who sold drugs to finance his habit. Others developed problems with their relationships, such as Sam whose family disowned her when they found out about her drug addiction. Her leaving care worker and drugs support worker were providing daily help but felt that it was important to remove her from the local area in order to help her address her drugs problem. Although new accommodation out of the area had been identified, Sam’s leaving care worker was concerned that moving her away from the negative influence of her friends could leave her very isolated and likely to rely on them all the more. She told us:
The cynical side of me recognises that her friends are hardened drug users and even if we do move her out of that environment they would still be visiting her. I’m not sure if she’s strong enough to prevent them from moving the [drug] problem.
Substance misuse was a recognised area of importance by the leaving care teams. One team manager noted that addressing substance misuse was ‘a key challenge,
as drug use amongst young people has a knock on effect for managing accommodation, debts and violence’ (Area 2). Drugs and alcohol awareness was
commonly addressed as part of health promotion. In addition, some teams operated additional services through workshops run by health workers seconded to the team and looked after children’s nurses and one team had been closely involved with setting up a project specifically for young people with substance misuse problems. Three of the leaving care teams reported having established well-developed links with local drugs and addiction agencies. ‘Tuning in to what’s available locally and
accessing it’ was considered an essential part of the support role. (Service manager,
Area 5)
Offending
Rates of offending tend to be relatively high amongst young people in the general population. A recent report on youth justice stated that more than one in four teenagers had committed an offence in the past 12 months (although fewer might have been cautioned or convicted). Whilst this represented a fall in overall crime
since 1992, the report showed a rise in the number of drug offences and robbery within this age group. The report also highlighted the increase in the number of juveniles being placed in secure facilities (Audit Commission, 2004).
There is limited research on offending amongst young people in and leaving care. However, recent figures suggest that rates of offending are higher in the looked after population than for non-care young people. Official data from local authority returns as part of the performance assessment framework (PAF) show that around 11% of looked after young people had received a caution or conviction compared with 4% of all young people (Department of Health, 2000). A recent study of Scottish care leavers showed that around 28% had been convicted of an offence over the previous year (Dixon and Stein, 2002).
Of course, some young people enter care because of offending. Whilst not all will be placed in secure facilities, recent figures suggest an increase in the number of children being looked after in secure units over the last four years, from 340 in 1999 to 420 in 2003. In addition, these figures indicated that more young people were remaining in secure units for longer periods of time (Department for Education and Skills, 2003c).
There is also some evidence that people with a care background are over represented in the prison population. Estimates suggest that over a third (38%) of young prisoners and a quarter of adult prisoners had spent some time in care. However, it should be noted that this might represent one night only (Prison Reform Trust, 1991).
Offending And Leaving Care
Both young people and their leaving care workers provided information relating to the offences committed by young people taking part in the study. As the following table illustrates, the majority of young people in the study reported no involvement with offending. Overall, 36% of young people at baseline and 26% at follow-up reported being cautioned, convicted and/or committing an offence, whether detected or not. This finds some consensus with leaving care workers assessments of the extent to which their young person had offended. Over two-fifths (42%) of young people were considered to have problems with offending at baseline, with 9% described as
persistent offenders. The corresponding figures for offending over the nine-month follow-up were 27% and 4% respectively.
Table 6.2 Young people’s reports of offences at baseline (n=106) and follow-up (n=101)
In the 12-months prior to baseline % Over 9-month follow-up %
Cautioned 25 12
Convicted 26 14
In the 3-months prior to baseline % Over 9-month follow-up %
Committed 14 25
Victim of crime Not asked 36
Type of offences
Young people reported committing between one and three offences in the three months prior to baseline. Overall, offences included assaults, fraud, criminal damage, drug-use and dealing, alcohol related violence and affray, burglary and theft. Several young people were involved in car related crime, including car theft and driving offences. Also, three young people in the study had Schedule 1 offender status.
For a minority of young people, past offences had resulted in periods of secure accommodation and custodial sentence prior to leaving care. This included remand foster care, secure units, young offender institutions and prison. Additionally, one young person was admitted to prison during the nine-month follow-up and at least two were awaiting likely custodial sentences.
Young people in the sample were also at risk of having offences committed against them after leaving care. Over a third (36%) of young people had been the victim of crime over the follow-up. These young people most commonly reported having been burgled, assaulted and having been the victim of street robbery. The vulnerability of young people leaving care was highlighted by one young woman whose house had been broken into, ‘I think it might have been just because I was living on my own.
You’re an easy target aren’t you?’ Another young person had been burgled several times and had eventually felt forced to leave his home and move out of the area.
Somebody actually climbed in through the window while I was in asleep, basically kicked seven bells out of me and took everything. I’ll know in future not to leave my window open when I’m asleep. Everything went, absolutely everything, I moved away and I moved here with nothing. I just turned round to [my leaving care worker] and said “listen, I’m not stopping here, I want to move”. Two days later I moved.
