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The wide body of literature on telework covers a variety of important topics. Conceptually, all of the literature fits within the above six categories: Scope of telework, management of teleworkers, environmental and travel impacts, organizational culture and isolation, boundaries between work and home, and finally the impact of telework on individuals and their families. But within each of the categories, there remain unresolved questions. In this section, I will detail the major spaces that emerged in the literature, into which I hope my research can make a contribution. The first hurdle for any research project on telework, the most persistent, nagging problem, is defining teleworkers, or at least figuring out a useful way to distinguish them from non-teleworkers. For so much of the current research, the drive to define teleworkers is motivated by the pragmatic need to be able to count them. That is not my purpose. Instead my goal is to produce a definition that is fluid enough to capture the shifting, and often-conflicting characteristics of teleworkers so that I may be able to offer a critique of flexible work as a whole. To that end, I contend we should think about telework as simply a method of organizing the labor process. The Henry Ford assembly line is one method; the centralized office of the late

twentieth century is another, at least for organizing the rote white-collar labor of the period. Telework is yet another method of determining how a particular subset of intellectual labor is organized.

A key distinction that has to be made is between a teleworker and outsourced labor. In the 1980s and 1990s, it would have been common for corporations in the industrialized nations to purchase products produced in the global south: India, China, and Mexico or South America broadly. This has long been a standard trade practice, and was considered "outsourcing". At this point though, it has become commonplace for companies to purchase services as well, not just physical products. According to many economists, including those of the World Trade Organization, outsourcing is typically defined as the trade in services in which the buyer and supplier remain in their respective locations (Bhagwati, Panagariya, and Srinivasan, 2004, p. 95-6). If we subscribe to this definition, then it would be safe to assume that teleworkers have to be legally employable in the country where the employer is located. As such, outsourced labor is not the same as telework, although both play an important role in how labor in the Post-Fordist work environment is organized. I have opted to exclude this group of workers from my project, although their importance to the subject matter is incredibly important, their impact is far beyond what can be attended to here.

Another of the primary issues in the literature that I will address is the question of how teleworkers are managed. Specifically I want to understand whether or not

teleworkers hurt their chances of advancement within a company by opting to telework. As it stands, the literature identifies a contradiction, in that professional and non-

attempt to reconcile it. By interviewing both professional and non-professional teleworkers, I will be able to provide some insight into this inconsistency.

The transformative impact of telework, and its predicted growth, are two often exaggerated components of telework. Scholars have claimed that telework is a solution for all manner of workplace issues, but no studies as of yet have examined the growing trend amongst tech companies to reject telework in favor of traditional office

arrangements, as Yahoo and Best Buy have recently done (Belkin, 2013; Bhasin, 2013). The predictions about the inevitable growth of telework are inflated and grandiose, and even the studies that arrive at this conclusion fail to address why this is so. The scholarly arguments about whether or not productivity increases under telework misses an

important point, which is that perhaps productivity is a secondary concern to something else, for example creativity and innovation. My project has at its core an inquiry into the shift away from telework, which is explored in each of the three subsequent chapters, but especially in the chapter that uses political economy to examine telework’s inconsistent popularity.

Another problem that emerged in the literature on telework revolves around the ways in which the gendered impacts of remote work have been continually

misunderstood. Scholarship has focused on the uneven effects of telework on men and women, or the ways in which they experience telework differently, or the varying reasons they have chosen telework, for example family and childcare responsibilities. While these contributions are definitely valuable, none of the research takes into account the shifting discourses on women and work more broadly. My project seeks to ground the telework debate within the contemporary context of neoliberal corporate-sponsored feminism, the

type championed by successful female executives like Sheryl Sandberg, which has female agency, corporate success, and equal access to capital at the core of its ideology. The connection between work, family, and women is evolving constantly, and so making sense of the politics of this relationship is vital. Offering a critique of telework that assumes the potential alienation of both waged and non-waged labor, especially for women, is an absolute necessity for understanding the current post-Fordist knowledge economy.

The biggest gap in the research is the dearth of studies that specifically address the construction and circulation of discourses on remote work in the popular press. How citizens make sense of an event is largely influenced by how that event is discussed in the news media. Remote work has remained a popular topic of discussion in news media texts, but so far there have been no studies that critically analyze these discourses. As a result, we are missing a critical piece of the puzzle on the scope of telework. The key to understanding how we arrived at our current opinion about the future of remote work can be answered through a critical discourse analysis of telework. The chapter that researches the coverage of Marissa Mayer’s Yahoo telework ban provides insight into how and why these discourses continue to circulate.

Hardly the Panacea: Unpacking the Costs and Benefits of