British Hinduism

T he beliefs and practices of Hindus in Britain, as in India, derive from

m a n y sources. They combine regional and caste-based traditions Claukika'), and possibly sectarian commitments with the Sanskritic or great tradition.

There are varying degrees of familiarity with the scriptures depending, for example, on whether such books as the Upanisads, the Bhagavad GTta CBGJ, or the Puranas have been read in the vernacular, and the extent to which individuals are familiar with Brahmanical rituals using Sanskrit texts.

Although direct knowledge of texts may be scanty, m a n y of the beliefs and concepts about death are derived from them, even if the concepts have changed somewhat in the process. Portions of Vedic texts ma y be recited at funeral ceremonies and the B G and Garutfa Purapa are frequently read following a death and before the final graddha ceremonies, thus providing a thread of continuity from the past which continues to shape belief (Killingley 1985:3ff.). As will be seen below, m a n y of the pandits w h o have to take funerals in Britain m a y not have the knowledge, the source materials, or the time to perform the ceremonies according to their own, or their clients' ancestral traditions, so that in order to meet the needs of their clients n e w traditions are evolving. At a m ore general level of knowledge, m a n y concepts are acquired through stories from the great epics s h o w n on film and television, through recounting in the family, festival and life-cycle rites (.samskaras; cf. Nesbitt 1991).

Dharma, as w e have seen, can be used in a n u m b e r of ways. As applied

to the Hindu wa y of life, it encompasses varpasramadharma, which some scholars have argued cannot exist outside India, as it is tied to the social and caste structures of the subcontinent, and thus to Indian ethnicity (Knott 1986:8; Sopher 1967:6; Saran 1969). However, the concept of varpasramadharma still has meaning for Hindus in Britain, as Knott points

out:

Hindus are particularly aware of their caste allegiance, varna and operation. These include temple worship, the enactment of life-cycle rites for family members, domestic religion, pilgrimage, familial responsibilities. (Knott 1986:34)

W h e n w e look at the term dharma, in its sectarian sense, it can be seen that some sects attract only Hindus from mainly one region or caste (e.g.

Swaminarayan or Pushtimarga followers are mainly Gujarati Patels and Lohanas, and Arya Samajis are mainly Panjabi), whereas others, such as ISKCON, Sathya Sai Baba and the Ramakrishna Mission, teach that Hinduism is universal and also attract Western devotees (Burghart 1987b:233). This raises several questions. The first is h o w far Hinduism depends on the developments in belief, practice, experience and their social contexts can be understood.!!.-.] Indian Hindus have moved abroad irrespective of caste relationships and caste decrees, and in their n e w locations they have sought to practice their religion, to pass on traditional myths and concepts to their offspring, and to continue to relate to one another through the system of caste. (1986:8)

Furthermore, while white non-Hindus ma y view all Hindus as belonging to one ethnic group, Gujaratis, Panjabis and Bengalis, w h o speak different languages, perceive themselves as being different from one another ethnically, as well as experiencing their cultures as discrete in m a n y ways.

It is in this context that I shall refer to the Hindus in Westmouth as "the Hindu Community" to distinguish them from, e.g. the Sikhs, Bangladeshi Muslims, and the indigenous white community. This is not to gloss over the diversity within the community <cf. Knott 1989:249ff.). Thus a second, specified use of the term will refer to the different caste or jati groups, such as the Lohanas, Patels or Darjis (Knott 1989:251). In Part II. w e shall see that these separate communities retain m a n y of their o w n caste traditions in relation to death rituals and practices, while in other ways there is a blending of traditions, particularly where there are pandits to advise people.

The diversity of the community is reinforced by the migration history of the different groups and the extent of ties with the extended family in India and elsewhere (cf. Ballard 1990:219, 234).

Even though the caste-system has altered because the old occupation- based hierarchies and inter-dependencies no longer exist, the affiliations are still powerful, and together with sectarianism and regionalism have prevented what Clarke, Peach and Vertovec call cultural homogenisation (1990:13, 21). It is these social ties which provide the "social meaning E...3 for organizations to develop, traditions to be transmitted to n e w generations, and communal rituals to be continued". (Knott 1986:158; cf.

Barot 1980:1 Iff.).

At the same time, m a n y Hindus in Britain are likely to perceive their religion in ethnic terms precisely because they are grouped together as 'Hindu' in the wider context of a non-Hindu society. Th e need to provide explanations and justification, Burghart suggests, has led to a perception that Hinduism transcends internal cultural divisions, and that "ordinary people, as bearers of their culture C...I reliably k n o w the beliefs and

practices of Hinduism" as exemplified by the pamphlet A n Introduction to the World's Oldest Religion published by the National Council of Hindu

Temples (UK). Here Hinduism is defined in terms of the "Bhagavad GTta. the message of Krsna, non-violence, and vegetarianism C..1 the hallmarks of urban, middle-class Hinduism" (Burghart 1987:232). This is a modification of the classical Brahmanical point of view which identifies civilisation with the Great Tradition (cf. Burghart 1987:247-8). Hinduism is thus seen as a universal religion as well as an ethnic religion in Britain. Knott argues that both are "legitimate forms of traditional Hinduism which have been given a particular impetus and form by the novel circumstance of their social, historical and geographical location" (Knott 1986:9; cf. Vertovec

1992a; Nye 1992a; 1992b).

