6.3 Research methods and processes
6.3.3 Qualitative interviews
In total four different groups were interviewed as part of the overall study: GoWell
participants; service providers working in these neighbourhoods; policy actors in Scotland;
and policy actors, service providers and other relevant individuals in Finland. Sections 6.3.3.1 through to 6.3.3.5 of this chapter explain the approach taken to interviewing each of these groups and provide an overview of the interviewees in each group.
According to Denzin (1978), asking who can provide a different perspective on a topic by nature of their role can be just as important as asking how many people are needed to answer the question. In this way the research seeks to contribute to building a framework of multiple realities (Thomas, 2009) and highlight connections and tensions between these realties in order to better understand the growth of food banks and their implications for the welfare state. Such an approach is described by Denzin (1978) as data triangulation through the use of multiple perspectives on the phenomenon of interest.
This study is interested in exploring the subjective ways in which the research participants understand and experience food poverty and food banks, yet it is also recognised that such meanings are actively negotiated between the researcher and the researched in the
interview process (Holstein and Gubrium, 2004). The interview is interactive in nature and a generative process in which new knowledge or thoughts are likely to emerge as the interviewer directs the discussion down avenues which may have not been previously
explored (Legard et al., 2003). Such processes were evident in a number of the interviews in this study, and directly commented on by the interviewees on some occasions. For example, when questioned on why he thought some individuals he worked with might refuse a referral to a food bank, Stuart, a housing support worker in Glasgow, commented:
“I suppose it is a kind of pride barrier. I am just trying to think how I would feel, ‘cos I’ve never actually been asked, there’s a lot of these questions you’re asking and I know exactly what I dae when I’m up there wi’ them, but I’m trying to put myself in their shoes, and I know that’s probably how I would feel”
The advantage of the semi-structured interview is the ability to combine structure with flexibility. Each interview was based on a topic guide that also allowed for full probing on key areas, and the ability to follow-up on issues which spontaneously emerged.
6.3.3.1 Interviews with GoWell participants
A central objective of this study was to better understand the experiences of people who struggle to afford food, and in particular to explore why people might not use food banks.
Existing qualitative research on food banks in the UK had involved people who use food banks, often interviewing or observing them at the food bank itself (see for example Perry et al. (2014) and Garthwaite (2016a)). As discussed in Chapters Two and Three, it is widely recognised in the literature that many barriers exist to food bank use, and food poverty is experienced by a much larger number than those who are attending food banks.
Given the overarching aim of this thesis to understand the implications of food banks for the experience and delivery of the welfare state more broadly, it was important to examine the role of food banks from the perspective of those struggling to afford food but who may or may not access them. By using the survey data results as a sampling framework, it was possible to identify a sample of individuals to approach for interview from what is
otherwise a ‘hidden’, or hard to reach, population.
The sample of individuals approached for interviews was drawn from the population of respondents to the 2015 GoWell survey who had reported difficulty affording food (n=614). Richie et al. (2003a) comment on how a survey sample can offer an effective sample frame for qualitative studies and is particularly useful when the study group is a small population or when defined on the basis of sensitive information. Initially a sample of 20 respondents was identified from the data set, including an even number of men and
women and ensuring representation from particular groups of interest including those reporting disabilities, lone parent households, single households, refugees and asylum seekers, and individuals both in and out of work. Some had and some had not reported having used a food bank. Names and addresses for 18 of these respondents were shared via a password protected file (two of the addresses were unavailable). The individuals were then sent a letter, outlining the aims of the project, asking them if they would be interested in participating, indicating that the researcher would follow up with a phone call and providing contact details for further information.
A total of twelve interviewees took part for this part of the research. Four initial interviews took place in December 2015 and served as the pilot cases. Following these interviews, key thoughts and reflections on the interview process and content of the discussions were written up. This allowed the interview schedule to be adapted where particular lines of questioning were proving challenging. These pilot interviews were followed by a further seven interviews, following the same process for identifying and recruiting participants as used in the pilot phase. In one case it was the survey respondent’s wife who agreed to be interviewed, as her husband was working long hours and unable to find a convenient time to be interviewed. In another case, the interviewee’s wife chose to join the interview.
Given the extent of her contributions to the interview, she is listed as an interviewee in her own right. An outline of the characteristics of the twelve interviewees is presented in Table 6.1 below. The interviewees were given pseudonyms which were considered to be broadly in keeping with their age, nationality and religion.
The approach taken to securing a sample of interviewees was time-consuming and labour intensive. Contact numbers for several individuals in the sample had expired, and several failed attempts to meet with potential interviewees despite making arrangements over the phone. Despite these challenges, it was important to persevere in order to achieve the objectives of the research.
The interview schedule explored general experiences and practices related to food shopping, cooking and eating in the household, before examining more specifically experiences of financial difficulties, and coping mechanisms and strategies adopted in order to access sufficient food when faced with such difficulties. The interview schedule also covered experiences and perceptions of food banks, and sought to relate these to experiences and perceptions of statutory services and forms of support. The full interview schedule is available at Appendix B. The interviews varied in length between
approximately 30 and 60 minutes.