Offending and other life areas
As outlined above, there was some indication that young people in and leaving care have higher rates of offending than their non-care peers. However, it may also be the case that they are exposed to greater risk factors, such as social disadvantage and exclusion. Analysis of the characteristics of those who had been involved in offending was carried out using a combined measure of young people’s reports of offences, cautions and convictions since leaving care, to explore factors associated with offending.
Half (50%) of all young men in the study reported offence related activity (i.e. cautions, convictions and/or committing offences) during the year prior to baseline, twice as many as young women (23%) (p=0.005, n=106). By follow-up the gap had widened to almost four times as many young men having difficulties related to offending (p=0.002, n=101). Statistics for the general population show, however, that young men between the ages of 16 and 24 are the most likely group to commit offences (Social Trends, 2001). We also found that a lower proportion of minority ethnic young people reported offending at baseline compared to other young people in the study (p=0.010, n=106). There was no difference however, at follow-up.
Young people’s experience of care and education appeared to be important factors. Analysis showed some association between last care placement and offending with those who had moved on from foster care being less likely to have offended at baseline, than those who had been accommodated in children’s homes (p=0.001, n=106). This may, however, reflect the findings of previous research which suggests that residential care tends to accommodate more troubled young people (Sinclair and Gibbs, 1998).
It was indeed apparent that difficulties experienced whilst in care could act as risk indicators for future troubles, such as offending. For example there was a
relationship between offending whilst in care and committing offences after care at both baseline and follow-up.8 Running away from care placements and truancy and exclusion from school were also significantly related to offending (p=0.001, n=106; p=0.018, n=105 and p<0.001, n=105 respectively). There was also an association between educational attainment and offending (p=0.036, n=106) with the majority (76%) of offenders having poor outcomes in education. This suggests the importance of a stable and inclusive educational experience, an issue highlighted in a recent survey of youth offending in the wider population which found that excluded pupils were over twice as likely to commit an offence as their in-school peers (Mori, 2002).
An association was also found between offending and drug and alcohol use. Those with substance misuse difficulties at baseline were almost three times as likely to offend over the follow-up as other young people in the sample (p<0.001, n=101).
Offending and outcomes
In terms of the wider impact of offending upon the lives of young people in the study, we have already touched on some elements in earlier chapters where positive outcomes appear to have been impeded by drug use and crime. In relation to outcomes, there appeared to be a link between offending over the follow-up period and failure to achieve positive career outcomes (i.e. progressing well in education, training or employment). We found that proportionally, far fewer offenders had good outcomes (p=0.007, n=101) and in comparison to non-offenders, a greater proportion of offenders were in the NEET group up to 18 months after leaving care (p=0.003, n= 101).
Offending appeared to have little impact on overall housing outcomes (i.e. progressing well in suitable housing). However, when we looked at the housing
career of young people over the follow-up, we found that those who had problems
with offending behaviour were more likely to have moved accommodation and have experienced a greater number of moves compared to non-offenders (p=0.002, n=101). That they were equally likely to have good accommodation outcomes at
8
Analysis based on the workers rating of a young person’s problems with offending whilst in care (four point scale from no offences to persistent offender) showed a positive correlation with ratings at T1 and T2 (p<0.001, τ -.500, n=106; p<0.001, τ -.232, n=101 respectively). There was also an association between the combined young person and worker measure of offending prior to T1 and offending over the follow-up (p<0.001, n=101).
follow-up despite greater instability, is perhaps more a testament to the ability of the leaving care teams to re-house young people in crisis.
Findings also suggested an association between offending and problems with general and mental well-being. When compared to other young people in the study, those who had been involved in offending at baseline were more likely to have poor mental well-being and feel less positive about life in general at follow-up (GHQ-12, p=0.002, n=101; Cantril’s Ladder, p=0.004, n=101). Although mental well-being remained poor for those who offended over the follow-up (p=0.017, n=101), general well-being appeared to have improved somewhat, although as a group they continued to be less optimistic about life than non-offenders.
Support to address offending
Addressing problems with offending was usually undertaken by Youth Offending Teams (YOT). At least seven young people were on supervision orders or rehabilitation orders and were in regular contact with YOT workers or probation workers. Two young people, who had committed serious offences prior to entering care, had continued to receive a comprehensive support package which included twenty-four hour support and intensive supervision throughout the follow-up.
Just over half (52%) of those who had committed offences over the follow-up felt that they had received support to address their problem. The same proportion had support from a YOT worker. Leaving care workers were also identified as sources of support related to offending. This involved practical support, such as accompanying young people to court and liaising with legal professionals. In overall terms, there was evidence that young people who were experiencing difficulties of this kind were receiving more frequent contact with support professionals over this time. They appeared to have had a greater intensity of support from both social service staff (p=0.040, n=101) and other professionals (p=0.028, n=101) when compared to other young people in the study.