Data collection design

Data was collected using a number of qualitative methods, including the:

1) collection and analysis of primary documents relevant to the case under investigation;

2) conduction of in-depth interviews using the culturally appropriate method of Talanoa, and

3) use of participant observation.

Documentary analysis

The collection of relevant documents was carried out during the first stage of data collection. The Ministry of Health made all records and reports in the Ministry’s archives and records division available to me. A full list of documents accessed is appended. Documents collected were critically examined for authenticity and accuracy of dates and events. Documents such as reports were also used to identify people who later became participants in the study. Verifications of events, of people’s roles and levels of involvement in the curriculum change were also cross-checked. The documents were also used to corroborate and augment evidence from other sources. Direct interpretation of data from these documents assisted in the analysis of information gathered from interviews and observations. A major problem encountered with this use of documents was the absence of some official records and reports at the Fiji School of Nursing. Weaknesses of documentary analysis are the biases of the writer and the incompleteness of the record over which the researcher seldom has any control. However, it was also noted the predominant oral tradition of indigenous Fijians could contribute to the laxity in record keeping of Fijian dominated western institutions.

Participant observation

In-depth interviews were conducted concurrently with participant observation. The participant observation was undertaken in two phases; the first phase involved mainly observing what was happening in classrooms and hospital settings during the

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assessment periods. Observations were centred on two main activities; (a) the teaching methods that the teachers used in classrooms and tutorial sessions, and (b) the clinical supervision of students by clinical tutors or clinicians who were also nurse managers of the various wards in the hospitals. These practices were assessed against the teaching methods advocated in the curriculum. The leadership styles of the principals of the two schools of nursing were also assessed and compared in order to understand the impact of their leadership on the implementation and institutionalisation of the curriculum in their different schools. As this study became progressively focused, insights gained from this personal experience and from total immersion helped to improve the research questions and techniques. The unstructured observations confirmed or contradicted issues raised in the literature. The second phase which formed the formal data gathering exercise involved activities such as participating in pedagogy, attending meetings, talking to research participants, taping speeches and discussions, interviewing and making field notes, completing diaries, writing minutes and memos, and collecting relevant documents and information. There were many informal discussions with the participants during tea breaks in the staff room, taking part in two farewell functions for retiring staff as well as after hours’ functions for staff and students. This helped to create healthy and trusting relationships with respondents so that they could participate freely in the work of the school and that the activities that occurred in ‘my presence’ did not significantly differ from those that occurred in ‘my absence’.

The strategy of participant observation also had a number of shortcomings. Gall, Borg and Gall (2007) pointed out that some of the more serious problems with the approach include the ethical problem of deception and reactions if the deception is discovered:

• the observer’s participation may significantly modify the phenomenon one is studying, thus providing false information;

• the researcher may become emotionally involved and lose objectivity which may ultimately render the data collected unreliable; and

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• the observer may have difficulty taking notes of observations, and therefore rely on memory and recording equipment.

Talanoa

Talanoa has increasingly gained popularity in its use by indigenous researchers in the Pacific as a culturally appropriate method of collecting data from the indigenous people of the Pacific (Nabobo-Baba, 2006; Otsuka, 2006; Prosser, 2006; Vaioleti, 2006). Talanoa is a process whereby two or more people dialogue or where there is an interchange of information. The nature of Talanoa, the content of what is shared and the protocols observed vary according to context, to the age and relationships of the participants and the time of interaction. The Talanoa approach replaces in-depth interviews as a preferred and culturally appropriate method of data collection in this research. As a data collection strategy, Talanoa can be, first, an illuminating supplement as well as it cross-validates data gathered through other methods. Like in- depth interview, Talanoa is a two way process whereby the researcher can gauge whether the participants understand the issues raised and can determine the reason why an individual responds in a particular manner. Second, the method allows for the collection of data or information, which has direct bearing on the research objectives. Third, like interviews, the process makes it possible to record spontaneous answers, which may be more informative and in-depth. Finally, because of its open-ended nature and flexibility, it is possible to illicit more answers to issues and problems involved.

