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industrial societies have found the modal family of the homeland societies of the immigrants concerned to be extended, in contrast with the nuclear

family of the host society (Child, 1943; Patterson, 1963). Consequently

the family i t s e l f provides a correspondingly greater proportion of the

adolescent's total social experience, when compared with that of his

host society peer. Norms and mores of the older generation have greater

opportunity for transmission, and less time is available to the adoles­

cent for interaction with his peers, thus impeding the inculcation of

peer-group norms. This difference between the cultures of the parents

of the immigrants' child and that of his host society peer can there-

fo re lead to in c o m p a tib ility and consequent tension between the c h ild and his peer group. Some evidence on th is p o in t is a v a ila b le in Aus­ t r a l i a also.

While the c u ltu re from which Southern Europeans came, and which chain m igration has m aintained, d if f e r s from A u s tra lia n c u ltu re along various dimensions, perhaps the most im portant is the stre n g th o f com­ munal and k in sh ip tie s (P ric e , 19G3a; Z u b rzycki, 1964). f-ost Southern European immigrants to A u s tra lia come from small towns, v illa g e s and i s ­ lands. The extended fa m ily ra th e r than the nuclear fa m ily , and the

v illa g e community ra th e r than the n a tio n a lity o r e th n ic group as a whole, are t h e ir re le v a n t so cia l u n its . This is in c o n tra s t to the A u s tra lia n nuclear fa m ily , id e n tify in g with i t s State and Commonwealth. National p o lit ic s are im portant in A u s tra lia , where v o tin g in both State and Federal e le c tio n s is compulsory, but p o lit ic s on a n a tio n a l scale are not t y p ic a lly o f concern to Southern Europeans, preoccupied w ith lo ca l

communities and k in sh ip groups.

A c lo s e ly associated cause o f in te rg e n e ra tio n a l stre ss in im­ m igrant homes is the d is ru p tio n o f kin sh ip groups by the g re a te r m o b ility o f A u s tra lia n , compared w ith European so cie ty (Jupp, 1966). This is tru e f o r oth er groups as w ell as Southern Europeans. For example, T a ft

(1960) found Dutch immigrants to disapprove o f the r e la t iv e ly lower s ig n ific a n c e o f home l i f e in A u s tra lia . Moreover the in s e c u rity and r e b e llio n , and an incre asing incidence o f p e rs o n a lity d iso rd e r found by S to ll e r (1966b) in United Kingdom, Northwest European and Eastern European second-generation c h ild re n was c lo s e ly associated not only w ith contention over sexual mores, but w ith th is question as w e ll. The a v a il-

a b i l i t y o f employment fo r 16-year-olds in A u s tra lia provides an indepen­ dence which is incom patible w ith immigrant homeland mores o f close k in ­ ship t ie s .

Thus second-generation adolescents fe e l a g re a te r sense o f res­ p o n s ib ilit y toward t h e ir parents and homes than do t h e ir A u s tra lia n peers (Hay et^ al_., 1967). The same survey provides fu r th e r evidence o f th is when i t shows th a t immigrant adolescents and young a d u lts belong to fewer clubs and s o c ie tie s than do t h e ir A u s tra lia n peers.

The fa m ily , th e n , is more s a lie n t to the c h ild o f European im­ m igrant parents than i t is to his A u s tra lia n peer. The Northwest Euro­ pean adolescent is expected to spend more tim e w ith h is fa m ily and to regard i t to a g re a te r e xte nt as the focus o f h is so cia l l i f e . However, as w ith the A u s tra lia n host s o c ie ty , the Northwest European fa m ily is t y p ic a lly nuclear. Parents and o ffs p rin g liv e to g e th e r. Having o th e r kin such as grandparents, uncles and aunts, and cousins under the same ro o f is the exception ra th e r than the r u le .

The c h ild o f Southern European pa re n ts, however, is not only expected to remain more c lo s e ly in te g ra te d w ith in h is fa m ily than is h is A u s tra lia n peer, but t y p ic a lly liv e s w ith in an extended fa m ily group. Although not n e c e s s a rily in the same home, s ib lin g s , cousins and grand­ parents remain in close contact w ith one another. As mentioned above, chain m ig ra tio n accentuates th is by p ro v id in g a continuous source o f new members o f the k in s h ip group, to whom assistance and accomodation are custo m arily o ffe re d , and w ith whom close re la tio n s h ip s are o r d in a r ily e sta b lish e d .

From the p o in t o f view o f the second-generation c h ild , th is more s a lie n t, and in the case o f the Southern European adolescent, extended,

k in s h ip group means less contact w ith his peer group. C o n flic t occurs f o r him between t h e ir demands fo r his tim e , conform ity and lo y a lty and those o f h is fa m ily . He must e ith e r remain a r e la t iv e ly frin g e member o f his peer group o r appear to his fa m ily to be re je c tin g t r a d i ­ t io n a lly close tie s w ith i t . This form o f tension fo r the adolescent w ith at le a s t one o f his prim ary reference groups, and probably to some e xte nt w ith both, is by d e fin itio n c u lt u r a lly unique to the c h ild o f im m igrants, and not experienced as such by his A u s tra lia n peer.

C o n flic t is aroused in the second-generation c h ild not on ly over his p o s itio n w ith in his kin sh ip group, but w ith in s o cie ty as a whole. A basic norm in in d u s tr ia l s o c ie tie s is encouragement o f s e lf - b e t t e r ­ ment and upward s o c ia l m o b ility . In A u s tra lia th is t y p ic a lly m iddle- class more is held even by w orking-class fa m ilie s ( T a ft, 1365), although in no section o f A u s tra lia n s o c ie ty is i t as powerful a fo rce as i t is in la rg e m iddle-class sections o f American and Northern European s o c ie tie s (H a rris , 1362).

