The industrial nature of printing: the cost of paper, ink and wages, represent only one side of the economic considerations necessary for a successful printing endeavour. The other side is that, above all, the book must sell. Multiple editions and multiple
impressions indicate a degree of marketability. However, we have shown that large numbers of editions do not necessary correlate with large sheet requirements. It is no surprise, then, to discover that religious books, while important in terms of sheets, could also account for the least number of editions. Of the four main categories, there were fewer religious editions than in the other three classifications: literature, learned, and political.
This is a finding of some importance. After all, for ten years France had been convulsed by religious conflict. Parisian presses turned out multiple editions of new works of controversy and polemic, excoriating the Protestant religion and counselling against any compromise with the Huguenots.101 This surge in cheap religious publishing had a
profound impact on the Parisian press, diverting energies from more serious works of scholarship that had characterised its output during the golden years of mid-century.102
The stalling of the Huguenot movement in northern France and the subsequent Catholic revenge in the St Bartholomew’s Day massacre brought to an end this brief era when the conflict between faiths was so stark and urgent. In Lyon the period after 1565 saw growth in Catholic printing, from a resurgence in Catholic pamphlet literature and books of doctrine and devotion to loyal Royalist pamphleteering during the wars of the League.103While religious publications continued an important component of Parisian
output, in this age as in any other, the nature of these religious publications changed. This change becomes even more obvious when we look beyond the four broad
categories in which we have discussed Parisian print so far, to consider in more detail the sorts of books turned off the presses by Parisian printers in this period.
101Andrew Pettegree, The Culture of Persuasion, pp.177-184; Andrew Pettegree, The French Book and the European Book World, pp.81-83. See also Davis, Protestantism and the printing workers of Lyon. 102Luc Racaut, “Nicolas Chesneau, Catholic printer in Paris during the French Wars of Religion”, in The Historical Journal, 52, 1 (2009), p.27.
103See Matthew Hall, Lyon Publishing in the Age of Catholic Revival, 1565-1600, (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005).
The 1560s was a period of crisis for the French monarchy. It was also an
extraordinarily testing but simultaneously vibrant period for the Parisian printing industry. In the twenty years before 1560, French typography had reached a pinnacle of technical excellence that was acknowledged throughout the European print
community.104 Printers in both Lyon and Paris took on complex projects of literature,
science and scholarship. The books that they published were often masterpieces of technical skill and scholarly expertise. The passions roused in the decade following the death of Henry II threatened to destroy this carefully constructed edifice. The furious Catholic reaction to the advance of Protestantism stimulated an enormous wave of publication. But these books were very unlike those that had dominated the presses of the Parisian and Lyonnais printers in the decades previously. Parisian presses in particular churned out sermons, polemic, and excoriating attacks on Protestant doctrine. Overwhelmingly these editions were published in octavo. Although these works, to some extent, created new audiences for print they also, inevitably, soaked up disposal income previously used for literary and scholarly texts.
The destruction of Parisian printing houses that had flirted with Protestantism and the collapse of the movement in the wake of the St Bartholomew’s Day massacre raised the prospect of a return to a more settled period in publishing as in politics. The absence of an immediate Protestant threat diminished the need for new and repeated editions attacking the Protestant faith. But the market for religious books was a cornerstone of the printing industry in every age and in every part of Europe. It remained to be seen whether as the immediate Protestant threat receded, Paris resumed patterns of work interrupted by the previous turbulent decade.
§1: Religious print105
The market for religious books was always diverse and the books published in Paris during these years demonstrate this very well. Parisian printers served every part of this market: a vernacular trade in sermons and homilies and substantial tomes of scholarship for the clerical market. Here we will concentrate on exploring the
104Febvre & Martin, Coming of the Book, p.82. 105For full tables and charts see Appendix A: §4.
importance of religious customers for the serious and substantial works that marked out the Parisian industry, and that of Lyon, from less well capitalised centres of French printing in French provinces.
