Frames and classes

Chintang altogether employs 15 frames (Schikowski et al. forthcoming). e number of verb classes as defined as sets of verbs licensing identical sets of frames, however, is much bigger and amounts to more than 50 (of which, however, only 20 have more than a single member). e biggest classes are all linked to the most frequent frames by simply licensing only one frame (ignoring alterna- tions within frames that are independent of lexical class). Since verb class does not maer to S/A detransitivisation independently of frames, we do not have to talk about this in detail. Also note that when we speak, for instance, of “intransitive verbs” in later sections, that should not be taken to refer to the lexical class of intransitive verbs (i.e. the class of verbs that can only be used with the intransitive frame) but rather to all verbs licensing the intransitive frame (many of which license other frames in addition).

S/A detransitivisation is only possible with frames which are at least bivalent and can have an A- ERG and another NOM-marked argument linked to O-AGR. We will refer to this important abstract frame as the transitive frame (in contrast to the mono- and ditransitive frames; see section 2.4.2 for details). e list below shows all frames that fall under this schema as well as a few other highly frequent frames. One that is especially important is the intransitive frame, which bears bears formal similarities with the detransitivised variant of the transitive frame (and is sometimes hard to distinguish from it, see section 2.6.5.1). See Schikowski et al. (forthcoming) for a list also including marginal classes.

2.3.3.1 Intransitive frame {S-NOM V-s(S)}

is frame is the most frequent one in terms of licensing – 45% of all verbs can take it. However, only 20% of verbs take only the intransitive frame. Examples are that- ‘appear’, ma- ‘get lost’, ŋoms- ‘taste buery’, ims- ‘sleep’:

(13) Ba=go PROX=NMLZ1 im-nɨk-nɨŋ sleep-IND.NPST[.3sS]-NEG hola. maybe

‘Maybe this one won’t sleep.’ (CLC:CLDLCh3R01S02.152)

2.3.3.2 Monotransitive frame {A-ERG P-NOM V-a(A).o(P)}

e monotransitive frame is licensed by 45% of all verbs and is thus equally frequent to the intran- sitive frame. e corresponding lexical class even is the biggest class, taking up 40% of verbs. is

2.3. OVERVIEW OF RELEVANT SYNTAX number only holds if one assumes that S/O detransitivisation is non-lexical, as is done here (see section 2.3.4.2). If one assumes a separate class of S/P ambitransitive verbs instead and takes as monotransitive verbs only those which are never used with the intransitive frame, the proportion shrinks to 30% (which is still clearly above the proportion of intransitive verbs). Examples are nus- ‘heal’, ca- ‘eat’, pu- ‘pluck’, set- ‘kill’:

(14) Dosi-ko

Daśaiṃ-GENphak=phopig=REP thippa-ŋa=tagrandfather-ERG=FOCsed-o-ko.kill-3[s]O-IND.NPST[.3sA] ‘I heard grandpa himself will kill the pig for the Daśaiṃ festival.’

(CLC:CLLDCh1R13S02.1469) 2.3.3.3 Direct object ditransitive frame {A-ERG G-LOC T-NOM V-a(A).o(T)}

e names for this and the other ditransitive frames have been taken from Bickel (2007) and Bickel et al. (2010) and are motivated by their alignment with the monotransitive frame (see Dryer 1986). e direct object ditransitive frame treats T like P (in terms of both case and agreement). It is the most frequent ditransitive frame, being licensed by 18% of all verbs. All these verbs involve caused motion, e.g. haŋs- ‘send’, bhokt- ‘stick’, thapt- ‘bring over’, tis- ‘put in’:

(15) Jibanjal

jibanjal ba-sa-ŋaPROX-OBL-ERGtis-o-ŋs-eput.in-3[s]O-PRF-IND.PST[.3sA]ba-iʔ.PROX-LOC2

‘He has put the jibanjal (a medicament) in here.’ (CLC:CLLDCh4R05S05.754) 2.3.3.4 Primary object ditransitive frame {A-ERG G-NOM T-ERG V-a(A).o(G)}

is frame aligns G with monotransitive P. All verbs using it code physical manipulation of an object (G) with the help of an instrument (T). Examples are hekt- ‘cut’, thup- ‘sew’, dhekt- ‘block’, bhukt- ‘cover’:

