Migration Theories

There is no universal theory of migration. The lack of a universal and comprehensive theory, one that is not time-bound or space-bound, 'that will explain the whole constellation of migration phenomena at a variety of scales' has been lamented by Zelinsky (1980: 20). Several theories have been offered to explain the processes of migration. Some theories are variants of others and interrelated or overlap that researchers do not seem to agree in classifying these theories. See, for example, Shaw (1975), Simmons et al (1977), Zelinsky (1980), Bilsborrow et al (1984), and Chant and Radcliffe (1992)

The present study utilizes several theories which are deemed most relevant to female migration, given the data at hand.

1. The general empirical approach. Ravenstein's (1885) laws of migration were not really theoretical statements but rather a collection of empirical findings drawn mostly from British and European experience. The most relevant of these laws are those which show that migration is taken in stages, that females are more migratory than men and that women move longer distances than men.

2. The spatial modeling o f migration. This model was based on the law of retail gravitation which states that 'Two cities attract retail trade from any intermediate city or town in the vicinity of the breaking point, approximately in direct proportion to the population of the two cities and in inverse proportion to the square of the distances from these two cities to the intermediate town' (Reilly, 1931: 7-9). Applied to migration, the gravity model postulates that the volume of migration between two places is directly related to the population sizes at origin and destination and inversely related to the distance between them. This model was modified by adding the idea that the number of migrants is inversely related to the intervening opportunities (Stouffer,

Another useful spatial model is Lee's 'push' and 'puli' theory wherein Lee (1966) relates the volume and direction of migration flows to the strength of attracting, repelling and neutral forces in places of origin and destinations which are moderated by intervening obstacles.

3. The neoclassical or equilibrium approach. The equilibrium approach which is based on the neoclassical economic theory is useful in explaining rural to urban migration of women because of differential employment opportunities (Chant and Radcliffe, 1992). The economic theory is the economic version of Lee's 'push' and 'puli' model. To economists, migration is an individual utility maximisation strategy, also known as cost-benefit approach or human capital theory (Sjaastad, 1962). The cost- benefit theory of migration views migration as an investment which is undertaken if the benefits from migration outweighs the costs.

In neo-classical models, migrants generally consider the economic conditions such as income levels and the various labour market opportunities and choose the one which gives the maximum expected benefits. (See Todaro, 1976:28-29.) The primary motivation behind an individual's migration decision is the expected increase in real income after migration. Benefits of migration may include increases in real income and nonmonetary returns, such as better environment or more pleasant climate. Costs include transportation and removal costs, information costs, psychic costs, social costs, costs in disposing of one's assets, financing costs and opportunity costs incurred while moving and during job seeking in the destination (DaVanzo, 1977: 7).

The neoclassical models also include the marriage market models where men and women compete as they search for the best partner, with the hope of raising their utility level through marriage (Becker, 1974: 300). Thadani and Todaro (1984: 50) differentiated between mobility marriage, marital migration and marriage migration. In mobility marriage the female migrant considers marriage as an avenue for financial betterment and economic opportunities. Marital migration, on the other hand, is undertaken if the prospect of finding a husband is better if the woman migrates than

when she stays behind. Social mobility is only a secondary goal in marital migration (Papanek, 1976: 64). In marriage migration, a married woman migrates to accompany or to join her husband; such migration is conditioned by the customs and tradition prevailing in the area. This latter theory can appropriately be classified under the behavioural approaches as discussed later.

The neo-classical models have been criticised for its failure to consider selectivity among women. Differences among women are taken to result from differences in educational attainment and rural or urban origin only.

4. The behavioural and cultural approaches. These approaches recognise the significance of the role of ideology in maintaining gender relations and division of labour and the importance of culture in shaping female mobility. These approaches however are limited to culture specifics of an area and could not be generalized. In societies where women had no say in the migration decision-making but to accompany her husband or family, such a marriage or associational migration reflects the patriarchal authority structure and the low status of women in society (Lim, 1993).

5. Structuralist approaches. The structuralist models are mainly concerned with the historical transformation in production, location and social groups in explaining migration. In the structuralist paradigm, a socio-spatial restructuring of production in certain areas requires gender-specific, low-wage labour. The development of capitalist economy has given rise to gender divisions of labour in rural areas, shifts in employment structure and gender-differentiated migration. (Chant and Radcliffe, 1992). Young women who could not find a viable rural job are more dispensable in farm work than young men and are thus sent to cities to join the urban labour market.

6. The sociological or household strategies approaches. The sociological approaches assume that migrational behaviour of the population can be explained by the social characteristics of individuals and families or households and that the decision to migrate and social attributes are interrelated. (See, for example, Lee, 1985 and Findley,

1987.) The household or family structure and function are considered important in defining and assigning the role of its members and in influencing the decision to migrate (Harbison, 1981: Lim, 1988 in Lim, 1991: 7-8). This approach assumes that it is the family who provides the information and financial support for migration. In this approach, female migration arises not only from the need to supplement the household income but is determined by the decision-making structures and the gender divisions of labour in the household (Chant and Radcliffe, 1992). Thus, female migration is viewed as a family or household survival strategy where some family members are sent to cities or towns to get employment and are expected to send back remittances for the survival of members left behind. Studies on family strategies have been documented in Latin America (Jelin, 1977; Arizpe, 1981) and in the Philippines (Träger, 1984).

In the household strategies approach, female migration can be viewed as related to the different stages of the life cycle (Lee, 1966: 57; Rowland, 1979: 102) The life cycle approach is important in explaining migration because family size and composition changes with the life course of its members . The relative position of an individual in the family and the motivational component associated with the migration decision also change with the life cycle (Harbison, 1981: 249-250). While small children and older women remain (to continue with the reproductive task) in their source area, it is the adult woman in the household who would have greater autonomy to migrate.

7. The human ecology approach. This model assumes an interaction between four sets of phenomenon, namely, population, technology, environment and organisation. It stresses the importance of 'organisation' in keeping population growth within sustainable level of development.