There are many variations of Talanoa depending on the nature of the information that is gathered and shared. In a Fijian context, the nature of Talanoa also depends on the social status of the people involved, the context in which it occurs and the time of using the Talanoa approach. There are formal sessions where people who are largely passive listeners and are not expected to contribute or voice an opinion, and there are some who have the authority to speak on behalf of the rest of the listeners. Such people speak and everyone else listens. However, in informal Talanoa sessions, social status is disregarded and the nature of the stories or information shared usually

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encourages the participation of all invitees, and all sources of inhibitions are identified and addressed. The researcher’s role may be a cause of inhibition and it is therefore important that a lighthearted atmosphere is created through sharing of niceties, drinks or a kava bowl without the formalities of a kava ceremony.

In other types of Talanoa, the participants could be friends, or close relatives with the same age group or may have common interest. Such Talanoa is very informal and the context is informal and less structured. There is lighthearted exchange of stories, jokes and drinking of Kava or tea. Passers-by can be invited to join in the dialogue and participants can leave and re-enter as they please. However, when using Talanoa in a data collection exercise the researcher needs to ensure that the context and the participants do not become obstacles to the sharing of information. The process needs to be well structured and supervised so that Talanoa brings out the required information, and the participants are not intimidated by technological equipment such as tape recorders, cameras, note books and pens. It has also been recorded by western researchers who had used Talanoa for data collection in Fiji that Fijians tended to ‘lie’ or give false information for some unknown reason, and when confronted, the informants tend to behave as if lying was not a serious offense (Otsuka, 2005, 2006). Protocols for Talanoa in group discussions

Following a group discussion strategy, Talanoa was used to guide culturally appropriate discussion protocols and procedures. The processes of Talanoa were tape recorded for convenience, as writing during the sessions is considered insensitive and inappropriate in the Fijian context. In this group discussion, a formal presentation is made by the researcher to open the discussion and welcome the participants. In a Fijian village context an appropriate yaqona ceremony known as I Sevusevu would be made by me (researcher inviting the participants) to acknowledge their presence and formally invite them to the discussion. The I Sevusevu is normally accompanied by a presentation of a bundle of Yaqona roots paired with a formal speech which acknowledges the spirit of support and the sacrifice of personal time and resources to participate in the discussions. The I Sevusevu is always presented by a visitor when first

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entering a Fijian village or a local person coming home after a lengthy absence, and is based on the concept of respect for the ‘Vanua’ (land) and the people that own the land.

This Fijian ceremony is well documented (Ravuvu, 1983) and it is acknowledged as the gate keeper to Fijian hospitality. The participants, in response to my presentation are expected to reply and ‘normally’ commit their time and information to be given to me with some measure of caution as to its use and disposal. Participants generally do not refuse to participate after the presentation of yaqona ceremony and if they do, they would rather be physically absent than be silent or voice their refusal personally in a kava ceremony. The method of Talanoa is appropriate when formalities can become obstacles to the sharing of information and experiences. It was recommended to be used in my study because these graduates were my students and the student-teacher relationship in a Fijian context can be an obstacle in my data collection. In a Talanoa session, the participants are free to discuss issues, which may be important to them or to the study and are allowed to deviate a little from the topic if there are signs the topic does not sit comfortably with them. After a moment of deviation the discussions should be steered back to the topic by the researcher. However, in a focused Talanoa, discussions are usually managed and directed by the researcher so that time is not wasted on irrelevant issues. Talanoa in a Fijian context, if uncontrolled may digress to mere gossip, and this can render the data useless.

One of the greatest challenges with the data collection method used above was the lack of continuity in data collection and time management. Whilst it is acknowledged that time in a Fijian traditional society is not valued as it is in western academic settings (Liamputtong, 2010), it is also important that indigenous researchers are mindful of the time allocated for data collection and the amount of resources that are wasted if left uncontrolled. Fijians are ‘communal’ oriented people and like to gather in groups to Talanoa or contribute to informal or formal discussions. It is not uncommon to encounter uninvited contributors to a Talanoa session when

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researching in a Fijian community and it is equally culturally inappropriate to ask them to leave or not to contribute (Prosser, 2006).