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August 1789' On this occasion the future ^'ami du peuple" was called before the Commune of Paris and politely chided for the virulence of

2 the feminine sex represents the singularity of Marat’s work.

P. R.F No 147, 19 March 1793.

13 August 1789' On this occasion the future ^'ami du peuple" was called before the Commune of Paris and politely chided for the virulence of

his language in addressing one of its members (see Gérard Walter's Marat pp.

86

-

90

). By3 October 1789 Marat's fledgling Ami du Peuple had al­ ready come to the attention of Bailly (A.N.s D.xxix CTTTTvho denounced the newspaper to the Procureur du Roi. Accordingly, on 8 October 1789? subsequent to Marat's diatribe on the subject of Monsieur de Joly? Sec­ retary of the Commune? a warrant was issued for the journalist's arrest. For almost a month thereafter Marat was to know his first period of hiding and enforced silence. Yet? when Marat finally was taken into custody by the Commune, he was released upon Lafayette's intervention

53

considerable prominence in the annals of French revolutionary journalism. Even such a resolute detractor as Eugene Hat in grudgingly admitted? "Marat

quoi qu'on puisse penser? et quelque horreur qu'il Inspire? n'en est pas (A,F, No.

71

?

19

December? 1789)'

That which had been little more than a skirmish was soon to become a fray. Against the background of Marat's forceful pamphlet? Dénonciation contre Necker, an armed force was sent into the Cordeliers District

(22

January 179o7 to apprehend the journalist (E, Babut? "Une journée au District des Cordeliers?" R.H. DXXXI (mars-avril I

9

O

3

)? 279-300)* It was at this juncture that Marat fled to London? only returning to France in May of that year. Some two months later (

3

I July 1790)? in the wake of Marat's fiery pamphlet C'en est fait de nous? the Constituent Assembly? onMalouet's recommendation? saw fit to start proceedings against him. Hence? during the ensuing months Marat was once more obliged to lead a clandestine existence. Indeed? police reports of October 1790 affirm? "II demeure ... dans le fond d 'un jardin où il a différentes portes de communication? ... il ne sort que rarement et la nuit armé de bons pisto­ lets" (A.N.s D.xxix

32

L,

329

)' In spite of all? L'Ami du Peuple continued to appear.

By the beginning of 1791? a quarrel opposing Marat and Bstienne? a journalist in Lafayette's pay? brought the former out of hiding and the two men to court (A.P. No. 331? 5 January I

791

). Almost as a prelude to Marat's triumphal trial in April 1793? the verdict rendered on 18 Janu­ ary

1791

? when Estienne failed to appear in court? acquitted Marat and ordered Lafayette's henchman to pay Marat the very sum in damages for which he had sued Marat.

This moral victory was? however? short-lived. Hardly six months elapsed before Marat? like his fellow opposition journalists? felt the sting of repression which ensued after the Champ de Mars incident. For more than two weeks L'Ami du Peuple was silent. Ihen Marat did resume publication of M s newspaper on 7 August 1791? it continued uninterrup­ ted until

15

December 1791? but then for almost four months or until 12 April

1792

Marat ceased his journalistic activities altogether.

Less than a month after the reappearance of his newspaper? Marat? who had the unusual distinction of being the only journalist to be indicted by each of France's revolutionaiy assemblies? was again sought for

arrest

(3

May 1792). On 21 May 1792 the Legislative Assembly ordered Marat to appear before the National High Court? "comme prévenu d'atten­

tats contre la sûreté générale de l'état et contre la constitution" (A.N.j C

148

no.

236

). Naturally? another period of concealment ensued for Marat? with L'Ami du Peuple appearing most erratically.

After 10 August? when Marat emerged from hiding and even acquired four national presses (a.N.ï G 173 no. 434)? his tribulations were still not at an end. On 12 April 1793 Marat's Girondin opponents in the National Convention finally secured a vote against him. Once again? but for the last time? Marat went to his "souterrain"?from which on 19 April 1793 he addressed his fellow Jacobins with a plea for help (of. "Lettre de Marat aux Jacobins?" B.N. : Lb^O 2314)* On 24 April 1793? undoubtedly confident in the outcome of his trial? Marat surrendered himself to justice.

Ironically? Marat's ultimate experience with the courts proved to be the greatest triumph of his revolutionary career. Acquitted by the Revolu­ tionary Tribunal? Marat? at the apogee of his popularity? was given a hero's/....

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moins? il faut bien le reconnaître? celui de tous les journalistes qui a exercé la plus grande? malheureusement aussi la plus pernicieuse influ­ ence? et son journal est devenu un monument historique? plus propre que tout autre peut-être à faire comprendre la marche de la Révolution."^ Indeed? whether Marat'a adversaries wittingly recognized his journalistic Importance? while declaring it extremely baleful as did Hatin? or unwitt­ ingly acknowledged it by their repeated attacks on him or his memory? the essential fact remains that it is as a journalist that Marat has elicited historical interest and controversy.

