Cesar8 de Beccaria? An Essay on Crimea and Punishments (London 1770)j p 4

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"truth" was to become that of the Enlightenment.

Humanitarian but lofty in its doctrine? the Enlightenment's influ­ ence on Marat can be discerned in hia preface to the Plan de legislation

1

criminelle. Marat specified? "G’est pour des hommes libres que j'écris," Then, in a more philosophical tone? he added:-

Les temps sont changés? je le saisi l'esprit philosophique perce en tous lieux; de nouvelles connoissances font sentir les anciens abus; déjà on cherche a les corriger: mais? malgré les progrès des connoissances et le désir d'une réforme des loix pénales? je crains fort qu'on n'ait encore long-temps à gémir sur le sort de l'humanité, tant que les sages n'auront pas en main le pouvoir de

/Ttalios mine/

Several pages later? Marat again defined his reading audience: "C'est à des sages que j'ai à parler? et c'est de leur approbation uniquement dont je suis jaloux,"^ Such a statement of blatant intellectual elitism was indeed a most suitable bow to the academicians in Berne.

The Plan de législation criminelle was divided into four parts. The first of these concerned the social order; the second was a delibera­ tion on crime and punishment; and parts three and four dealt with the actual procedures of penal justice. Each one of these parts was in tarn subdivided. However? since the Plan de législation criminelle is of such uneven interest? its chronology will not be respected.

In Marat's general discussion of criminal legislation and its en­ forcement? the influence of Beccaria is manifest, Beccaria had said, "Crimes are more effectually prevented by the certainty, than the severity of punishment."^ Marat adhered to this position completely. Moreover? the Plan de législation criminelle was in total agreement with Becoaria's

5 statement that "It is better to prevent crimes? than to punish them." In 1. Jean Paul Marat? Plan de legislation criminelle (Paris 1790)» P* 7* 2. Ibid., pp. 9-10.

3. Ibid., p. 12.

4. Beccaria? op. cit., p. 98» 5* Ibid,, p. 164.

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fact? Marat so closely approximated the Milanese writer in his views on the death penalty? equality before the laws? the inflexibility of the laws? and public knowledge of the penal code? that these pages are of scant

significance. likewise? in parts three and four of the treatise? Marat relied heavily on those who had gone before him. With Beccaria? he censured the use of torture? declaring? "Que de coupables toutefois ont résisté à cette ridicule épreuve! Que d'innocens y ont succonbê."^ Marat also agreed with Beccaria that justice should be rendered in public

and that the accused should be judged by his peers® With Montesquieu? 2

he insisted that one witness to a crime did not suffice. And finally? from Montesquieu? Marat interjected the concept of the relative incorrup­ tibility of the people®^ In short? apart from the attention which Marat accorded the unfortunate plight of debtors? his suggestion that an "avocat du pauvre" be created? and his contention that those unjustly accused should be granted compensation? Marat was totally conventional in his approach to penal justice.

The first two parts of the Plan de legislation criminelle are? how­ ever, of greater interest. Marat began his treatise by declaring that the social order was beset by glaring injustioess-

le mérite y est impunément déchiré par l'envie? l'homme intègre livré à l'adroit frippon? le pauvre à la merci du riche? le sage

en proie au méchant ; enfin les loix elles-mêmes s'y plient pour le fort; ce n'est que pour le foible qu'elles sont inflexibles®4 Then? having adopted Rousseau's theory of the social contract? Marat turned his attention to the laws of nature and society? affirming? "Bile Society/ leur individuals/ doit done une subsistance assurée? un vête­ ment convenable? une protection entière? des secours dans leurs maladies? 1. P.1.0,9 p.

131

®

2. Ibid., p, 134j Montesquieu? De l'esprit des lois? edited by J.P. Mayer and A.P. Èerr (Pans 197W? p. lo5. ■—

3

. P.1.0.? p. 143; Montesquieu? o p . cit.? p. 82.