To illustrate this point we will return briefly to the broad typology that we have established for religious printing:
Bibles & psalters
Biblical commentaries & interpretation
Catechisms
the Church Fathers
Religious controversy & polemic
Missals, Breviaries, & Books of Hours
Sacred History & regulations of the Church
Sermons & homilies
Spirituals & devotional texts
Theology
It is immediately clear that a number of these categories will continue to feed the vernacular market. Others are overwhelming made up of scholarly works in Latin.
Category Number Percentage of
Genre Latin French Others Total
Bibles & psalters 68 51 0 119 6.22%
Biblical commentaries & interpretation 29 14 0 43 2.25%
Catechisms 8 34 2 44 2.30%
the Church Fathers 108 69 6 183 9.56%
Religious controversy & polemic 25 157 3 185 9.67%
Missals, Breviaries, & Books of Hours 77 58 1 136 7.11% Sacred History & regulations of the
Church 79 170 0 249 13.01%
Sermons & homilies 88 216 0 304 15.88%
Spirituals & devotions 77 281 0 358 18.70%
Theology 136 156 1 293 15.31%
Total 695 1206 13 1914 100.00%
Figure 3-1: Religious subcategories by language and percentage of genre.
Religious books, along with learned books, represent a type of printing that was dominated by a number of established firms. Despite the potential popularity of religious works, many of the books were large, complex editions requiring skill and capital to produce. The average number of sheets per edition in this genre is close to forty and most of these books were printed in octavo. Forty sheets in octavo format
translates into over three hundred pages of text. Such books were larger than average and represents a significant level of investment on the part of the publisher.
It should be of no surprise, therefore, that amongst the names involved in the
publication of these religious books we find many of thelibrairesand publishers who represent the best of their industry. These include men such as Guillaume Chaudière, Michel Sonnius, Abel L’Angelier and Nicolas Chesneau, all of whom were amongst the most prolific publishers of this period.106 Chesneau, in particular, represents a
fascinating portrait of a religious publisher in the 1570s. Unlike the others mentioned above, Chesneau started his career with little in the way of family support. Instead, Chesneau took advantage of the period of sustained religious unrest in the 1560s to build up a business based upon the publication of religious polemic. He became a specialist at producing short octavo vernacular texts aimed at an increasingly polarised Catholic community, making his name by producing tracts against the Reformed faith.107
Chesneau was more than an opportunist profiting from a brief and unstable growth in the popularity of religious polemic. Gifted with a Christian humanist education,
Chesneau’s devotion to his religion was more than just financial. Even as early as 1566 the income from the cheap vernacular in-octavo polemic had enabled him to embark upon larger books, many of which were religious in nature, and it was Chesneau who produced René Benoist’s French translation of the Bible.108 Throughout the 1570s and
until his death in 1584, he continued to produce religious works, and those in other genres, of significant length and cost. These include a five hundred page folio edition of the works of Philo Alexandrinus in 1575, a 1583 folio edition of Hosius’ defence of Catholicism that required over two hundred sheets of paper, and a three volume version of Simeon Metaphrastes’ lives of the saints in a 1580 folio of over one thousand seven hundred pages. It was in the theological genres and that of sacred history that men such as Chesneau, Chaudière, Sonnius, as well as the partnership of Guillaume Cavellat and Jérôme de Marnef, managed to cement their reputations as printers andlibrairesof quality. Substantial books of religious learning shared many of the same requirements
106See Chapter IV.
107Luc Racaut, “Nicolas Chesneau, Catholic printer in Paris during the French Wars of Religion”, in The Historical Journal, 52, 1 (2009), pp.23-41.
as books of secular learning: they needed the same level of investment in the raw materials (good quality paper and inks), the same quality of composition, editing and correction, and the same level of sustained press time. In many ways, therefore, books in this genre were similar to books in the learned genre, with both genres having a higher proportion of books in Latin than that of political and literary texts, and both contributing substantially to the improvement in the profile of Paris as a centre of international scholarship.
