3.2 Distribution and functions
3.2.6 Perception verbs
Perception verbs include verbs that denote seeing, hearing, smelling, tasting and perceiving something by touch. The objects of these verbs have the semantic role of stimulus. There does not appear to be any semantic factor determining the distribution of reflexes of *-i with perception verbs; some occur with it whilst others do not. As shown in Table 3.29 verbs of seeing occur as both bare transitives and suffixed with -(C)i in most SES languages; however some languages such as Kwaio and Arosi appear to have mostly suffixed forms and bare transitives are difficult to find.
Table 3.29 Transitive forms of verbs of seeing with and without reflexes of *-i
Bare transitive Transitive with reflexes of *-i
To'aba'ita (LMM)
iro- vt. look or search for s.o., s.t.
riki- vt. see, look at, watch
lio-ri- vt. look out for s.o., s.t.
bubu-ngi- vt. gaze at, stare at, watch closely
Kwaio (LMM)
aga-si- see, watch s.t., s.o.
rio-si- see, look for
ge'e-si- examine
'aulu-si- gaze at
bubu-li- = bubu-ni- =bubu-ngi-
gaze at, stare at
Arosi (LMM)
rio-si- vt. look at, see
ome-si to see
iro-hi- to stare at, gaze into
maa-ni- to look at, stare
Kahua (LMM)
righi- see
sire- look at, see
iro- reflect, look at
unu-i- stare at, look at
mamare-ni- gape at, stare at
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bere-ngi- vt. see
tale-vi- to look for s.o., s.t., to examine s.o.
bubu-ngi- look at, watch
Tolo (GG)
resi- see, look at
gegele- to peep, peer (at)
bere-ngi- bere-ni-
see, look at "
bubu- to observe, watch, look at
bubu-ti- to observe, watch, look at
Koo (GG)
hahai- see s.t., s.o.
moro-si- see s.t.
bere-ngi- see s.t.
Gela (GG)
righi- vt. see
pela vt. to stare, look friendly at
vaevane vt. to see s.t., look carefully at s.t.
bungu-ti- vt. to stare, sit and look at
ghele-hi- vt. to peer, stare
tola-vi vt. stare at s.t.
siro vt. to look at, gaze siro-mi- to stare and affect for good or evil with the eye
Bugotu (GG)
reghi vt. to see
kae-kale vt. to search, spy out, watch
lio-hi- vt. look at s.t.
doro-vi vt. to watch, look at
buta-ngi vt. stare at, behold
(Data from: Bruns, 2002; Crowley, 1986; Fox, 1978; Fox et al., 2015; Ivens, 1940; Keesing, 1975; Lichtenberk, 2008a; my fieldnotes)
Six verbs with the basic meaning 'to see' are reconstructible for PSES. For three of these verbs there are POc etyma and three do not seem to have cognates outside of the SES subgroup. Four of these verbs have transitive forms marked with the reflexes of *-i and two have bare transitive forms, suggesting that the occurrence of the suffix with verbs of seeing is likely not driven by semantics.
Table 3.30 POc and PSES verbs denoting 'see' with and without the suffix
Intransitive Transitive Transitive with *-i
POc (L5)
*liqos vi. look, see *liqos-i- vt. look at s.t., see s.t.
PSES
96 POc (L5)
*tirop vi. look intently *tirop-i- vt. look intently at
PSES (BEf)
*tiro vi. look intently *tiro-vi- vt. look intently at
PSES
*bere to see *bere-ŋi- to see s.t.
PSES
*bubu to stare *bubu-ŋi- to stare at Bare transitive
POc (L5)
*reki or *reqi see, look *reki- or *reqi- see s.t., look at s.t.
PSES (BEf)
*reɣi see *reɣi- vt. see
PSES (BEf)
*rezi see *rezi- vt. see (Evans, n.d.; Osmond & Pawley, 2016)
In verbs for seeing the presence or absence of the suffix seems to reflect the original distribution of *-i, and this distribution has been retained in virtually all SES languages. Reflexes of POc *tirop 'look intently', *tirop-i- 'look at s.t., look for s.t. intently' (Osmond & Pawley, 2016:495) show different patterns across the SES languages: whilst the suffix is reflected in some, it was lost in others. Languages from the GG branch which retained the suffix have innovative thematic consonants, but the LMM languages reflect POc *p which indicates that PSES retained the original POc stem-final consonant.
The most commonly used verb denoting 'hear, listen to' also displays different patterns across the SES languages. Whilst the LMM languages have, with the exception of Longgu, bare transitive forms, the GG languages have forms with reflexes of *-i. The POc verb *roŋoR- 'hear s.t., listen to s.t.' (Osmond & Pawley, 2016:500) is reconstructed as taking the object marker directly, despite its phonological shape (i.e. consonant-final stem). This reconstruction is supported by non-Oceanic, Eastern Oceanic and Shouten evidence. However it is noteworthy that a very similar form, POc *loŋoR 'hear', *loŋoR-i- 'hear, listen to s.t.' (Osmond & Pawley, 2016:502), supported data from North New Guinea, Papuan Tip and Meso Melanesian, is reconstructable with *-i.