(16) Durga-ŋa

Durga-ERGu-chau-ce3sPOR-child-nsteiʔ-ŋacloth-ERGbhukt-o-ko-ce.cover-3O-IND.NPST-[3sA.]3nsO

‘Durga covers her children with a piece of cloth.’ (elicitation PRAR 2010) 2.3.3.5 Double object ditransitive frame {A-ERG G-NOM T-NOM V-a(A).o(G)}

is frame treats T and G alike in terms of case marking. Agreement aligns G with P. Although it is not used by a lot of verbs (6% of all), many of them have meanings that are oen thought of as prototypically ditransitive in the typological literature (Malchukov et al. 2010). ey typically involve an animate recipient in G that benefits from an action. Examples are hakt- ‘send’, lud- ‘tell’, yukt- ‘keep back for’, pid- ‘give’:

(17) A-pakku-ŋa

1sPOR-younger.uncle-ERGcha-cechild-nsmithaisweet pid-u-c-e.give-3O-ns-IND.PST[.3sA]

‘My uncle gave sweets to the children.’ (elicitation PRAR 2010) 2.3.3.6 Transitive experiential frame {A-ERG P-NOM por(A)-N.EXP-NOM V-a(A/3s).o(P)} is frame is quite different from all other transitive frames in that it contains a noun coding an experience (“N.EXP”). is noun has a possessive prefix indexing the experiencer and must be combined with a light verb in order to make a predicate out of it. Although only four verbs license this frame, one of them (ka- ‘bring up’) is quite productive and can form many experiential idioms such as laja ka- ‘be ashamed o’ (lit. ‘bring up one’s shame’), lamma ka- ‘have an appetite for’, remsu ka- ‘be envious o’, rek ka- ‘be angry with’:

(18) Hana-ŋa 2s-ERG hun-ce MED-ns i-rek 2sPOR-anger (a-)ka-u-c-e? 2[s]A-bring.up-3O-ns-IND.PST

As the example shows, A-AGR can be either linked to A (the experiencer) or to a dummy 3s. is differential indexing paern is unique to this frame. So far I haven’t been able to find out what governs it.

2.3.3.7 som-set(t)- ‘be satisfied, satisfy’ {A-ERG P-NOM por(A/P)-N.EXP-NOM V-a(A).o(P)} is peculiar frame is only used by two etymologically related verbs, som-set- and som-se-, which can both mean ‘be satisfied with’ or ‘satisfy’. With the meaning ‘be satisfied with’, the experiencer is A and the object of satisfaction is P. e experiencer is indexed by a possessive prefix on the experiential noun som, a trait shared by this frame with the transitive experiential frame. When the meaning is ‘satisfy’, the referent that brings about satisfaction is A and the experiencer is P. e experiencer is again indexed by a possessive prefix, even though its role has changed. is alternation is illustrated by (19) (note that akka [1s] in (19a) is not marked by ERG because it is a pronoun).

(19) a. Akka

1s hun-ceMED-nsa-som1sPOSS-liverse-u-cu-h-ẽ.kill.for-3O-3nsO-1sA-IND.PST ‘I was satisfied with them.’

b. Hun-ce-ŋa

MED-ns-ERGa-som1sPOSS-liveru-se-a-ŋs-a-ŋ-nɨ-h-ẽ.3A-kill.for-PST-PRF-PST-1sO-3p-1sO-IND.PST ‘ey have satisfied me.’

c. Hun-ce-ŋa

MED-ns-ERGhuni-som3pPOSS-liveru-se-a-ŋs-a-ŋ-nɨ-h-ẽ.3A-kill.for-PST-PRF-PST-1sO-3p-1sO-IND.PST

‘ey have been satisfied with me.’ (elicitation GAR 2010) When the experiencer is mapped to P (meaning ‘satisfy’), it can be marked as the possessor of N.EXP by GEN (e.g. in (19b) akka a-som [1s 1sPOR-liver] or ak-ko… [1s-GEN]). Because the NOM/- GEN alternation is possible in all possessive NPs (e.g. akka a-khim [1s 1sPOR-house] or ak-ko a- khim), one may also say that the P experiencer is consistently marked as a possessor by case and indexing whereas the A experiencer (meaning ‘be satisfied with’) is a hybrid (A case marking, possessor indexing).

Since this frame is so rare, it will not be discussed in great detail in the following sections. In the present context it is only of interest because it can be S/A detransitivised.