9 Exploring the processes and outcomes of working with KYPE
Housing 2 x Child Care Units
Secure Unit then placed out of county (OUC) Placements in LAA throughout region
(foster care and children’s homes)
Secure Unit – welfare placement
(OUC)
Continued disruption to housing. At least 15 placements and /or moves in the 17 months from August ’04 to December ’05, ranging from independent to B&B/hotels. YP eventually placed independently. Living with boyfriend and children.
12m SO 18m SO 3m in secure LAA 18m SO 6m CD 24m SO (end of) No information as order finished and YOT intervention ended 12m Conditional Discharge Interventio n x 4 concurrent 12m CD 7m in Secure Unit
Suicide threats and attempts lead to section (for review) under the Mental Health Act
18m SO and 6m ISSP – all other orders revoked.
ISSP successfully completed. Orde r revok ed for excellent pro g ress – at liberty
= Breached Overlap between apparent incarceration and offending episodes is the result of events occurring in the same month but not on the same date.
Case study: Amanda
A persistent young offender, Amanda had committed over 30 offences since the age of 12. Amanda had spent most of her life in care and had little stability during her childhood. She had been unable to form meaningful relationships with adults or peers and had very limited contact with her parents. The majority of her offences involved violent behaviour and this violence was primarily taken out on those individuals charged with her care. In addition to these difficulties, Amanda had been identified as having mental health problems, including depression and self-harming. She also drank excessively and took recreational drugs. As a result of her chaotic lifestyle, Amanda had received support from a variety of services throughout her life. In terms of ETE, Amanda’s education had suffered from the amount of time that she had spent in care and moving between foster placements. As a consequence of this she had not achieved any qualifications and had been identified as having poor literacy and numeracy skills. Despite these difficulties, by July 2005 Amanda seemed to be entering a more stable period in her life. Having spent two years in local authority accommodation she had received assistance to find private supported accommodation and had settled in well. Amanda also said that she was now feeling motivated to begin engaging in work. She had previously received Connexions support, and was allocated a further KYPE-funded PA in April 2005. This KYPE PA was aware that Amanda had developed a bond with her previous Connexions worker and as such, decided that she would work alongside the staff member to support the work being carried out. Amanda was open to this set up and said that she wanted to change her behaviour by occupying herself with ETE. Amanda was set up on a placement working in the care sector; this placement also provided basic skills tuition. Having previously struggled with academic work, Amanda was not keen to take up learning again, preferring instead the idea of practical work: ‘While you’re studying and that it’s all shit, but when you’re actually working and that, I think it will be alright.’ Amanda’s PA felt that Amanda lacked self-confidence and in order to address these difficulties, Amanda was placed with a provider who had experience of dealing with problematic young people. Shortly after however, in May 2005 Amanda found out that she was pregnant. This impacted upon her ability to continue working on the placement. Nevertheless, during this time the pregnancy seemed to positively influence Amanda’s attitude and ability to look after herself. Shortly after however, she lost the baby. While this was an extremely difficult time, Amanda agreed to return to the initial placement and began attending regularly.
By October 2005, Amanda was again pregnant and had also completed her ISSP successfully. The staff felt that she was now able to act in a more socially appropriate manner and able to control her temper in potentially confrontational situations where she would previously have been aggressive. Amanda had also demonstrated enthusiasm for her new placement and her attendance had been good. She felt happy to comply during this period.
However in April 2006 Amanda was no longer engaged with ETE and her placement had broken down. During the previous 18 months she had also been in a range of different housing placements. While her most recent move had seen her housed in a mother and baby unit, there were doubts about whether she would be able to keep the baby as, although excited about becoming a mother, there were concerns about whether she would be able to cope. Amanda’s main focus was ensuring that she had a healthy pregnancy and to this end she was trying to restrict her drinking and smoking. She also claimed to no longer take drugs.
Following the birth of her child, Amanda seemed to be coping well with the responsibility. She said that she had not committed any offences since her pregnancy and wanted to spend her time with her
boyfriend and baby. Amanda felt that her Connexions workers and staff at the YOT had helped her organise her life: ‘[T]here was talk about putting me in the secure unit when I offended and I didn’t want that, but they gave me a chance and helped me stay here with my family. It were hard at first but I felt they were on my side.’ As a result of her new responsibilities, Amanda was more confident in her own capabilities. She felt that despite her chaotic background, the support she had received along with her more positive attitude towards the future were helping her to establish a more structured lifestyle.
