Focus group methodology

A focus group is a group interview consisting of several participants which is focussed on a specific topic, or a “steered conversation” (Easterby-Smith, Thorpe and Lowe, 2002, p. 105). Conducting focus group research enables the researcher to investigate the shared understanding of the concepts of interest through respondents‟ interaction in a social setting (Lee and Lings, 2008). In this way, focus groups offer the

opportunity to generate richer data from a range of participants than would be gained from other qualitative techniques such as individual interviews.

Five focus groups were held in three locations which represent small, medium-size and large town centres, and participants were requested to discuss their perceptions of the location in which the focus group was held. To elicit a broad range of

98 consumers‟ image perceptions, subjects were recruited from a variety of

backgrounds. Participants were recruited following a snowball or judgement sampling technique (Bryman, 2004), since as Churchill (1999) states “As long as the

researcher is at the early stages of research when ideas or insights are being sought or when the researcher realises its limitations, the judgement sample can be used productively” (p. 504). To ensure sufficient breadth of sample, selection criteria included age, gender and occupation. As a result, between six and ten participants took part in each focus group, with 43 participants in total, aged between 20 and 67 with an average age of 41 years. There were more than twice as many females (31) as males (12).

A schedule was prepared to explore the structure by which respondents perceive town centre image. Initial image perceptions were stimulated by asking for top-of-mind responses (Woodside and Trappey 1996). Respondents were asked to write down their immediate responses to the question: “What is your overall impression of XXX as a place to shop”. This wording was adapted from Zimmer and Golden

(1988)‟s study into spontaneous elicitations of store image responses. Participants were asked initially to write down their image impressions so as not to be influenced by other participants‟ responses. This initial exercise formed the basis of subsequent discussion.

The discussions were recorded and transcribed, and content analysis was carried out (Krippendorff, 2004; Miles and Huberman, 1994). The data were analysed using a template guided by the conceptual framework where recurring comments in the text were coded and grouped into categories (Bitner, Booms and Tetreault, 1990). This method of analysis has been used frequently in consumer behaviour research to identify dimensions and relationships in order to generate theoretical conclusions (Brady and Cronin, 2001). A selection of the findings from the focus groups will be presented in the following section.

99 4.4.2 Focus group findings

The focus group findings will be briefly outlined following the coding framework based on the conceptual model. Each of the three dimensions in the model (Functional, Experiential and Symbolic) will be discussed in turn in the following section.

4.4.2.1 Functional dimension

Numerous comments given by respondents across all five groups related to the physical town centre environment, and hence to the functional image dimension.

These were categorised into four themes guided by the literature review and

conceptual framework: retail provision or assortment; accessibility to the centre; the layout and design of the centre; and the non-retail facilities and services which support shoppers‟ visits to the centre.

Assortment

A majority of the comments related to retail assortment, and the range of shops and choice of goods was frequently discussed in relation to all the centres. There was a comprehensive range of (named) stores and choice of goods discussed in relation to all three centres. The types and quality of stores appeared to reflect participants‟

overall perceptions of the centres they were discussing. Stores referred to as “cheap”,

“charity shops”, “expensive” or “designer” stores, or empty stores, implied a reflection on the positioning of the centre as a whole. Where the named stores were small independents they tended to be perceived favourably, but chain stores received mixed comments. Respondents were concerned that the proliferation of chain stores was detrimental to the image of the town centre, that their town centre may be in danger of losing its local character and identity, and that town centres in general were

“turning into clone towns” (NEF, 2004, p.1). This was reflected in comments such as:

“What makes me frustrated when I shop is there are so many things the same in every shop and every town and you can be in the High Street … but it wouldn‟t matter which High Street because there is nothing different. Why

100 would you go to look at a town, somewhere different to shop for the

experience, when you know there will be a Boots, a Woolworths, a New Look?”

Street markets were important to participants in all three centres and were in many cases held in great affection. The impact of purpose-built shopping malls within the town centre on attracting shoppers and influencing perceptions of the town centre was the subject of much discussion, as stated in “I think the [redeveloped shopping centre] has an effect on the rest of the shopping streets, it‟s all a bit over the top”.