The presentation of Marat's newspaper was that of a modern-day pamphlet composed of eight? twelve or sixteen pages. On the first page there appeared the number and date of the issue? Marat's epigraph? and a résumé of the newspaper's contents. There were no captivating engravings such as those which embellished Prudhomme's Revolutions de Paris. Un­ fortunately? Marat's daily paper? which generally sold for a very modest sum?'^ could not afford this luxury. The quality of his printing paper

hero's reception by the people of Paris. Three months later Jean-Paul Marat had become a martyr of liberty.

Thus? althou^ Marat was able to savour victory in the final months of his life? for almost four years he had? in fact? suffered in his personal crusade for freedom of expression. Indeed? of all revolutionary journal­ ists? it can justifiably be said that Marat's hardships were the greatest. 2. „The epigraph of L'Ami du Peuple, "vitam impendere vero" ('to consecrate /one's/ life to truth' )? Marat borrowed from Rousseau, However? that of

the Journal de la République Française? "ut redeat raiseris? abeat fortuna superbis" C'let us tax the rich to subsidize the poor') was his own

creation. It should be noted? therefore? that when Albert vSoboul writes? "Déjà Jacques Roux avait placé en epigraphs à son Publiciste de la

République française par l'Qnbre de Marat: Ht redeat raiseris? abeat for­ tuna superbis" (LeT"^ansLouTott6^^^ action Politique? Paris 1968)? p.

31

)? this statement is misleading. Quite simply? Jacques Roux kept the epigraph which had been Marat's since September 1792.

1. Eugène Hatin? Bibliographie historique et critique de la presse pério­ dique française

9

etc, (Paris 18667? p. IO

7

.

3

. "... depuis la saisie de ses presses le 22 janvier /l79i7? l'Ami du Peuple a toujours livré son manuscrit à un imprimeur? à condition que chaque numéro ne seroit vendu qu'un sol au colporteur? quoique dans nombre de crises? certains colporteurs l'ayent vendu jusqu'à dix huit livres. Quant à la bonne foi de l'Ami du Peuple? .., quoiqu'il ait été dans/....

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was poor, and typographical errors abounded.^ In short? during Marat's career as a journalist? his hardshipspoverty and a freqimtly clandes­ tine existence — were reflected in the material aspect of his newspaper. Yet? in spite of his vicissitudes? Marat never shared his burden with any collaborators as Brissot? Prudhomme, Robert and others did. L'Ami du Peuple remained entirely his own undertaking. Granted this fact and Marat's tribulations with the law it therefore seems all the more phenome­ nal? indeed Herculean? that he should have been so prolific. Altogether

2 nearly one thousand newspapers can be credited to Marat's pen.

His style was definitely editorial or as Marat himself declared? "... les nouvelles /î'entrenjfc/ jamais dans mon plan que pour servir de texte à mes réflexions."^ Either Marat permitted weeks to elapse before commenting? if at all? on an event ; or he seized upon a current incident and belaboured it to the virtual exclusion of all else. Quite simply, Marat refused to become enmeshed in purely topical accounts unless they

were somehow patterned to his concept of what revolution should or should not be. This selective technique of journalism which repeatedly empha­

sized only certain issues furnishes a partial explanation of Marat's impact on his contemporaries.

In terms of round figures? however? it is somewhat difficult to ascertain just what that impact was. The circulationoof Marat's news­ paper was probably somewhere between 2,000 and 4?000 copies a day. Gerard Walter states that in early 1791 L'Ami du Peuple was read by some 4?000

dans une bien autre passe pour faire une brillante fortune? il e s t dans la pauvreté? et depuis trente mois 11 écrit la tête sur le billot" (a.P. No, 660, 29 May 1792).

1. ^Indeed? Marat himself bemoaned this facts "La vie souterraine que je mène depuis onze mois ne me permet pas de revoir les épreuves de ma

feuilles aussi fourmille-t-elle d'incorrections qui détruisent souvent le sens des passages les plus intéressans? comme si les ouvriers étoient payés pour dénaturer mon travail et enlever les fruits à la patrie" (A.P. No. 454, 10 May 1791).