However, Northwestern European parents tend to pressure t h e ir adolescent c h ild re n to achieve th is upv/ard m o b ility to an even g re a te r e xte n t than do the parents o f the A u s tra lia n host s o c ie ty . This pres­ sure on him to work and study hard in order to improve his socioeconomic status tends to arouse h o s t i l it y in the c h ild as he re a lis e s th a t i t is stro nge r than th a t to which his peers are s u b je c t. Moreover the

re s u lta n t achievement o f upward so cia l m o b ility by young a d u lt A u s tra lia n - born c h ild re n o f immigrant parents o fte n causes tension between the

o f a s p ira tio n r e s u lt in stre ss w ith in the fa m ily and hasten i t s d is in te g ra ­ tio n as c h ild re n grow up (Z u b rzycki, 1966).

Thus the Northwest European c h ild ris k s e ith e r re je c tio n by his A u s tra lia n peers f o r tr y in g to make h im s e lf b e tte r than they are and devoting too much o f his tim e to schoolwork and too l i t t l e to his peer group, o r c a s tig a tio n by his parents f o r being la zy and not holding to the P ro te sta n t e th ic .

Southern European c h ild r e n , on the o th e r hand, are expected to leave school e a rly and remain a t the socioeconomic sta tu s le v e l o f t h e ir parents. For example, in a sample o f Greek immigrant fa m ilie s upward s o c ia l m o b ility was not aspired to , as fin a n c ia l s e c u rity at the accustomed sta tu s le v e l was more im portant (Benyei, 1960). Second- generation c h ild re n went to work in lo w -sta tu s occupations as soon as they were o f school le a vin g age.

Nevertheless the m o b ility o f A u s tra lia n s o c ie ty causes tension in Southern European fa m ilie s as k in s h ip group d is ru p tio n occurs (Jupp, 1966). Kost A u s tra lia n -b o rn c h ild re n whose Southern European parents s e ttle d in ru ra l areas move in to the m etropolises as soon as they a tta in independence ( T u lly , 1960). S im ila r ly , urban young people tend to move out in to the suburbs from the in n e r c it y areas where the m a jo rity o f o ld e r Southern European immigrants d w e ll. This d is ru p ts ty p ic a l plans f o r sons to run fa m ily shops and small businesses, o r a t le a s t to f i l l the ro le o f fa m ily p ro v id e r, and f o r daughters to take over the running o f the home when parents grow o ld . The fre q u e n t r is e in socioeconomic status also engenders d is ru p tio n o f re la tio n s between parents and t h e ir young a d u lt o ffs p rin g (P ric e , 1963a).

Thus tha Southern European c h ild who does w ell is expected to be generous to h is fa m ily and a s s is t in t h e ir b a ttle f o r s e c u rity at t h e ir present le v e l. I f he does so, he has d i f f i c u l t y conforming to A u s tra lia n peer-group norms o f owning up -to -d a te c lo th e s , records and so on, and o f aiming a t ownership o f a ca r. I f he uses the high wages a v a ila b le on the A u s tra lia n labour market fo r his own ends, and perhaps aims a t e v e n tu a lly purchasing a house in the suburbs, h is fa m ily fe e l he is growing away from them. In e ith e r case he must choose between the mores o f one reference group o r the o th e r, and as a r e s u lt w i l l encounter a n tip a th y from the group to whose id e a ls he does not conform.

Both the Northwest European and Southern European second-genera­ tio n c h ild , then, experiences some dissension w ith h is parents concerning so cia l m o b ility , the former because h is parents wish him to aim too h ig h , and the la t t e r because he is not allowed to aim high enough. Proportions o f A u s tra lia n c h ild re n experience one o r the o th e r o f these forms o f disagreement w ith the o ld e r generation a ls o , as A u s tra lia n s o c ie ty , along w ith a ll o th e r Western in d u s tr ia lis e d s o c ie tie s , becomes ever more m obile, both h o r iz o n ta lly and v e r t ic a lly . However the evidence suggests th a t , f o r the c h ild re n o f European-born parents a t le a s t, c o n f lic t re ­ s u ltin g from such discord is more common and more intense than i t is fo r t h e ir A u s tra lia n peers.

One re a c tio n a v a ila b le to the c h ild is to r e je c t the a d u lt norm o f s e lf-b e tte rm e n t a lto g e th e r, g iv in g up tr y in g to be b e tte r than h is fr ie n d s , o r tr y in g to earn more only to have i t appropriated by his fa m ily . Hay et^ al_. (1967) found some evidence o f th is being more common among im m igrants' c h ild re n when they showed th a t some do not n e ce ssa rily

liv e up to t h e ir p a re n ts' expectations o f them. They reported th a t o f the 30 working A u s tra lia n -b o rn c h ild re n o f immigrants inte rview ed in t h e ir sample o f the youth o f V ic to r ia , 11, o r more than one t h ir d , had jobs o f a lower socioeconomic sta tu s than those o f t h e ir fa th e rs . This was in c o n tra s t w ith the A u s tra lia n group o f 154, o f whom only 19, o r approxim ately 12 per ce n t, were in occupations o f lower status than those held by t h e ir fa th e rs . Approxim ately h a lf o f each group were in e q u a l-sta tu s p o s itio n s , and the remainder, approxim ately 40 per cent

o f the A u s tra lia n s , but only one e ig h th o f the second-generation c h ild re n , were upwardly s o c ia lly m obile. Whether o r not they claimed to agree

w ith the A u s tra lia n norm o f s e lf-b e tte rm e n t, a s ig n if ic a n t p ro p o rtio n

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