What is clear from Chesneau’s example is that it was possible to build a successful career upon the back of cheap vernacular polemic and to make the transition from producing that type of book to producing expensive and expansive works of erudition. It was not, perhaps, as difficult a move to make as it is usually considered to have been. Chesneau, and others like him, must have made useful connections within the Sorbonne and amongst the learned men of Paris who, eager in the 1560s to make their name as defenders of Catholicism may have wished, by the 1570s, to consolidate their positions as men of letters.109
Bibles & psalters
One book that exercised the minds of members of the Sorbonne was the printed Bible. This was already a contentious issue by the 1570s. In 1526 the Sorbonne and the Parlement of Paris had banned the publication of the Bible in French in response to the translations of the evangelical Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples.110 Because this ban only
involved French language publications of scripture it was, theoretically, possible for a Parisian printer to produce Bibles in other vernaculars. Many printers in the city
certainly had the skill to succeed in such a complicated endeavour and indeed it was to a Parisian printer, François Regnault, that the English authorities turned to produce the Great Bible in the 1530s. However, Regnault could not escape the Protestant overtones
109Cf. Moderate voices in the European Reformation, Luc Racaut & Alec Ryrie (eds.), (Aldershot, 2005) 110Alison Carter, “René Benoist: Scripture for the Catholic Masses” in Luc Racaut & Alec Ryrie (eds.), Moderate voices in the European Reformation, (Aldershot, 2005), p. 167.
of a vernacular bible and before it was finished Regnault’s shop was raided and the completed sheets confiscated.111
The ban on French bibles in the 1520s if anything reinforced the identification between vernacular scripture and the Reformed religion.112 It was to challenge this Protestant
monopoly of the Scripture text (which was not a feature of the pre-Reformation period) that led René Benoist to produce his own Catholic translation. Without such a work members of the Catholic laity, wishing a French translation would be required to turn to existing Protestant Bibles produced by the presses of Lyon and Geneva.113 Benoist’s
Bible was first published in Paris, followed by a Latin-French New Testament and a Latin-French Bible in 1568.114 These publications accelerated the break with his
colleagues in the Sorbonne and his French translation was condemned by the Faculty and by Pope Gregory XIII; in 1572 the Sorbonne expelled him from their ranks.115
Perhaps the reason that Benoist’s translation fell foul of the religious authorities may have had as much to do with his ‘stiff-necked’ approach to his relations with the more conservative members of the Sorbonne as with the ban on French translations.116 For,
despite the ban, a healthy number of French language versions of the Bible continued to be produced in Paris throughout the 1570s. Certainly, the majority of the texts in this category were in Latin, but nearly 43 per cent were in French. Nearly half of these French editions were versions of the Psalms, but the majority were French translations of the entirety of the scriptures. Most of the French versions were not published until after 1580 and, by the mid-1580s, publishers such as Jamet Mettayer, Michel Sonnius, Gabriel Buon, Sébastien Nivelle and Abel L’Angelier had begun to produce new Parisian versions of the Bible based upon Benoist’s translations.
111S.L. Greenslade, The Cambridge history of the Bible. Vol. 3, The West from the Reformation to the present day, (Cambridge, 1963), p.151.
112Pettegree, Book in the Renaissance, p.118.
113Carter, “René Benoist: Scripture for the Catholic Masses”, p.167; a previous Catholic version was produced by Nicolas de Leuze (the Louvain Bible) in 1550 but was difficult to obtain.
114FB 5541 (1568 New Testament), FB 4398 (1568 Bible).
115Carter, “René Benoist”, p.167; Emile Pasquier, Un curé de Paris pendant les guerres de religion: René Benoist, le pape des Halles (1521-1608), (Paris, 1913). Despite the papal condemnation, Christopher Plantin sought and received approbation from the Faculty of Theology in Louvain and a privilege from Philip II for his 1578 edition of Benoist’s bible (FB 4417).
The Church Fathers
Separating the works of the Church Fathers is necessary in order to distinguish between contemporary and older works of biblical commentary or theology. It can be assumed that the ancient theology represented in these books would not be as controversial in the religious climate of Paris in the 1570s and 1580s as contemporary writings.
Certainly the works of the Church Fathers were exceptionally popular. Given that these were usually large and expensive books, it can be seen that Paris was retaining its place as one of the European centres of scholarly print.