-

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people.^ In February 1791 Marat himself? mentioning a raid on his print shop? asserted that more than 3? 000 copies of a particular news-

2

paper were removed from the premises. Prudhomme cited a figure of 3?000 for the period of May 1792?^ while Michel Vovelle in his Marat : Textes choisis gives a more conservative estimate of 2?000 as a general

circulation figure.^ Jean Massin’s assessment is 2?000 for the beginning months of L'Ami du Peuple and 4,000-59 000 by the summer of 1790.^ And finally? Louis R. Gottschalk offers a composite circulation figure of between 1?200 and 2?100.^ Yet? even if the number of actual subscribers varied between 2?000 and 4?000? it still cannot be said how many people L ’Ami du Peuple and its successors actually reached? for newspapers were passed from person to person and were frequently read aloud, Neverthe­ less? it is certain that Marat’s reading audience was not nearly so wide as that of Prudhomme ? ^ Brissot?^ Mirabeau or Hebert However? even 1, Gerard Walter? Marat (2nd edn, enL by Walter? Paris I960)? p. 199* 2. "Avant hier? deux cens inconnus se sont oresentes au bureau de

l’éditeur de l’Ami du peuple pour acparer /sic / le Numéro du jour? l ’un en demandoit vingt douzaines^ l ’autre trente; la patriote chargée de la distribution? ayant vu le piège? a servi ses pratiques de preference; malgré ses soins? plus de trois mille exemplaires ont été accaparés? sans doute pour être détruits" (A.P, No, 382? 25 February 1791 ).

Prudhomme? Les Révolutions de Paris No. 147? 28 April-5 May 1792. 4. Paris 1963? p, 20.

5* Jean Massin? Marat (Paris I960)? pp. 91? 144»

6. Louis R, Gottschalk? Jean Paul Marat; a Study in Radicalism (2nd edn,? Chicago 1967)? p. 183.

7

. "Des evaluations du temps estiment qu'on doit compter une moyenne de dix lecteurs pour chaque acheteur d ’un journal" (Massin? op. cit., p. 3.44)- 8. Jean Massin asserts that certain issues of Les Révolutions de Paris

attained a circulation figure of 200?000 (Massin? op. cit., pT^sT),

9

. Brissot boasted that his Patriote Français was read by some 50,000- 100,000 people; however? a figure of

10

,

000

-

30?000

is probably closer to the truth (Claude Bellanger at al.? Histoire générale de la Presse française (Paris I

969

? p. 445)»

10. Mirabeau's newspaper sometimes reached a circulation figure of 10?000 (Massin, op. cit., p. 91)«

11. In the spring of 1793? one of the hawkers of Le Père Duchesne reported to the police official? Dutard? that he sold morelEhanTT'OCD' copies of Hebert's newspaper (Louis Jacob? Hébert, Le Père Duchesne

9

Chef des sans- boulottes (Paris

1960)9

p.

168

).

57

if his subscription list was less impressive than theirs? his fame or notoriety was perhaps greater. Indeed, by 1790 there were no less than four counterfeit newspapers boasting the title of L^Ami du Peuple/ This in itself bespeaks Marat's success. Accordingly, in February 1790 Marat mentioned that a second edition of his newspaper was planned,^ (This

intention is substantiated by the existing annotations to L'Ami du Peuple.) But a second publication of Marat's newspapers never materialized, even though after the journalist's assassirdîion the Convention did grant his sister, Albertine Marat,^ and his "widow", Simonne Evrard, a sum of two thousand pounds for this purpose.^ Although it is not known why a second edition of Marat's newspapers never appeared, it is all the more curious that it did not since on 8 August 1793 Marat's widow came before the Con­ vention to voice her protests against Jacques Roux's Publiciste de la République Française, Par I'Chibre de Marat and Leclerc's Ami du Peuple.^ Notwithstanding, both the usurpation of Marat’s famous titles during his lifetime and after his death, and the posthumous funds awarded by the 1. Hatin, op. cit., pp. 108-1

09

.

2. In reference to a police raid on his premises (that of 22 January 1790) Marat's Appel à la Nation of 15 February 1790 stated: "I^ns 1'armoire

aux fruits étaient trois rouleaux contenant: l’un sept lettres ployêes, où sont développées des preuves authentiqueg des malversations de M. Necker; l'autre tous les numéros de mon journal, corrigés pour une

seconde édition, et l'autre le commencement de l’histoire de la révolu­ tion." The annotations to Marat's newspapers do indeed reveal that he was planning a history of the French Revolution, for one often finds the words "mon histoire" or "mon roman" in the margins of L'Ami du Peuple'.

3

. In 1835, Albertine entrusted her brother’s newspapers to the French historian, Villiaumê, who asserted that Marat had envisaged a re-edition of his newspapers in order to leave posterity with a correct record of his journalism — a record unblemished by those apocryphal issues of L'Ami du Peuple (see below, Appendix, p. 255).

4

. Fernand Mit ton, La Presse Française sous la Révolution, le Consulat, 1 'Ehipire (Paris 1945)“””p".