In detailing these cases, it is possible to demonstrate that while recorded ‘snapshots’ of ETE situations might serve to illustrate particular outcomes at various points in time, little insight can be derived regarding the overall impact of ETE without contextualising these experiences over a longer period.
This section also highlights that in general, difficulties in the lives of the young people made longer term engagement extremely problematic, with individuals engaged in continuous cycles of offending as well as personal struggles to deal with wider issues, such as drug use, peer influences and poor attitudes to ETE. It would appear that in some cases the KYPE funding nevertheless succeeded in fostering a series of learning
experiences that, while reflecting the disjointed nature of the young people’s lives, also demonstrated a degree of progression.
The complexity of individual situations perhaps raises further questions about whether many young people might derive greater benefits from a longer-period of working with their PAs/mentors. In particular, the case studies highlight that while young people may be placed in ETE, once their support ceases, individuals frequently return to their chaotic lifestyles. This suggests that they may indeed gain from receiving services beyond the statutory end of their sentences.
In identifying these individual situations it is possible to appreciate the full extent of the longitudinal practical and psychological support work needed to promote ETE
engagement. However, what remains less clear is the extent to which the young people might have taken on board the advice and support that they have received. One important way of assessing this is to examine young people’s reflections upon KYPE-funded services.
Long-term benefits of KYPE intervention
In the previous chapter, interviewees suggested that they had gained valuable ETE knowledge and skills from the time spent with their KYPE-funded workers. In exploring the longer term outcomes of these findings, it is important to consider the extent to which this advice was taken forward by the young people in the months following their
interventions.
During initial interviews, the data revealed that it was primarily in the job preparation and attitudinal work with their mentors and PAs that the young people most thought they had derived benefits. Enhanced knowledge about the practices of looking for work were again noted as useful by the majority of the young people in follow-up interviews, with
respondents emphasising the benefits of the information they received. The following quotation highlights this point:
The support I got, it helped me to think about how to find jobs, I know how to go about getting things now, where to look and that.
Other young people felt that their workers had not only provided the practical skills to know where to find work but had also encouraged them to take these skills forward. In five cases this had resulted in a more active and independent approach, with individuals taking responsibility for organising their own ETE.
Now I’ve stopped seeing [my mentor] I’m carrying on going down the job centre on my own.
(Paul, 17 years)
I’m going down the job centre twice a week; the people there are getting us on a course soon hopefully.
(Danny, 17 years)
For one young person, this encouragement had also provided the motivation he needed to try and make the necessary changes to his lifestyle:
I’d still be sitting on my arse if it hadn’t been for [my worker]. He made me see that I had to get up and do something, so I’m looking at the kinds of jobs that I might be able to do at the moment. I really want to find a job.
(Bradley, 15 years) The examples detailed here may not constitute overall massive gains in attitudes towards ETE participation, nor suggest that the assistance that they received through KYPE had a direct impact on their engagement with ETE. Nevertheless when viewed within the context of the many barriers that the young people faced in attempting to engage, these small steps can be viewed as promising indicators of a more open attitude towards the prospect of engagement, as well as the suggestion that many young people felt they had been equipped with skills to take ETE opportunities forward.
Perspectives on ETE and offending behaviour
While the present chapter seeks to provide insights into the kinds of issues that might facilitate, or hinder, the young persons’ access to ETE over time, any examination of the topic cannot fail to consider the potential impact of engagement on the offending careers of the young people. Indeed, the criminological literature has long sought to understand the role of ETE engagement in promoting the reduction of offending behaviour (e.g. Graham and Bowling, 1995; Utting and Vennard, 2000; Farrington, 1996). In addressing this issue, the introduction to the present chapter has outlined the difficulties in
attempting to establish a reconviction analysis for the sample. However, in addressing this issue within the case study data, the aim here is to briefly explore the young people’s perspectives of the relationship between engagement and their offending lifestyles. During interview, the overwhelming majority of young people indicated that they thought engaging in ETE would keep them out of trouble. Of those interviewed, only two
lifestyles. Common responses to the question centred on the fact that ETE engagement would occupy their time.
You get into trouble when you’ve got nothing to do…not when you’ve got something to do. Then you think, well maybe I’ll do that instead of getting into trouble.