This finding parallels that of Finn and Louviere (1996) who reported that, in the case of a shopping mall, the image of specific stores influences the image of the shopping mall as a whole. In this case, it would appear that the image of shopping centre/malls influences the image of the town centre itself. For example, in one of the towns discussed, respondents were very excited by a new in-town shopping centre/mall development, whose introduction seemed to modify the existing image of the town centre. They considered that the new development had improved the city as a whole, bringing it up “on a par with other centres” and having “all the shops anybody could possibly want”.

Choice and range of goods was perceived both positively and negatively. Too limited choice of the types of goods shoppers wanted to buy was criticised. Too much

choice, as causing frustration and bewilderment, was also mentioned by several participants in relation to all three centres. However, perceptions were revealed as often complex and contradictory, as exemplified by references to new shopping developments which appeared paradoxically to reduce the perceived range and choice of stores available. The largest centre, despite having extensive choice and

“shops that sell everything”, was considered as lacking more practical and useful items. In relation to this, one respondent, following the opening of a new shopping mall, stated:

“if you want something small like screws there‟s nowhere to buy them in the centre. … I remember I had to get a present for my grandma. And grandmas

101 like specific things that are only available in old fashioned shops, department stores and stores like that don‟t have them”

This category of responses relating to the range of stores and the range of goods sold within them was labelled “assortment” following categories identified by Nevin and Houston (1980) and Wee (1986).

Accessibility

Accessibility and convenience appear to be crucial issues for shoppers (Downs 1970;

Hackett and Foxall 1994). Accessibility for shoppers, both for those using public transport and private cars, and the availability of parking, were prominent themes in their perceptions of a town centre as a whole. The reasons for most decisions to shop at the locations discussed were given as convenience of access to the town centre from where shoppers lived and/or worked. One respondent stated how the

convenience of access encouraged her to shop more often:

“in a lot of ways the centre is on the way home, a lot of the roads actually go quite close to the centre… even from the other side of the city. You can park up and get your shopping done before you go home”

Good transport links in attracting shoppers from outside the city were important;

however, in some cases these also meant that shoppers were able to get away easily to more attractive destinations.

Layout

The layout within the town centre was also important in facilitating the shopping experience, particularly in terms of comfortable access within the town centre on foot, Whether the centre is spread out or compact was an important concern for shoppers in accessing stores in all three centres, with comments such as “all the shops are quite easily accessible” and “everything within walking distance”. Where a town centre was perceived as a compact or safe place to shop: “I don‟t worry about being

102 run down by a bus any more, and all belonging to me”, this was favourably perceived as a result of improvements to the town centre through pedestrianisation schemes.

Conversely respondents who perceived that the town centre was spread out, so that access to bus and train stations or cafes and restaurants was more difficult, were more negative towards the town centre itself. Surprisingly, the largest city of the sample was favourably considered “compact” in terms of its central retail core, highlighting that image perceptions have a contradictory element. Landscaping of pedestrianised areas within the urban street network and the planting of trees appeared to increase the attractiveness of shopping in a town centre.

Non Retail

Respondents‟ cognitive images of the functional dimension contain not just retail-related elements. The provision of refreshment facilities, such as cafes, bars and restaurants, was mentioned by shoppers of all three centres. These aspects of a town centre‟s functions are not strictly related to retail but are important in supporting the shopping experience and were clearly included in the discussions in this context. All groups considered these facilities added considerably to the shopping experience in the town centre. More modern independent café and restaurant venues were

perceived more favourably than chains. As one respondent noted “one improvement is that there are more „nice‟ (i.e. independent) coffee shops so you could be inclined to spend more time there”.

There was also mention of retail related service provision such as banks and building societies. References to entertainment activities such as the cinema or theatre, and events occurring in the city centre, such as organised shopping events, fun fairs, festivals and entertainments were also perceived as contributing to and enhancing participants‟ perceptions of the shopping experience.

4.4.2.2 Experiential dimension

In addition to the physical features of the town centre environment, respondents reported a range of subjective responses, evaluations and emotions related to how

103 these environments made them feel. Visual appearance was noted in statements such as “some of the shops are hideous and others are beautiful” and “instead of the [place] that I think is dirty and horrible, all I could see was it becoming cleaner and brighter”. These comments were deemed to relate to a notion of attractiveness. All three town centres were considered in terms of safety aspects, contrasting references to “safe” and “lots of police” with “intimidating” and “dodgy”, as for example “it‟s fairly safe … not dangerous like other places [are] supposed to be”. Experiential

descriptions were also expressed in terms such as “busy” and “bustling”, “friendly”

and “comfortable” but also “irritating” and “stressful”, with comments such as “it‟s really busy and I hate it”.