2-3 Settlement in Britain

Originating mainly from Gujarat and the Pan jab, often via one or more generations iri East Africa, Britain's Hindus have settled in all major British cities, often in large numbers, and have built temples or have adapted churches and other buildings for religious and community use (cf.

Knott 1986; Nye 1992a, 1992b). A n u m b e r of scholars have traced the patterns of settlement of Hindu castes and sects in this country, particularly with reference to Gujarati groups w h o came over in large numbers in the late 1960s and early 1970s (cf. Desai 1963:3ff.; Knott 1986:1 Off.; Barot 1980:59ff.; Burghart 1987a:lff.; Clarke, Peach and Vertovec 1990:167ff.; Nye 1992a; 1992b; Vertovec 1992a).

T he earlier migrations to Britain after the war, apart from professionals and seamen already settled here, were often from particular areas in the Panjab and Gujarat, to industrial areas where they were

needed to w o r k (cf. Vishram 1986). Once they were settled, their relatives, caste peers and neighbours came over to join them, in a process of chain migration, followed later by their families (Knott nd. 4-5). These were mainly m e n from agricultural castes, as well as some craftsmen and Brahmins w h o either came from rural areas or small towns (Desai 1967:15), and formed what Desai called 'village-kin groups'. They lived in clusters, which enabled them to live near people speaking the same language, to help one another, and set up shops where Indian food and other goods could be bought (Knott n.d.:4; Clarke, Peach and Vertovec 1990:23). Most of the early Indian settlers in Britain at this time were Sikhs (80%), and 20% were Hindus, including Panjabi Hindus (Knott n.d.:5ff.). They sent m o n e y back to India, and arranged marriages there, thus maintaining m a n y connections with the Indian economy and with their communities there (Desai 1963:17;

Clarke, Peach and Vertovec 1990:23; Burghart 1987a:7). Initially Hindus did not build or adapt buildings for temples, unlike the Muslims and Sikhs w h o established places of worship as soon as they settled (Knott nd. 3). This was partly because religious activity was regarded as a domestic matter, but also because, even in the 1960s, as Desai showed,

T he elaborate rituals which are required in a temple are forbidden by custom on foreign soil. Then too, worship at the temple is on the decline a m o n g the relatively Westernised Hindus in Gujarat and the Punjab (Desai 1963:93)

With the n e w immigration of Indians from East Africa in the late 1960s the pattern changed. These were n o w "twice migrants" (Bacchu 1985), descendants of indentured labourers, tradesmen, businessmen and craftsmen w h o had gone to British Colonies from the 19th Century onwards Clarke, Peach and Vertovec 1990; Barot 1980, 1987; Michaelson 1983, 1987). Others came from Fiji, Mauritius and the West Indies, but in smaller numbers, with

less close social and cultural ties with India than those w h o came from East Africa (Barot 1980:9 Clarke et al. 1990, Bahadur Singh -1987). The Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962, which restricted entry for Commonwealth citizens for the first time, led to an influx before it came into force; the Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1968 introduced further restrictions against East African Asians. However, the policy of Africanisation taking place in East Africa from 1965 onwards, followed by Idi Amin's expulsion of Asians in 1972, led to a big influx of refugees into Britain (Burghart 1987:9; Knott n.d.:5; 1986:9ff.; Michaelson 1983:10 ff.;

Barot 1980:65ff.). The bulk of these were Hindus. According to Robinson, there are currently about 760,000 Indians in Britain, 35% of w h o m were born in this country. Of this total about half are n o w Hindus and half are Sikhs (Robinson 1990:274; Clarke, Peach and Vertovec 1990:19; Peach et al.

1988:592, Knott n.d. 3ff.; 1991; Vertovec 1992a:10). About 70% of the Hindu population is ethnically Gujarati, 15% Panjabi and the remainder are mainly from Uttar Pradesh, Bengal, South India and Maharashtra.

Most of the Gujaratis have their roots in one of four regions of what is n o w called Gujarat. O n e of these is Saurashtra or Kathiawad, in the west (from towns such as Jamnagar, Porbander and Rajkot), from which most of the Lohanas come. A second area is Gujarat proper (Baroda and Ahmedabad).

A third region is Kutch (a cluster of villages around Bhuj), from which m a n y of the followers of the Swaminarayan sect originate, and the fourth region is the coastal area of Surat and Charottar (Khaira) in the southern part of the state. Each region has its o w n traditions and dialects (Barot 1980:11, 62ff.; Michaelson 187:33ff., Knott n„d.:6-7; Vertovec 1992a:12). Th e geographical closeness of East Africa to India meant that very close links were maintained: marriages were arranged there, w o m e n went back to give

birth and children were often sent to live with grandparents and were educated there (Pocock 1976:345). This led to religious conservatism and the maintenance of strong caste and linguistic bonds, but the result was very little political unity to safeguard Asian interests after African independence (Michaelson 1983:13ff.,l 20; Pocock 1976:345ff.: Burghart 1987:7ff.).