The suffix seems to be reconstructable for PSES and I conclude it was subsequently lost in PLMM or shortly after the break-up of PLMM (its presence in Longgu could be due to contact with neighbouring GG languages, or the suffix could
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have been lost in the languages of Malaita and Makira after the Longgu speakers left for Guadalcanal).
Table 3.31 Verbs of hearing in SES languages
Intransitive Transitive with reflexes of *-i
POc (L5)
*roŋoR hear *roŋoR- hear s.t., listen to s.t.
PSES (BEf)
*roŋo hear *roŋo-ni- hear s.t., listen to s.t.
To'aba'ita (LMM)
roŋo hear, listen roŋo- hear, listen to
Owa (LMM)
- roŋo- vt. hear s.t.
Longgu (LMM)
roŋo to hear roŋo-ni- hear it
Inakona (GG)
roŋo to hear roŋo-ni vt. hear
Lengo (GG)
ro-roŋo listen roŋo-ni- vt. hear, listen to s.t.
Bugotu (GG)
roŋo vi. hear roŋo-vi- vt. hear s.t., listen to s.t.
(Data from: Evans, n.d.; Hill, n.d.; Ivens, 1940; Lichtenberk, 2008a; Osmond & Pawley, 2016)
With verbs of smelling the intransitive forms denote something emitting a smell and the transitive forms denote perception of smell where the subject is the experiencer and the direct object is the smell. Verbs denoting perception of smell occur both bare and suffixed with -(C)i, as shown in Table 3.32.
Table 3.32 Bare and suffixed forms of verbs of smelling
Bare transitive Transitive with reflexes of *-i
Kwaio (LMM) si'ini- smell s.t. moko-fi- smell s.t. 'Are'are (LMM) si'ini- smell s.t. wasu'a-i- smell s.t. Lengo (GG) thighini- smell s.t. uru-ngi- smell s.t. (Data from: my fieldnotes)
The most widely used SES verb of smelling occurs as a bare transitive in all languages and does not have any cognates outside of the SES languages. The second
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one is reconstructible for POc and the two GG languages that retained it both have transitive forms reflecting the original POc *-i, even though they do not agree on the thematic consonant. In both cases the object of the transitive verb has the semantic role of stimulus.
Table 3.33 Reconstructed forms of verbs of smelling
Intransitive Transitive
PSES
*siɣini to emit a smell *siɣini- vt. smell s.t.
POc (L5)
*quruŋ emit a smell *quruŋ-i- vt. to smell s.t.
PSES (GG only)
*uru emit a smell *uru-Ci- vt. smell s.t. (Osmond & Pawley, 2016)
There are not many verbs denoting perception of taste, and often the published sources list only intransitive forms. Verbs denoting eating or drinking may be used rather than specialised verbs. Where there are specific verbs for tasting, most SES languages tend to use bare transitive forms, as shown in Table 3.34.
Table 3.34 Bare and suffixed forms of verbs of tasting
Bare transitive Transitive with reflexes of *-i
Arosi (LMM) name-ri nami-ri vt. to taste, lick " Kahua (LMM)
kumi-kumi- taste, keep in mouth to taste
nami- lick, taste, sip
Birao (GG)
tovo- taste s.t.
Gela (GG)
nai-nami- vt. examine s.t. (nai-nami 'to taste')
na-napi vt. taste, lick s.t.
(Data from: Bruns, 2002; Fox, 1978; Fox et al., 2015; my fieldnotes)
The main verb denoting perception by taste is reconstructed as bare transitive for POc, and appears to have occurred without the suffix also in PSES, as indicated in Table 3.35. Almost all SES languages from both branches that reflect this verb have a bare transitive form, with the exception of Ulawa and Arosi which have innovated
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name-li and nami-ri, respectively. Another POc verb of tasting, *ɲapi (Osmond & Pawley, 2016:512), appears to have reflexes only in Gela and Bugotu, and here too both languages reflect the original unsuffixed form.
Table 3.35 Reconstructed forms of verbs of tasting
Intransitive Transitive
POc (L5)
*ɲa-ɲami [be] tasty, taste good * ɲami- to taste s.t.
PSES
* ɲami to taste *ɲami- to taste s.t.
POc (L5)
*ɲapi- vt. taste s.t.
PSES (GG only)
*ɲapi- vt. taste s.t. (Osmond & Pawley, 2016)
Overall it appears that reflexes of *-i are not used productively to derive verbs taking stimulus objects in the SES languages, even though some languages such as Arosi seem to have higher proportions of suffixed verbs than other languages. Generally the SES reflexes of POc verbs of tasting show the same distribution of the suffix as in POc.