Methods of Data Collection

The methods and frameworks used for data collection processes reflect that of an indigenous research framework. These were carefully selected and developed to allow the capture of my participants’ voices and experiences of higher education in A/NZ. 4.8.1 Talanoa

Talanoa is a framework or methodology that emerges from within Tonga's own cultural and social epistemology. As a method of research based on the indigenous research paradigm, rooted in the oratory tradition, talanoa is a Tongan approach to data collection which is widely used by Pasifika researchers today(Vaioleti, 2003,2006; Vaka, 2014). In this study, talanoa is considered a very appropriate and meaningful way of collecting data in Pasifika contexts, such as in Tonga, where customs and indigenous or traditional knowledge are imparted through stories, songs, dance, and poems. Sitiveni Halapua’s ( 2007) seminal presentations at the University of Hawaii of talanoa as a potential mode for conflict resolution following the Fiji coup of 2000, has led a growing number of Pasifika commentators to re-surface talanoa as a culturally appropriate research methodology.

Halapua (2007, p. 1) refers to talanoa as “engaging in dialogue with telling or telling stories to each other absent (of) concealment of the inner feelings and the experiences that resonate in our hearts and minds”. Vaioleti (2006, p. 21) offers to break the word in

Vaioleti (2006, p. 21), talanoa literally is talking about nothing, or something without any particular agenda or “personal encounter where people story their issues, their realities and aspirations”. In addition, talanoaimplies that the conversation had to begin from nothing to something. Halapua (2003, p. 18) further explains that talanoais also a philosophy that involves “an open dialogue where people can speak from their hearts and where there are no preconceptions”. Furthermore, talanoa is considered to be an appropriate approach when researching Pasifika educational and social issues because it helps “to bridge the gap between researchers and participants, so that they feel free to communicate with each other openly” (Otsuka, 2006, p .2).

Talanoa does not necessarily conform to the Western methods of formal interview, participant observation and so forth, nor is it identical with chatting or formal discussions outside of Tongan cultural contexts. Realistically, it’s not all about what you say or how you say it, but it’s about building trust and relationship from nothing.

Nabobo-Baba (2006, p. 94) reminds us of that even silence is far from empty: “it is a way of knowing, there is eloquence in silence pedagogy of deep engagement between participants”. This stresses a very important argument that talanoaresearch framework must be undertaken with a deep understanding between the researcher and the participants. It requires deep inter-personal relationships and emotional sharing between all parties involved. Vaioleti (2006) further maintains that an indigenous synthesis of the knowledge, anecdotes, passions, and epistemologies made available by

Latu (2009) believes that talanoa allows more mo’oni (pure, real, and authentic) information to be available for Tongan research than data derived from other research methods. Pasifika-Tongan cultural knowledge, values, and wisdom were imparted through talanoa. Therefore, as Halapua (2007) explains, via talanoa the spoken word rather than written has been the preferred norm of learning and communication.Talanoa significantly provides space and time where human ideas and experiences are communicated. It enables the participants to gather and develop a sense of belonging together in “noa”, nothing, without a pre-determined agenda. Otsuka (2006) implies that, if research is conducted in an inappropriate and insensitive manner (for example, protocols are ignored), the research findings would not be valid.

This research also undertook to differentiate talanoa, and add tœlave andtœlanga as two interrelating components, which have richness in depth and meaning for research. Both

tœlanga and tœlave challenge the academic discrediting of talanoa as metaphorically unimportant and superficial, lacking the depth needed to gather relevant and meaningful data. The addition of tœlanga and tœlave illustrate the strength of the talanoa

framework as a coherent and appropriate paradigm for Tongan research. 4.8.2 Tœlave and tœlanga

It is interesting to note that though talanoais increasingly accepted as a Pasifika research methodology, there has not been any attempt to deconstruct the word and add more derivations and meaning to it. This research has attempted to make this distinction and

range of meaning and distinctions, using tœlave and tœlanga adds boldness and strength to talanoamethodology.

Tœlavewhich literally means to make connection is likened to unstructured interviewing or informal talanoa, and was used through the period of data collection and continued to the writing up stage of this research project. Tœlavehas one possible variant, ta-lave.

Tœ refers to a number of activities – to beat, to play, to set an example, to carve out something, even an invitation for a set task. However, it can be used as a noun which comes before a verb, to explain an action taken in a pluralistic form, like ta-kai, let’s eat;

ta-‘alu, let’s go; or tœ–lave, let’s talk. Additionally, Ka’ili (2008, p. 2) explains that tœhas multiple definitions inclusive of time such as “beats, rhythms, tempos, performances, as well as actions” indicating fai, or “to do”.

Ka’ili (2008) affirms the notion of fai by describing it as a verb to signal “perform [ance] or engage [ment]”. Ka’ili’s (2008) explanations of tœ, make the meaning of lave– to hint, to bond and to connect – quite meaningful especially when time is taken in context. In Tonga, tœlave can be taken to mean chatting informally, where the metaphorical language of heliaki is used. Tœlave is important, because it allows an informal sense of communication gauged by mutual understanding, where the participant is given space (tœ-vœ) and time to freely hint, bond, and connect beyond the restriction of tapu(sacred). Whether it is monological or dialogical, tœlave helps the researcher to be at ease, and to move beyond certain limitations of cultural tapu and religion, in order to grasp and absorb relevant and meaningful data.

The study used tœlave, unstructured interviewing, where “the style of questioning is usually very informal and the phrasing and sequencing of questions vary from interview to interview” (Bryman, 2004, p. 314). The rationale was to get people to open up and express themselves in their own terms and at their own pace. The content of the interviews is shaped by what the respondents’ views. Unstructured interviewing parallels tœlave, the researcher and the participants are talking about issues relating to the research in a much more informal way, although the researcher can guide the conversation to lure out the information needed for the research.

Tœlanga is used in this research context to refer to any form of talanoa such as focus group discussions, where the purpose is to enlighten, deliberate, and constructively elaborate on a particular issue. Tœlangaalso has one possible derivative, tœ-langa. Tœhas the same contextual meaning as in tœ-lave, which again signifies varieties of activities within a space of time. Langameans to form, to generate, and to constructively engage. Interestingly, tœlangais different from tœlave in the sense of its formality and some of its protocols. People, when speaking in a tœlanga forum, often acknowledge the presence of, those of ranking and status. Language is chosen appropriately out of respect, but that does not prevent the speaker from trying to make a point or ague defensively over a subject matter. This form of talanoa enhances research processes, especially when participants are equally given space and time to story and voice their perceptions though they are mindful of those who are present.