Problems in getting identification particulars.

One serious problem that the majority of the orphaned children in CHH encounter, as reported by the social welfare officers and the children, is not having any form of identification particulars like birth certificates and national identification cards (IDs). Without birth certificates and IDs it becomes difficult if not impossible for the orphaned children in CHH to access services that are meant to cater for their needs. From a legal perspective, they will not be recognised as citizens; hence they are also denied other basic rights that accrue to citizens. According to the UNCRC, every child has a right to an identity and therefore not having a birth certificate or an ID is a serious infringement of child rights. The social welfare officers indicated that the reason why most of the children in CHH do not have birth certificates is that the parents usually die before obtaining the identification particulars for them and there is either diffusion of responsibility on the part of the extended family members or explicit unwillingness to assist the orphaned children. They further explained that in order to obtain a birth certificate, the child will need to go to the Registrar’s office with a relative who bears a surname that is similar to theirs. The CHH reported that in most cases members of their extended family refuse to assist and the child’s situation becomes hopeless, as a birth certificate is the key to attaining the rights that one should enjoy as a citizen.

Without identity particulars it will be difficult for the children to access surportive structures within their social ecologies that will enable them to resile (Thurman et al., 2006). Resilience in this case becomes closely intertwined with the provision of child rights. In toxic environments, to borrow a term from Ungar (2011) the very basics that enable children to resile are missing, for example, food, shelter and in this instance, an identity. It is every child’s right to have an identity and be identified as a citizen of their country. According to Plan (2010) the duty bearer which is the state has an obligation to provide the basics that enable children to thrive. The children will tend to have restricted agency in such situations. Their agency becomes restricted in the sense that the decisions they make in order to survive become marred by the problems that characterise their environments.

The unwillingness by members of the extended family system to assist the orphaned children was a common theme, not only in the current study but in a number of studies (Roalkvam, 2005; Henderson, 2006; Ward & Eyber 2009; Lee, 2012, Donald & Clacherty, 2005; Thurman et al., 2008). Some heads of the CHH reported that the extended family members liked them because of the food and other goods that NGOs sometimes donated to the familes staying with orphaned children. They however lamented the fact that their relatives would give most of the donated goods to their children. This angered the children who then made decisions to stay on their own. Nyarai said:

‘Takapiwa mabhuku kuchikoro asi ndasvika kumba tete wakati ndipe Donnie, (mwana watete), meaning, ‘I was given some donated books at school but when I got home my Aunt told me to give the books to her son Donnie’ (not his real name).

The CHH in this study however show resourcefulness by seeking out other supportive relationships outside the extended family system and also by engaging strategic agency in choosing to engage in survival activities that do not require identity particulars. This unfortunately exposes them to exploitation but their survival spirit is not quenched. The CHH make use of what Yosso (2005) referred to as ‘resistant capital’ which relates to actions that resist oppression and inequality.

Simba said:

‘Pese pese panotodiwa chitupa, kana usina unoita kunga tsotsi and hapana anokupinza basa’ meaning ‘an identity document is needed everywhere, if you do not have it people may think you are a thief and no one will employ you’.

I could sense seething anger in the few members of the extended family system that agreed to talk to me. Some of them thought the children in the CHH had reported them to me despite having explained the objectives of my study to them. They portrayed a wait and see attitude in the sense that, because the CHH had decided to live as a household of children, it therefore meant they were capable of doing everything on their own. Simba’s maternal aunt said:

‘Ini ndakageza maoko angu panyaya yevana ava ’, literally meaning I have washed my hands on the issue of these children’.

I however realised that the root cause of all the tension and unwillingness to assist was emanating from the fact that the CHH had decided to take control over control assets left behind by the deceased parents. The CHH did not however passively accept the state of affairs but instead sought other beneficial networks outside the extended family system. Ngoni said:

‘Kuti uende mu town kunotswaga basa usina chitupa kana birth certificate hazvitomboiti, unozongopedzisira wangoita munhu wekuruzevha kusina chinhu, apa kana takuda kunyora form 4 panodiwa birth certificate, kana usina birth certificate haubvumidzwi kunyora’ meaning ‘you cannot even think of going into the urban areas to look for employment without a national identity document. On top of that you are not allowed to sit for the Ordinary level (form 4) examinations without a birth certificate. You end up resigning yourself to a rural life with limited or nonexistent opportunities’.

During the FGDs, the social welfare officers also indicated that in most cases the children do not have the death certificates for their deceased parents because the parents would have died in remote rural areas. This, they said, results in an unfortunate situation where the children will not even be recognised as orphans because there is no evidence of the death of their parents. Hence, the children will be unable to access any services meant for orphans that require proof of orphanhood. Rumbi the 14 year old girl heading a CHH summed it up by saying:

‘Handitomboziwi kuti ma birth certificates ne zvitupa zvacho zvinotorwepi kana kuti zvinotorwa sei’ meaning ‘I don’t know how and where to get birth certificates and IDs’.

This issue troubled me at a personal level and I felt an urgent need to have it rectified. I talked to a representative from the registrar’s office who is a student on the masters programe in Child and Family studies at Africa University and was part of the child service professionals who participated in the study about the concerns of the children. The representative however said that although there has been problems concerning such children, they however could bring an informant who can testify on their behalf and confirm their story and they can be assisted in getting identity particulars like birth certificates and national IDs when they reach the legal ages for obtaining the IDs. I relayed this information to the CHH, who looked resigned to their fate after long struggles with administrative structures that do not seem to have their needs at heart. Rudo asked if I could write her a letter to take to the registrar’s office. She asked:

‘Zvinoita here kuti mundipe tsamba yekuenda nayo ikoko, pamwe zvingabatsira, meaning ‘is it possible for you to give me a letter that I can take to the regisrar’s offices, maybe that will help’. I tactfully informed Rudo that, it was beyond my jurisdiction to do that but assured her that when she gets to the offices with her informant and encounter any problems she was free to contact me and I could come and try to clarify any issues with the responsible offices. I felt myself acting like an advocate for the CHH and my researcher role becoming a bit blurred. Creswell (2002) alluded to this common scenario in qualitative research where the personal self and researcher self can become inseparable. I felt the study beginning to take an emotional toll on me. I took a short break of two days from the study to recollect and pull myself together so that I could maintain objectivity.