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et des soins dans leurs vieillesse Montesquieu had said pal­ pably the same thing in 1748s ",.. 1 'Etat ... doit à tous les citoyens une subsistance assurée, la nourriture, un vêtement convenable, et un genre de vie qui ne soit point contraire à la santé.” This idea that the state owed a living to its citizens would subsequently play a signifi­ cant role in Marat's political, social and economic approach to revolu­ tion. But, at this point, it was to remain little more than a borrowed theory.

In the following pages, Marat elaborated on the subject of property, and the appalling dichotomy between the rich and the poor. Although he was obviously reproducing much that had already been postulated by

Beccaria, Morellet, Mably and others, the hardiness of Marat’s

language

merits consideration. To a large extent, such originality as there^is in the Plan de legislation criminelle is in its style. That which others stated succinctly, Marat developed to a feverish pitch. An excellent example of this is to be found precisely in his discussion of the unfortu­ nate. The rich were not necessarily members of the aristocracy; Marat also included the middle classes. Basically? the rich and fortunate were all those who oppressed the poor:-

... le sort du pauvre est irrévocablement fixé; & sans quelque coup du hasard, la misère est le lot éternel du misérable. Qui ne connoit les avantages que la fortune assure

a

ses favoris? Ils ont beau n ’avoir ni talens? ni mérite, ni vertus, tout s’applanit devant eux au gré de leurs souhaits. C ’est au riche que sont réservées les grandes entreprises, 1 'équipement des flottes, l’approvisionnement des armées, la gestion des revenus publics, le privilège exclusif de pillier d ’états c’est au riche que sont réservées les entreprises lucratives, l ’établissement des manufactures? l'armement des vaisseaux, les spéculations de commerce. Il faut de l’or pour amasser de l ’or: quand il manque, rien n'y supplée. Même dans les classes les moins élevées, c'est pour l'homme aise que sont les professions honnêtes, les arts de luxe, les arts libéraux; mais c'est pour le pauvre que sont les métiers vils, les métiers périlleux, les métiers dégoûtanss 1. P.L.G., pp..17-18.

_

36

—

telle est l'aversion vouée à la pauvreté; qu'on la repousse de toutes parts, et que par-tout on encourage ceux qui n'ont pas besoin d'en­ couragement. Enfin, quand le pauvre borneroit son ambition à gagner de quoi vivre, encore faut-il du superflu pour apprendre quelque profession. ^

It was, therefore, Marat's conclusion that the poor man was forced to become a criminal- However, disapproving of crime which could lead to the destruction of property and eventual anarchy, Marat offered three panaceas to the problem of the poor in society. The first was the crea­ tion of what he termed "atteliers publics” or "workhouses” in English eighteenth-centuiy terminology, for like Montesquieu, Marat frowned upon charity houses. Paraphrasing Montesquieu, without citing him, Marat proclaimed, ”... I'esprit de paresse qu'elles nourrissent doit toujours augmenter la pauvreté générale, au lieu de remédier à la pauvreté parti­ culière.” Hence, in advocating the establishment of "atteliers publics” Marat agreed with Voltaire, who had written, "Oblige men to work, and you

can certainly make them honest.” ^ This view was that of the puritan. Marat's second solution was to give some Church lands to the unemployed;^

his third remedy was to provide free public education. In regard to 1. P.1.0.q p. 20.

2.

Ibid. 9 p.

25

.

3. Voltaire, A Gommentary on the Book of Crimes and Punishment (Bondon

1770

)? P' xxxvii.

4

. "Bans les pays qui conservent les biens de l'église; n'en laisser qu'une partie convenable aux ordres religieux et aux bénéfioiers, seroit oter à une multitude d'ecclesiastiques les moyens de mener une vie peu édifiante, de décharger d'un grand fardeau ceux qui vivent chrétienne­ ment; répartir l'autre portion par petits lots aux citoyens indigens,

seroit rendra aux pauvres leur patrimoine, et en former des sujets utiles” (p.B.C., p.

25

).