The names of most of the authors of books in this category are very well known:
Ambrose of Milan, Athanasius of Alexandria, Athenagoras of Athens, Augustine of Hippo, Basil the Great, Clement of Alexandria, Clement of Rome, Cyprian of Carthage, Cyril of Alexandria, Gregory Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa, Gregory the Great, Irenaeus, Jerome, John Chrysostom, John of Damascus, Origen, Polycarp, and Tertullian. However, Paris printers also turned works by authors whose names are not as well known but who were contemporary to the Church Fathers. These include men such as Ephraem Syrus (c.306-73), a Syrian exegete and possible delegate at the Council of Nicaea; the seventh- century Archbishop of Seville, Isidore Hispalensis (c.560-636), a Doctor of the Church who presided over the Fourth Council of Toledo (633) and was canonized by Clement VIII in 1598; or Salvian Massiliensis (c.400-80) who used the victories of the Germanic tribes against Rome as proof evident of God’s judgment on society and on the
importance of purity of life and faith in Providence. Finally, there is Philo of Alexandria (c.20 BC – c. AD 50) a Jewish intellectual, exegete and philosophical mystic whose theology combined Greek philosophy with the Old Testament and was directly
influential on Clement of Alexandria and Origen, and indirectly influential on Ambrose and others of the Latin Fathers. It was because of the writings of Philo of Alexandria that the allegorical interpretation of the Bible was introduced into standard exegesis. However, the most commonly printed of the Church fathers were Basil the Great, Augustine of Hippo, and Gregory the Great. Between them they account for eighty-four works, either individual or combined, which amounts to 46 per cent of all editions in this category. The most commonly printed works were collected editions of the Church Fathers, of which there were twelve editions. Of individual works, some of the most
popular seems to have been the works of Philo of Alexandria (eight editions, all in French), the works of Gregory the Great (nine editions, all in Latin), Ephraem Syrus’ Divins opuscules et exercices spirituels, which was printed in seven editions. Three versions were printed in 1579 (a joint enterprise between Sébastien Nivelle and Michel Sonnius) and four editions in 1586.117 The fact that there were more editions of
Ephraem in French than there were of him in Latin, is a little unusual for this subcategory.
Biblical commentaries & interpretation
Separating out of works by Church Fathers means that books in this class are all relatively contemporary to the period in which they are being printed. Most of these contemporary commentaries are various meditations or expositions on certain books of the Bible; these were either not selling well or the privileges on them were vigorously guarded as very few are printed in more than one edition. The exception is Hierynomus Lauretus’ Sylva allegoriarum totius Sacrae Scripturae which was printed in five editions: once by Sébastien Nivelle in 1583 in a quarto edition, once by Michel Sonnius, also in a 1583 quarto, and three times by Jean Charron: two 1583 folios and again in a folio in 1584.
The 43 editions in this category represent only 2 per cent of all religious books.
However, while there were few printed, those that were printed were not insubstantial. These were generally large books of many pages though, surprisingly perhaps, most of them were in small formats: over two-thirds were octavo or smaller. The small size of this category in terms of editions is reflected in the limited number oflibrairesand printers involved in the production of these books. This was a genre dominated by a small number of print shops. Of the 43 editions, over half were printed by just eight men, including Nicolas Chesneau, Guillaume Chaudière and Michel Sonnius.
117It is likely that there were four versions printed in 1579 since the later Nivelle edition of the same year suggests that there may also have been a non-extant Sonnius second 1579 edition. The 1586 editions consist of two French versions and two Latin versions jointly produced by Nivelle and Sonnius with separate title pages.
Theology
Those threelibraireswere important in the production of many types of religious works, including theological texts: they were responsible for nearly a quarter of all works in this category. This is even more impressive given the sheer number of
theological texts printed in this period. At 293 editions this is the third largest category in the religious genre, and important too in economic terms, given the general size and format of texts within it, one which required a large amount of paper and took up an impressive number of working hours on a press.118 That theology would be a large and
important category for the printers in Paris is not unsurprising. The importance of both