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These allegations were heard only from respondents engaged in high occupational grades Semi-skilled and manual labourers did

MOBILITY AND PARTY SUPPORT

6. These allegations were heard only from respondents engaged in high occupational grades Semi-skilled and manual labourers did

not mention any difficulties of this kind.

7. The dummy variables based on the political complexion of the state of origin were 'strong-Communists', 'strong-Jana Sangh', and 'other states'. The dummy variables based on the perception of one's own life whether it was getting better or worse over the past ten years were, 'life better', 'life no change', and 'life now worse'. The dummy variables based on occupational mobility were

'occupationally moved upward', 'occupationally stable' and 'occupationally moved downward'. In the regression models one

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dummy variable from each class was excluded from the model. In relation to each party I first ascertained the effect of all the variables but later excluded the dummy variables whose F value was below the 10 per cent level of significance.

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VI

STATE CULTURAL ASSOCIATIONS AND TRADE UNIONS

VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS IN THE WEST

A voluntary association may be defined as a formally organized group of people with a certain interest in common, who agree to meet and to act together in order to try to satisfy that interest or achieve that purpose. As social structures, voluntary associations have distinct features such as formal leadership, specific aims and objectives, rules and electoral procedures for operating, place and time of meeting (Rose

1968:390, 391). Some voluntary associations such as recreational and sports associations, the social and hobby clubs and the professional societies act only to express or satisfy the interests of their members. Hence they are called expressive groups. Other associations are directed outward; they wish to achieve some condition or change in some segment of the society and are called ’social influence' or 'instrumental' groups

(Jacoby and Babchuk 1963).

Participation

Recent investigations in Europe and north America reveal that less than half of urban males do not participate in any voluntary asso­ ciation^" whatever. Associational membership is considerably lower in the rural counties and in rural farm segments of metropolitan counties.

Participation in voluntary associations varies as between central city, suburb, and fringe areas. In general, middle and upper status males have higher participation rates and they join a wider range of associations than lower status males. Associational membership is also closely related to stability of residence. Younger migrants have higher participation rates than older migrants. Migrants from rural areas have considerably lower participation rates than migrants from urban areas. Participation rates are closely related to educational, occupational, religious and racial differences and social attitudes. For example, trade union member­ ship is likely to be higher among low-income groups than among the high- income groups.

Leaders

Investigations in Europe and north America also reveal that leaders of voluntary associations tend to be better educated than the

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general population. They tions, feel themselves to and participate in larger tion of the population is portion join associations

usually hold professional and managerial posi- be members of the upper or upper-middle class, numbers of associations. Only a small propor- very active in associations though a large pro-

(Rose 1962).

Functions

Voluntary associations perform diverse functions. Some like manufacturers' and traders' associations and farmers' organizations can act as pressure groups and lobbies and distribute power to their members. Others, like labour unions and professional associations may keep their members informed on matters that affect their aims and interests and take collective action if necessary. While most voluntary associations act as agents of social change some associations may block social change. In a mass society where the individual feels anonymous, membership in voluntary associations gives him a feeling of identification with some smaller group that he can comprehend and influence. Again, membership in some exclusive

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voluntary associations such as 'Rotary' and 'Kiwanis' is a status symbol. In the light of the above discussion, in a new town like Bhilai the significance of voluntary associations as agents of integration and sources of new identifications can hardly be overstressed. Whether

organized on the basis of state, language, occupation, profession, or even religion, all these are institutions to which the migrants can transfer their loyalties in their new place of residence.

VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS IN INDIA Existing Literature

It would be dangerous to apply the findings of investigations in Europe and north America uncritically to India. The socio-economic surveys sponsored by the Research Programmes Committee and others already referred to tell little about the frequency of and participation in volun­ tary associations. Existing studies are also silent about the role of voluntary associations in moulding urban community life, particularly in resocializing the life of migrants to urban areas.

A survey conducted by N.V. Sovani in the city of Kolhapur

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style clubs in a population of about a hundred thousand and their member­ ship covered less than four per cent of the population (Sovani 1951:38,39). Sovani also observed that far fewer associations existed in Bangalore, the

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capital city of Mysore state than in Kolhapur. On the other hand a

survey conducted by Irawati Karve and Ranadive in Phaltan (a town of about 20,000 population in the state of Maharastra) did not mention any signi­ ficant voluntary association but reported that an unusually high percentage of respondents (25%) were members of political parties and 20 per cent were

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members of trade unions (Karve and Ranadive 1965:95,96). Some writers

suggest that most of the artisan castes and some religious sects are inclined to organize themselves into caste and religious councils with a well

defined sphere of action and membership (Gadgil 1952). This is more notice­ able in urban than in rural areas. Irawati Karve and Ranadive in their study of Phaltan (Karve and Ranadive 1965:95) and N.V. Sovani in his studies on Kolhapur and Poona (Sovani 1952:212-243) wrote at length about the

activity of these urban caste associations. A study by V.S. D'souza on Chandigarh, the newly built capital city of Punjab state, mentioned 151 voluntary associations (D'souza 1968:384-387). It was stated that about 11 per cent of the heads of households were members of one voluntary asso­ ciation- and slightly more than 2 per cent were members of two or more

voluntary associations. Of those who were members of voluntary associations, about 26 per cent were 9aid to be active participants as office bearers. Membership in voluntary associations was highest in the highest occupational

group. There was, however, no significant association between the prestige level of the occupational grade and the percentage of office bearers

among members of voluntary associations (D'souza 1968*199).

State Cultural Associations

A. Bopegamage in his study of urban sociology in Delhi did not