(Nathan, 15 years)
Yeah I will stay out of trouble, ’cause I’m off the streets aren’t I? I keep myself occupied.
(Martin, 17 years)
Its boredom isn’t it? If you are out with your mates and you are bored, then you might get into trouble, but with labouring jobs you are doing physical work all the time and you have to try hard so you don’t really have the time to get bored.
(Neil, 16 years) Additional answers focused on ETE as an alternative means of obtaining money, as the following examples highlight.
Yeah I do think [ETE] will keep me out of trouble, because you’re earning your own money so you don’t have to go out and nick it for yourself.
(Brandon, 17 years)
If I could earn more, I wouldn’t need to find illegal ways of getting it.
(Josh, 18 years) The interview data also revealed that while the young people were confident that ETE engagement might prevent their offending behaviour, they were nevertheless aware of the practical difficulties they faced in altering their lifestyles. In general, the young people tended to feel that their peers were a commonly recognised influence, with nine
individuals stating that their friends were likely to be a cause of inciting them to commit further crime. For eight young people within the sample it was also felt that their
relationships with their peers might encourage them to stop attending ETE placements in order to continue participating in a criminal lifestyle. These findings are echoed by another recent YJB evaluation whereby young people interviewed also perceived barriers to their engagement in ETE, and one of the most commonly cited was ‘mixing with the wrong crowd’ (2006:55).
A further recognised problem was the influence of drug use on their behaviour. Nine young people thought that their reliance on drugs may entice them away from engagement back to a criminal lifestyle; with the money needed to support their
addictions creating difficulties for keeping out of trouble. As explained in the following.
I wanted to sort myself out ages ago and get a job and that, but it was the drugs, ’cause going back on drugs means that you are back to where you began.
I used to take pills like, with my friends and it might be hard if they were around again just not to get back into it.
(Todd, 16 years) As such, it was evident that for many young people offending was inextricably linked to the other ongoing factors and influences in their lives. While individuals saw the benefits that engagement might have on their behaviour, they were also aware of the potential barriers to making this a realistic lifestyle change.
Taken together, the findings in this chapter suggest that even the most imaginative and best resourced KYPE schemes focusing on developing and assisting the ETE needs of these young people are always going to be up against both the wide range of complex problems that the young people face, as well as the negative and discouraging influences surrounding them. While the data suggests that many young people received additional support from KYPE-funded workers, and that this was of great support to them in their ETE activities, the outcomes that this entailed in the longer term were largely focused on setting young people up with the practical and motivational skills to take forward ETE engagement.
Summary of findings
The findings in the present chapter can be summarised as follows.
Analyses of standardised ETE data routinely held by YOTs yielded some differences in the level of support received between those who were allocated a KYPE funded worker and those who were not. Notably the KYPE group were more likely than their non-KYPE counterparts: to have an ETE target set; to receive ETE intervention while on their order; and to have more ETE appointments.
Follow-up data on the case studies highlighted that in the long term, the consequences of unauthorised absences, exclusion, offending behaviour and custodial sentences had a negative impact on the development of educational skills and experiences. As a corollary to this, it was also observed that interruptions to programmed ETE and frequent non-completion of courses disrupted and often ultimately sidelined the learning process.
For many individuals the engagement process was a long, difficult journey that started well before the young person began attending a placement and continued throughout repeated attempts at ETE participation. In this sense for many individuals within the sample, ‘engagement’ might be best conceptualised not as a period of ongoing participation, but rather a series of continuously changing ETE experiences. This suggests that longer term support beyond the end of a statutory order might be beneficial to the young people within the target group.
Of those 24 young people on whom data was available, the most common ETE situation for those in the community was unemployed, with 10 young people notETE, and a further four were serving sentences in a YOI where they were also undertaking ETE activities. The remaining three young people were involved in intermittent employment doing ‘odd jobs’ or cash-in-hand work locally.
While these recorded ‘snapshots’ of ETE situations serve to illustrate a particular outcome at one point in time, little insight can be derived regarding the overall impact of ETE without contextualising these experiences over a longer period. In doing so, individual case studies highlight that in addition to struggles to engage with ETE, the young people experienced a range of other ongoing difficulties including, continuous cycles of offending, drug use, peer influences, family andaccommodation problems, and poor attitudes to ETE. This clearly demonstrates the challenging nature of the KYPE target group.