Included in this dimension was an emotional response to shopping as part of an experiential approach to the town centre. Such responses were demonstrated by comments such as “it‟s really nice to walk around because of all the small shops”.

One respondent clearly perceived buying food in the town centre both as an emotional experience and as a sensory pleasure:

“I enjoy shopping … when I‟m buying food I‟m thinking what to make with it so it‟s a nice food experience which is what I want ... I can see that things are relatively fresh. I go to the same man so he knows me”

Respondents referred to town centres in terms such as “amazing” and “gorgeous”, as having a “buzz” or, less positively, as “intimidating” and “you have to be quite

assertive”. References such as “I just love shopping and obviously love bargains” and

“if you go there it‟s more because you want to go shopping and not because you actually go for stuff you need, you go for the experience” underline that participants form emotional responses to the town centre.

4.4.2.3 Symbolic dimension

As well as such affective evaluations, there was a category of responses which were categorised as symbolic. These referred to aspects such as personal and group

104 identity and a sense of identification with the town centre. Respondents referred to how they perceived themselves in relation to other shoppers and whether or not they belonged there, according to the congruence or fit between their self- images and how they saw others. Self-image congruence has been shown to influence

perceptions in terms of store image (e.g. Sirgy et al, 1997; 2000); the focus group findings appear to confirm that a similar process is at work in the town centre.

Furthermore, these perceptions are frequently based on preferences and prejudices rather than any objective assessment. Many references such as “on market days you get a lot of people from the villages coming in, so they are aiming for the older

market” and “it‟s struck me a few times that there are people who don‟t look at home in the city centre to me, people who haven‟t got cars and hang around the city centre”

referred to how respondents perceived the other shoppers in the town centre and whether or not they belonged there. The implication was that other shoppers did not fit with how respondents saw themselves. Self-image congruence was also

demonstrated by statements such as “I don‟t think the shops have anything that‟s for me, for my personal shopping style”, and “the clothes shops aren‟t suitable for me, they seem to be for young people”.

Such perceptions of self- and other-image highlight even more strongly that the image of a town centre contains aspects of the physical environment which also play a social role in a consumers‟ image formation. Respondents suggested that not only other shoppers but also the physical environment generates a sense of attachment, identification or belonging. Respondents referred to places in terms of their

interactions within it, such as “if you‟re meeting anybody, you‟ll say I‟ll meet you at XXX, it‟s the traditional meeting place”, or a sense of nostalgia towards it, as in “it‟s a shame that XXX is such a historical town but there‟s not much of that left”.

The physical landmarks and artefacts of public spaces have also been reported as having symbolic meanings for consumers‟ images of a place (Relph, 1976).

Respondents referred to the visual appearance of the town or city as a whole, and famous architectural features, key buildings and landmarks featured prominently.

105 Visual impressions included physical symbols unrelated to the retail provision, such as the Town Hall, churches and cathedrals, statues and urban art works, named squares and other public areas. Architecture, both modern and historical, was also discussed, such as the following reference to a recent shopping centre development which described “the impression made by the silhouette against the night sky”. These references were categorised as representing a notion of place attachment.

Many of the respondents also included impressions of the wider socio-cultural urban environment as a holistic frame for their responses, as reflected in the comment that

“one of the things I like about [here] is that it‟s unpretentious, it has lots of historic buildings but they don‟t put lots of cotton wool around them”. References were made to the positioning of the town or city in terms of its relative prosperity, industrial activity and employment opportunities. Respondents referred to named local businesses, past and present, which seemed to represent perceptions of the overall town centre for them. This was reflected in comments such as “this has always been viewed as a working city, and an industrial city, it will never be anything else”.

This suggests that historic character and tradition perform an important function for shoppers when perceiving the image of a town centre. Indeed, it may be the

distinctiveness of these physical and architectural elements in the urban landscape which offer the clearest sense of uniqueness and identity, differentiation and hence competitive advantage to town centre image (Warnaby, 2009).