Perceptions of the intersection of gender and the culture of social work

McPhail (2004) reflects that although women dominate social work due to their numbers, they do not control the profession, a position with which many authors concur (Gibelman & Schervish, 1993; Kadushin, 1976; Simpson, 2004). Gray and Heinsch (2010) identify that men are overrepresented in both management and in specialist roles. Studies have found that women are less likely to take roles in social work management and are paid less for undertaking comparable roles to men, sometimes due to absence for childbirth and care (Anastas, 2007; Bent-Goodley & Sarnoff, 2008; Davey, 2002; DiPalma & Topper, 2001; Koesk & Krowinski, 2004; Lewis, 2004; Sakamoto et al. 2008).

There was a majority assumption by participants that attaining management status in the profession was an automatic privilege ascribed to their gender and constituted a natural

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progression for them. Figueira-McDonough et al. (2001) argue that social work education reproduces gendered oppression in social work, whereas Gibbon et al. (2006) contend that the failure of social work educators to acknowledge structural gender privilege serves to continue the profession’s oppression of women. Social work education therefore provides excellent opportunities for MSWSs to critically explore their unearned privilege (Pease, 2011). The response of participants concerning their gender privilege suggests that this remains an area where social work education has still much work to do. Jimmy (Wales - white Irish, 28) commented that:

“When it comes to employment, I think it's probably going to, um, be prevalent there [advantage as a male]. Because, you know what I mean? You stand out a bit more which means, I think, it makes you a bit more memorable, as opposed to when you've got a quite few female workers”.

Lee (Midlands - white British, 32) appears to have considered the strategic advantage of being a male in social work and one that he is very much open to:

“It’s a factor of moving into this profession, the fact that if you can get ahead, if you want to and if you want to develop yourself in this way, it seems quite possible”.

George (Northern Ireland - white European, 50) provides a fuller response, where his age results in an interesting intersection concerning perceptions of a more traditional view of females taking a career break when having children. When asked if gender affects promotion in social work he opines:

“It may well do but I don't think it should. I would hope that it would be the best person for the job. Now if it, it depends on the age group of the ones who stay in social work, if the ones who are frontline workers are a certain age group where they want to have children or take a career break, therefore you know promotions may come up”.

These narratives, concerning automatic opportunities for promotion into management because of gender, demonstrate the majority view of participants in this study. Their ambition was indeed to board ‘the glass elevator’ (Lyons et al. 1995; McPhail, 2004; Williams, 1992) within their careers and be promoted into social work management. Participants however, reported varying timescales for this to occur, from as soon as possible to those who wished a more holistic social work experience, nevertheless this was an overriding aim. Simpson (2004) opines that this is a natural reaction to tensions over re-establishing their masculinity within a FMO, what McLean (2003) identifies as a distancing or separating strategy, or one that Christie (2008) terms as ‘vertical separation’ seeking to resolve such tensions.

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This cannot of course be extrapolated for all male practitioners or MSWSs. Indeed, this was not an ambition shared by older participants who appear to want to avoid boarding the glass elevator of promotion. George and Boyd voiced a common dissent, where age has provided a different perspective:

George (Northern Ireland – white European, 50)

“I really hope to be a frontline worker, I’ve been in management before (shakes his

head), I mean I’m 50 now and hope to work until I’m at least 70”. Boyd (Scotland – white Scottish, 51)

“I have managed over things in the past, managing negotiating services and outreach work like, which is fine, but managing people's just not my thing now, you know?"

Mature participants expressed more structured ideas concerning their ultimate field of practice than younger participants who appeared more open to a range of social work experience. They were mindful of considerations such as, using contemporary communication, an ability to effectively relate to their client group and other factors concerning their age and the length of their remaining career. George frames these in his observation:

“You know because and I think and people might say age and all that, but you have to be practical, you know. If you're not in the same social group, then you have to fit in [to areas of practice] (…) and so I believe that there'll be certain

areas (…) where I think I wouldn't be best [working]. So, I think I would choose

my area more and probably will be more something that would be more therapeutic, would be at a slower pace, I just think that would suit me better. And I'm not trying to duck work I think it’s just that I like to be practical”.

A further issue for male practitioners is the perceived need for men to be role models for male service users. The role model argument has been widely discussed within the literature and was a subject, which participants contributed to. Many authors suggest that the perspectives of their gender are beneficial at the intersections between male service users and the profession (Christie, 1998; Hicks, 2001; Warming, 2005). The benefits outlined include an expectation that male social workers can bridge the gap between absent fathers and counter negative male influences (Christie, 2001b). Mark (Wales - white British, 23) summarises the view of many participants by saying:

“I think they [male social workers] bring in a little tenacity. I think some service users appreciate the option, and perhaps, men would respond a lot better to having them with them, and I think that's similar actually for kids as well. I think they might be more receptive to a male role model, you know”.

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However, as Hicks (2001) points out, this perception neglects to recognise reproduction of the less desirable aspects of masculinity consistent with further engraining gender stereotypes and gender roles, which ultimately do not promote gender equality. Pease (2011) contends that a lack of strategy to challenge gender issues will result in reproducing traditional forms of masculinity, which may be detrimental to being a role model. The role model argument has been critiqued for its inability to address issues of power and diversity in men’s lives (Cameron, 2001; Connell, 2005; Pease, 2007). McLean (2003) suggests that this situation continues to restrict opportunities for career progression for women.

6.7.3 Perceptions of the intersection of sexual orientation and the culture of social