85

.

5

. "Adresse de la veuve Marat à la Convention national le 8 août, 1793" (A.N.s 0

267

no.

631

). It is Daniel Guerin's contention that on this occasion Simonne Evrard was simply Robespierre’s mouthpiece in his strug­ gle against the enragés (Daniel Guerin, Bourgeois et Bras Nus

-

58

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government? testify to the ideological? if not numerical? success of his journalism.

lhat? in fact? were the elements of Marat’s achievement as a jour­ nalist? To begin with? although Marat cannot be considered a "sensa­ tional" journalist in the modern sense of the term? the virulence of his language and his bold policy of denunciation undoubtedly curried popular favour. Secondly? his many and real persecutions as a journalist could not help but capture the public imagination? especially since Marat never failed to remind his readers that his suffering was gladly endured on

1

their behalf. A third and extremely important reason for Marat's suc­ cess was his role as the "devil's advocate". Indeed? there are countless letters in his newspapers from officers? soldiers? political prisoners? masons — in general, all those who had complaints — and who looked to Marat for succour.^ (One of the most famous of those who received Marat's help was Babeuf? a political prisoner during the summer of 1790.)^ Indubitably this published correspondence between the public and Marat was one of the greatest stepping-stones to his popularity among the masses. Certainly? Marat’s annotations reveal that some of those "letters to the editor" were

quite fictitious? but most must be considered genuine. It is also true 1. "He I pour qui me suis-je fait ces nuées de mortels ennemis? pour le

peuple? ce pauvre peuple? épuisé de misère? toujours vexé? toujours foule? toujours opprimé? et qui n'eut jamais à donner ni places ni pen­ sions. C'est pour avoir épousé sa cause que je suis en butte aux traits des méchants qui me persécutent, que je suis dans les liens d'un décret de prise-de-corps? comme un malfaiteur. Mais je n ' éprouve aucun regret; ce que j'ai fait? je le ferais encore, si j’étais à commencer. Hommes vils, qui ne connaissez d'autres passions dans la vie que l'or? ne me demandez pas quel intérêt me pressait ; j'ai vengé 1 ' humanité ? je lais­ serai un nom, et le vôtre est fait pour périr" (Dénonciation contre Necker. 18 January 1790. For Marat's view of the "peuple"? see Infra. Ch. 17).

2. For example? a letter from the masons of Sainte Geneviève opened with these words: "Cher prophète? vrai défenseur des indigents, permettez que des ouvriers vous dévoilent toutes les malversations et les turpitudes que nos marbres maçons trament pour nous soulever? en nous poussant au désespoir" (a.P. No. 487? 12 June 179l).

3. 7.M. Daline? "Babeuf et Marat en 1789-1790?" A.H.R.F. XXX (1958), 16-37; A.P. Nos. 138? 144, 19 and 25 June 1790.

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that his correspondence sometimes made him vulnerable to spurious accounts or prompted desultory denunciaiaons. But? on the other hand, this flow of letters furnished the journalist with an excellent sample pulse read­ ing. Of all revolutionary journalists Marat probably maintained the closest contact with the people, and with time, a veritable current of sympathy developed between L'imi du Peuple and its audience. Besides incarnating the people's champion knight or the redresser of public grievances, Marat was also careful in later years to distribute his news­ papers, free of charge, in politically active centres: popular societies in the provinces, the Jacobin Club in Paris, and among his colleagues of

X

the Mountain, for example. Moreover, Marat also sent his newspaper to 2

the front. However, perhaps the single most important factor in Marat's journalistic career was that he, at an early date, offered the people an identity. Long before Hebert and the sans-culotte sympathizers, Marat had linlced class inequality to the inequities of civil rights, making class consciousness absolutely central to his writings. In short, by denouncing the bourgeois manifestations of the revolution Marat instructed the people in its cause. And finally, Marat's constant hammering and reiteration of certain cherished themes forced public awareness. Such were the ingredients of Marat’s success, but what of his fundamental concept of journalism and his approach to that revolutionary novelty, the freedom of the press? These considerations at once reveal a man who remained essentially unchanged by the revolution, and an individual who succumbed to the changing tide of the revolution.

1. "... j'en distribue gratis de six à sept cens chaque jour, quelque

fois beaucoup plus. J'en ai envoyé des millions aux sociétés populaires, dans les villes les plus gangrenées: j'en ai donné, pendant quelque

mois deux cens chaque jour aux jacobins de Paris : j'en distribue depuis quatre mois deux à trois cens à la Montagne. A caver plus bas, j’en ai distribué gratuitement près de 200,000 mille exemplaires" (P.R.P. No. 229, 29 June 1793).

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With regard to Marat’s concept of journalism, it is imperative to