W h e n the Asians came to Britain, the tendency to settle in clusters has meant that the caste groupings in different cities are quite varied. In Leeds, for example, one of the biggest groups are Mochis or shoemakers (435*), most of w h o m came from Kenya, 30% are Kanbi and Leva Patels, and 27% come from other groups such as the Brahmans, Lohanas and Suthars (Knott 1986:40ff.). In Coventry the predominant group are Suthars (carpenters), and in Leicester there are m a n y Mochis, but also large numbers of Patels and Lohanas (Knott n.d.:6-7; 1986:40ff.). In Bradford, the largest group are Prajapatis, in addition to Mochis, Lohanas, Patidars and Kanbi Patels. M any of the latter, w h o were followers of Swaminarayan, settled in Bolton and London, particularly in the Hendon area (Barot 1986:73ff., 1980). Th e bulk of the Lohana community has settled in Greater London and Leicester (Michaelson 1983:34). M a n y Panjabis come from Jullunder and Ludhiana, but before that some fled from what is n o w Pakistan, and settled in Delhi, and are less likely to have come via East Africa (Knott 1986:37). They are mostly Khattris (business people) and Brahmins.

As groups of any size settled, caste groups or mandate were established, particularly among Gujaratis (Knott 1986 50ff.; n.d.:7), and in some instances, such as Swaminarayan, came over as an established sectarian group (Barot 1980:70ff., Knott 1986:50ff., 60ff.). Groups began meeting in each other's homes to sing bhajans and pray. In addition, various cultural

associations were formed. Th e first of these, established by the Gujarati community in 1959, was recorded by Desai (Desai 1963:88ff., cf. B o w e n 1987:15ff.). These proliferated from the mid-1960s, organised in a Westernised bureaucratic manner. T he first mandir was opened in Leicester in 1969, followed by m a n y others. Knott suggests the lateness of this development was partly due to the size and economic strength of the communities, and the magnitude of the organisational task to set up a temple and import both priest and murtis. However, in East Africa the Asians were "a group accustomed to Western forms of bureaucracy and administration, and to temple worship as a means of promoting beliefs, values and practices," and it was these groups w h o were in the forefront in establishing the n e w temples (Knott n.d.:8). M a n y of these, such as the Radhakrishna temple established by the Vedic Society in Westmouth, were intended to attract Hindus from all regions and sectarian commitments; in other areas such as Bradford and Coventry, there were big enough groups to establish separate Gujarati and Panjabi temples (Knott 1987:162). A nu m b e r of sectarian groups have established mandirs, such as the Arya Samaj and Hare Krsna, or devoted to saints such as Sathya Sai Baba or Swaminarayan (Burghart 1987; Carey 1987; Knott n.d.; 1986; 1987; Michaelson

1983; 1987; Barot 1980; 1987).

In addition to the sects and movements already mentioned, there are other smaller sects, such as Radhasoamis, devotees of Santoshi Ma(ta) or other forms of devotion to the Mother Goddess, Baba Balak Nath or Jalaram Bapa. There are also so-called "neo-Hindu" movements which also attract British adherents, such as Transcendental Meditation, Ramakrishna Mission, the Brahma Kumaris and the International Society for Krsna Consciousness (ISKCON), commonly k n o w n as Hare Krishna (cf. Vertovec 1992a: 15). The

latter was founded by Bhaktivedanta S w a m i Prabhupada in the United States in 1965. While it has gained a considerable following a m o n g the indigenous white community, the temples in London and Hertfordshire have become important religious centres for Hindus as well.

While most of the Gujarati sects are of a devotional nature, as w e have seen, m a n y of Panjabis have been influenced by the Arya Samaj, even if they are not formally members. The Arya Samaj was also quite strong in East Africa Ccf. Nye 1992a; 1992b). According to Knott Cn.d.rl 2ff.>, they are more likely to form Panjabi organisations such as a Panjabi Sabha than to form distinct caste groups. Panjabis tend to observe the festivals of Divali and R a m n a v m i (Rama's birthday), whereas Gujaratis observe the festivals of NavaratrT and HolT, and because so m a n y of the Panjabis come from India, this also exacerbates the differences with the larger Gujarati groups. S ome of the differences in attitudes between the two groups which Nye (I993a:129), following Bharati (1967), shows were c o m m o n in East Africa, seem also be true in Britain generally, and in Westmouth. M a n y Gujaratis, for example, do not consider Panjabis to be Hindus, especially if they are Arya Samajis (Nye 1993a:132ff.). Where there have been temples established for all Hindus, there is the potential for some degree of conflict between them. However, there is also some syncretism, as is demonstrated by the Leeds temple, where both aratT and havan are performed (Knott 1986:116ff.;

1987:165ff.).