5

. ”11 ne suffit pas d'occuper le pauvre, il faut l'instruire; comment remplira-t-il ses devoirs, s'il les ignore? quel frein opposera-t-il à de funestes penchans, s'il ne prévoit les malheurs qu'ils traînent a leur suite? Exaninez ceux dont la vie est la plus criminelle, ce sont presque toujours des honmes qui n'ont reçu aucune éducation. Combien s'abandonnent aux vices, qui se fussent distingués par leurs vertus, s'ils eussent été nourris des leçons de la sagesse; qu'il y ait donc des écoles gratuites où l'on instruise le pauvre” (P.B.C., pp. 25-26).

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this latter idea, it is significant to remark that Marat felt that the funds for these schools should he raised from "des gens aisés, particu­ lièrement sur des gens riches”.^ In this respect, Marat adopted a radical eighteenth-century view of wealth and property. Although he did believe in private property, as evinced by his fear of the effects of crime on property, Marat's concept of property and wealth was conditional» No "ceiling" was to be placed on a man's fortune, but beyond a certain and never defined level of prosperity, the rich were to help "subsidize" the poor.

The second part of the Plan de législation criminelle, by far the most original, was subdivided into eight categories: crimes envisaging the overthrow of the state, those against legitimate authority, attempts on individual safety? and crimes against property? morals, honour, the peace, and religion.

In this first classification? Marat distinguished between those crimes which were erroneously assumed to favour the downfall of the

state, and those which were genuine attempts to bring this about. Por Marat, crimes of lèse-ma.iesté were not offences against the state, as the

2

Prince was simply "le premier magistrat de la nation". Thus? in con­ junction with Brissot's remarks on Marat's views of regicide, it is relevant to note that Marat affirmed, "Le meurtre du prince n'est qu'un simple assassinat."^ In üiis respect, Marat went beyond contemporary opinion. Real crimes against the state, he claimed, were such things as desertion in a citizen-state, embezzlement, treason? arson, and conspiracy. For these last three misdemeanours, Marat advocated capital punishment. 1. P.L.G.,p, 26.

2. Ibid

.9

p.

46

. Prior to reaching this conclusion, Marat had launched a severe attack on divine right, and had described the Prince in terms most reminiscent of The Chains of Slavery.

38

And as pertained to conspiracy, Marat announced, "II n'est point de supplice dont un pareil attentat ne soit digne."^

The second subdivision, an extremely brief one concerning attempts 2

against legitimate authority, is of interest only in so far as it is ironic to observe the penalty which Marat prescribed for recalcitrant children. He suggested, "... 1'enfant sera renfermé pendant huit jours dans une maison de force, privé de toute société, tenu au pain et à l'eau. En cas de récidivé, on doublera chaque fois le terme de la détention? et on ne changera point le régime."^ In 1793? Marat was to recount that when, at the age of eleven, his parents inflicted this treatment on him, • only with lesser severity, "ne pouvant résister à 1 'indignation qui me suffoquait, j'ouvris la croisée, et je me précipitai dans la rue."

Marat's next subject related to crimes against the individual. This section displayed nothing departing from the norm, except in his recommendation that duellists have the fingers of their sword hand chopped off, and that food inspectors be appointed to prevent the distribution of rotten or dangerous foodstuffs. Of course? once again in regard to the former suggestion? it can be remarked that Marat's theory was not borne

out by its application. Any man who could lament, "QuoiJ serons-nous donc toujours barbares?" and then advise the partial mutilation of a duellist, was certainly not very firm in his convictions.'

In considering offences against private property, Marat was much 1. P.L.G., p. 57» Here? Marat contradicted himself with regard to

punishment, for in the first part of the Plan de legislation criminelle he had written, "... il en est de l'humanité qu'elles _^unishment,^7~në

soient jamais atroces" (pp. 30-31).

2. In this particular instance, Marat's reference to "legitimate autho­ rity" concerned the relationship established between the law and the citizen, father and child, and employer and employee.

3» P* 59“

4. H"o. 98, 14 January 1793» 5. P.L.G.,p. 31.

39

more favourably disposed to the common thief than he was to the swindler, declaring, ".*• souvent le vol n'est pas prémédité, l'escroquerie l'est

1

toujours." In any event, Marat did not propose the death sentence for such misdeeds, as he advanced, "... il n'y a point de proportion entre le

2

In document The political and social thought of Jean Paul Marat (Page 49-56)