A Problematic Self-Recognition

Much of the literature has a problematic viewtowardssecond-generation immigrants’ self-recognition in a broader societal, political context. There are two perspectives used to discuss social pressure within much of the literature:

one is related to the urge to be culturally assimilated; the other is the urge to avoid social exclusion.

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On the one hand, to be culturally assimilated, there is the quest for social and cultural identity, which is no longer associated with ethnic ties but based on peer interest (Bourhis et al., 1997; Sabatier, 2008). These second-generation immigrants entering the adolescent stage intend to be fully aware of their ethnic origins by comparing them to the dominant group, which in most cases is native white. This argument is also supported and furthered by Jennifer Crocker and her colleagues’ research on African Americans’ experiences.

African Americans have been a popular target group in cultural identity studies (Crocker et al., 1994; Blaine and Crocker, 1995; Rogers, 2001).

However, despite the passing of time, the similar conclusion that regarding how African Americans evaluate themselves by comparing themselves to the mainstream white culture can always be found in the empirical practices. The only significant difference over the time is that the level and degree of

discrimination towards the black diasporic population had reduced. The latest study on black identity produced by Ackah(2016) matches the earlier findings that African Americans seek a projection from the white group to prove

themselves to the mainstream society (Ackah, 2016). This long-term empirical research on African Americans is critical to explain why second-generation immigrants the urge have to be culturally assimilated. They have suffered from social pressure by dominant white groups; this, in turn, led to them wanting to be accepted by the mainstream culture.

On the other hand, the urge to avoid social exclusion is also highlighted in the existing literature. There are two main approaches to explaining this urge: one is from a religious perspective; the other is regarding social

integration/cohesion.

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From the perspective of religion, the large-scale immigration of Muslims to Western Europe has raised a religious crisis among second-generation Muslim immigrants(Alba, 2005; Fleischmann and Phalet, 2011; Güngör, Fleischmann and Phalet, 2011; Fleischmann et al., 2012). Take Fleischmann and Phalet’s work for example, they conducted a comparative research in four European capital cities (Amsterdam, Berlin, Stockholm and Brussels)

indicates the high possibility of second-generation Turkish immigrants gradually giving up or reducing their commitment to their Islamic religion to avoid potential social exclusion (Fleischmann et al., 2012). This empirical research is stimulating. Strong religious beliefs have been a cultural symbol of Muslim groups and have usually been associated with negative stereotypes or even outcomes; however, with the process of cultural assimilation, there has been a tendency for some second-generation Muslim groups to start leaving their culture of origin and instead start establishing relationships with other cultures (Alba, 2005). Muslims are not the only minority with long-established social norms and values. The Chinese population, which has a five-thousand-year history of absorbing Confucian culture, along with Buddhist beliefs, has been neglected in this respect. The common features that reflect the unique history linking Hong Kong, China and Britain, and how this history has and will shape Hong Kong immigrants’ self-identification should be captured in my empirical work.

The other approach to explaining the urge to avoid exclusion draws upon a political perspective that focuses on the interplay between cultural diversity and social cohesion. And particularly debated the impact of rising cultural diversity on social cohesion has drawn the attention of political

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scientists(Citrin and Sides, 2008; Letki, 2008; Helbling and Reeskens, 2013;

Helbling, Reeskens and Stolle, 2015). For example, Helbling and Reeskens (2013) have claimed that ethnic and racial diversity diminishes various aspects of social cohesion. Based on this argument, many second-generation immigrants from all ethnicities suddenly become a factor in damaging social solidarity; in particular, by jeopardising various forms of social trust between community members at the local level(Helbling and Reeskens, 2013). Much of the research interest in this regard has been particularly fond of exploring the troubled relationship between ethnic fractionalisation and the majority’s neighbourhood. Ethnic minority

communities are often associated with socioeconomic deprivation and, in turn, become harmful for social cohesion. For example, a study conducted by Natalia Letki (2008) in Britain found that once socio-economic status became a factor in the community, ethnically British neighbourhoods did not relate themselves to other ethnic minority neighbours at all(Letki, 2008). In a similar vein, Edward Fieldhouse and David Cutts (2010) conducted a comparative study in the UK and US, and found a negative effect, regarding a hostile mentality to viewing neighbourhood norms and participation once the local socioeconomic situation had been affected(Fieldhouse and Cutts, 2008, 2010). However, there have been some findings in other diverse international communities which contradict these trends. In Canada, generalised trust between the minority and majority in a neighbourhood has been found to have less of a relationship with economic-capital concerns towards the minority population, but focussed more on shared Canadian values (Stolle, Soroka and Johnston, 2008).

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These somewhat mixed findings suggest that the well-settled

second-generation immigrants has been eagerly avoiding the hidden exclusion from the mainstream society. However, there is very little literature drawing

attention to second-generation immigrants themselves on how they avoid the exclusion at a political level. In this case, in my project, I will seek to establish an evidenced view of the role of second-generation Chinese Hong Kong immigrants in the process of social cohesion and cultural diversity at societal and political levels.

To conclude this chapter, I have summarised the common features amongst early wave immigrants and their offspring. The bicultural environment

provided second-generation immigrants a series of advantages and disadvantages in dealing with their original and host cultures. Under my review, the negative effect of being a bicultural individual has slightly outweighed the positive ones, which potentially indicates a gap in the

literature and the reality. Having provided a rationale for the problematic self-recognition amongst second-generation immigrants from a societal/political level, I argue that there is a need to re-establish the views of

second-generation immigrants about how they contribute to social cohesion at the local/national level.

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