboriginal languages Dixon claims that 'from the time of the first fleet, European colonists have shown little interest or aptitude for learning Australian languages' (Dixon 1980:69). The evidence discussed above demonstrates that the claim is not well founded. Some colonists made a concerted effort to learn at least the Sydney Language. However, Aboriginal people living in and around the settlement were more rapidly acquiring a knowledge of English. The problem for the colonists was not one of lack of

aptitude, but, lack of access to Aboriginal languages.

The observed ability of Aboriginal people to acquire some facility with English68 is not surprising when one considers that they moved unrestrictedly amongst the colonists. They had an advantage most colonists did not share in their own let alone in Aboriginal society. Before the 1820s, when free immigration to NSW

dramatically accelerated, most colonists were convicts who did hard physical work for long hours. In their leisure time convicts associated with Aboriginal people but only within the confines of the settlement where English was the lingua franca. Aboriginal people were encouraged to enter the colonists' society, while the reverse was not true. Under the circumstances, it is logical that Aboriginal people could have acquired English with greater ease than colonists could have acquired an Aboriginal language. In rare cases, where colonists became part of an Aboriginal society they usually acquired some facility in an Aboriginal language69. Incentive

68The 'English' referred to by contemporary commentators is likely to be the contact jargon developed in Sydney in during this time and discussed in more detail below (see 2.3).

69The incidences of colonists living amongst Aboriginal people are of minor significance to early language contact. Minor because it was rare that people remained at large and even rarer that they were accepted by any Aboriginal group. One of the earliest groups of convict escapees to remain successfully at large lived with a group of Aboriginal people was at Port Stephens, from 1790 until 1795. They had been long presumed to be dead as their boat was very inadequate and their provisions scanty. A search had been made but abandoned with no trace of the men or their craft (Phillip 1968:312). Following the arrival of the Third and Fourth Reets, in the second half of 1791, the number of convict absconders increased. Their attempts were fueled by a rumour spread amongst the Irish convicts that China or a settlement where they would not have to work was near the colony (Collins, vol. 1, 1975:154-5). Survivors were usually found starving and exhausted and there was no evidence that Aboriginal people helped them in their endeavours. Phillip took the matter very seriously and made it known that runaways would be treated harshly (Collins, vol. 1,1975:155).

was also high for Aboriginal people to acquire English as an adjunct to their study of the colonists. Only a very few high-ranking officials amongst the colonists had the time to study Aboriginal society and language.

Aboriginal people were not the only people in the colony attempting to acquire its lingua franca, English. It is difficult to be sure of numbers, but, even within the first fleets there were non-English-speaking colonists, particularly amongst the Irish (Troy 1991). In order to gain full access to life in the colony it was necessary to know English. However, the fact that English was the language of the colonising country can only be seen as a linguistic starting point because even amongst the native English-speakers in the colony a wide variety of dialects was spoken.

A leading distinction, which marked the convicts on their outset in the colony, was an use of what is called the flash, or kiddy language. In some of our early courts of justice, an interpreter was frequently necessary to translate the deposition of the witness, and the defence of the prisoner. This language has many dialects. The sly dexterity of the pickpocket; the brutal ferocity of the footpad; the more elevated career of the highwayman; and the deadly purpose of the midnight ruffian, is each strictly appropriate in the terms which distinguish and characterize it. I have ever been of opinion that an abolition of this unnatural jargon would open the path to reformation. And my observation on these people have constantly instructed me, that indulgence in this infatuating cant, is more deeply associated with depravity, and continuance in vice, than is generally supposed. I recollect hardly one instance of a return to honest pursuits, and habits of industry, where this miserable perversion of our noblest and peculiar faculty was not previously conquered. (Tench 1979:297)

In the earliest cross-cultural communications the colonists discovered that

Aboriginal people enjoyed imitating English speech. In July 1788, the surgeon John White and two other men had a pleasant interlude with a group of Aboriginal people in canoes near the point on which the hospital was built at Sydney.

One of the gentlemen with me sung some songs; and when he was done, the females in the canoes either sung one of their own songs, or imitated him, in which they succeeded beyond conception. Any thing spoken by us they most accurately recited, and this in a manner of which we fell greatly short in our attempts to repeat their language after them. (White 1962:153)

It was a skill often commented on during this period. In December 1791, the convict Thomas Watling observed that 'in imitation they are extremely apt, particularly in mimicry' (Watling 1945:27).

However, just as the colonists had trouble with the pronunciation of Aboriginal words so Aboriginal people found English difficult.

But if they sometimes put us to difficulty, many of our words were to them unutterable. The letters s and v they never could pronounce: the latter became invariably w, and the former mocked all their efforts, which in the instance of Baneelon has been noticed; and a more unfortunate defect in learning our language could not easily be pointed out. (Tench 1979:293)

The S is a letter which they cannot pronounce, having no sound in their language similar to it. When bidden to pronounce sun, they always say tun; salt, talt; and so of all words wherein it occurs. (Tench 1979:189)

Aboriginal people showed great interest in the colonists and their culture. There is evidence that they borrowed words from English and made new coinages by using the resources of their own languages or by adapting existing terms to label the new things they were experiencing in the colony.

Their translation of our words into their language is always apposite,

comprehensive, and drawn from images familiar to them: a gun, for instance, they call Gooroobeera, that is—a stick of fire.—Sometimes also, by a licence of language, they call those who carry guns by the same name. But the appellation by which they generally distinguished us was that of Bereewolgal, meaning— men come from afar... (Tench 1979:292)

The first time Colbee saw a monkey, he called Wiir-ra (a rat); but on examining

its paws, he exclaimed, with astonishment and affright, Miil-la (a man). (Tench

1979:270)

Tench made an important observation about the terminology used by Aboriginal people to describe colonists. The colonists referred to Aboriginal people as 'blacks' and non-Aboriginal people of European extraction 'whites'. Aboriginal people borrowed those words but understood the word 'white' to mean the colour of skin not the literal meaning which is the shade 'white'.

It may be remarked, that they translate the epithet white, when they speak of us, not by the name which they assign to this white earth70; but by that with which they distinguish the palms of their hands. (Tench 1979:278)

The first Aboriginal captive, Arabanoo, died before he re-established extended communication with other Aboriginal people. Therefore, it is very unlikely that he passed on much information about the English language to the wider Aboriginal population. However, as observed above, Bennelong returned to living with his people after several months of captivity and with a degree of proficiency in English. After observing Bennelong's linguistic progress, Daniel Southwell remarked in April 1790 that 'their progress in attaining English is but slow, but their parts are tolerable and understanding by no means despicable' (Southwell 1790:348-49).

One fragment of English that Bennelong taught his people was the loyal toast 'the King' which he believed was purely an indication that wine was to be drunk71.

At length a bottle was held up, and on his being asked what it was, in his own language, he answered, "the K i n g for as he had always heard his Majesty's health drank in the first glass after dinner at the governor's table, and had been made to repeat the word before he drank his own glass of wine, he supposed the liquor was named "the King;" and though he afterwards knew it was called wine, yet he would frequently call it King. (Phillip 1968:307)

As discussed above, by the end of 1790, many Aboriginal people had followed Bennelong's example and taken up at least temporary residence in the colony. Some had even become members of Phillip's household. Daily exposure to English

provided those people with a model for communication with the colonists.