Participant Sex Age Household type Citizenship Employment status
Long-term health condition
Food bank use*
1. Martha Female 35-39 Lone parent, four children Refugee Unemployed Yes Yes
2. Jim Male 55-59 Couple, no dependent
children
British Recently signed off work due to ill health*
Yes Yes
3.Karen (Jim’s wife)
Female Unknown Couple British Unknown Yes Yes
4. Colin Male 60-64 Widowed (lives with son
and grandson)*
British Retired Yes No
5. Sonia Female 35-39 Lone parent, two children Refugee Unemployed No No
6. Makeen Male 30-34 Married, one child Refugee Working part-time No Yes
7. Arthur Male 50-54 Widowed British Out of work due to
long-term illness or
Yes No
Source: 2015 GoWell Survey, except all fields marked * - source: qualitative interviews disability
8. Tony Male 55-59 Single British Out of work due to
long-term illness or disability
Yes No
9. Richard Male 40-44 Single British Out of work due to
long-term illness or disability
Yes No (had been given food from a food
bank by a friend on one occasion)
10. Jennifer Female 25-29 couple, two children British Unemployed,
partner works full-time*
No No
11. Tahir Male 35-39 couple, three children Refugee Working full-time No No
12. Moira Female Unknown couple, four children British Working-part time*,
partner works full-time
No* No
Conducting semi-structured interviews in-situ has been discussed as a way to ensure participants are more comfortable and in control of the interview setting. This approach also enabled access to participants who might otherwise be considered ‘hard to reach’.
Given the sensitive nature of some of the topics covered in the interviews, the home environment provided the space for interviewees to feel more comfortable discussing such aspects of their personal lives. Food practices are deeply connected to home, therefore conducting these interviews in participants’ homes provided opportunities for deeper insights into such practices and experiences. For example, during their interviews two interviewees spontaneously chose to open cupboards and freezers to point out meals and food items which helped to illustrate their answers to particular questions. Such rich detail and additional context provided much greater insight into these individuals’ experiences than would have been possible in a different setting.
However, a significant challenge of interviewing in the home is that the interviewer has less control over the environment and has to be able to adapt to unexpected interruptions and background noise from televisions, children and pets. In several cases other family members were present during some or all of the interviews. In one instance, although unplanned, the interviewee’s wife also took part in the interview (Jim and Karen). In Jessica’s interview, due to lack of other space in their home, her partner was present throughout the interview. It was apparent that in some areas of questioning this will likely have influenced her responses, particularly when she described her previous experiences of living as a single parent.
6.3.3.3 Qualitative interviews with service providers in Glasgow
The aim of this element of the qualitative data gathering was to interview a range of professionals working in frontline service delivery roles who interact with people who struggle to afford food, and who may or may not make referrals to food banks. As discussed in Chapter Three, most food banks operate a system whereby access to them is only possible via referral from another agency. It was recognised that perceptions and experiences of food banks from such service providers was important to gather, as they appear to play an important role in integrating food banks within ‘mainstream’ welfare services. Key service types identified to include in the sample were: primary care; housing;
social work; and welfare rights advice. Following the interviews with residents, refugee
support services, and mental health services were also identified as important to include.
This approach is described as purposive, where members of a sample are selected on the basis of key criteria.
The aim was to recruit professionals working within Glasgow and the GoWell
neighbourhoods in particular, so that their experiences would be more likely to reflect those of the residents interviewed. A strategic approach to recruiting participants was used, which involved recruitment via both personal and professional contacts, including from my previous research on emergency food aid. Interviews were largely held at the interviewee’s place of work, although two were held in their homes. A summary of the characteristics of the service provider interviewees is presented at Table 6.2 below. Again, all have been given pseudonyms.
These interviews focused on how interviewees approach the issue of food affordability with clients, their strategies for supporting someone who did not have money for food and how these might have changed over time. Experiences, perceptions and views on food banks were then discussed, aiming to understand the place of food banks within the wider context of welfare and social security services and their impacts upon the wider landscape of welfare service provision. The topic guide used for these interviews is at Appendix C.
Table 6.2 Interviewees: Service Providers in Glasgow
Participant Job or role Employer
1. Stuart Housing support worker Voluntary sector (national)
2. Sarah GP NHS
3. Alan Legal advice provider Voluntary sector (local)
4. Liam Housing officer Housing association
5. Julian GP NHS
6. Pauline Dietician NHS
7. Eleanor Dietician NHS
8. Katherine Practice Nurse NHS
9. Denise Support worker NHS
10. Laura Social worker Glasgow City Council
11. Gail Mental health worker Third sector (local)
12. Gemma Refugee and asylum seeker
services manager
Third sector (national)
6.3.3.4 Fieldwork in Finland
The fieldwork in Finland was carried out over a two week period in September 2016.
International fieldwork funding was awarded by the ESRC to cover the cost of this research visit. Most of the data gathering took place in Helsinki, with two visits made to a small town north of the capital. Prior to the visit, contact was made with an academic researcher at the University of Helsinki who has been studying the role of food aid in Finland. A third sector organisation involved in anti-poverty campaigning was also
engaged via existing relationships with anti-poverty organisations in Scotland. These initial contacts helped with identifying other relevant interviewees and provided important
practical support in organising aspects of the study visit.
The sampling strategy used for identifying participants in Finland involved a mix of both purposive and snowballing approaches. From initial engagement with key individuals, contact was then made with others whose knowledge and experience were likely to be relevant to the research topic. An advantage of using this method was that it revealed a network of contacts, minimised issues regarding access, and ensured that those most likely to offer significant insight into the chosen research topic were included in the study. Given the importance of trust between researcher and the researched in qualitative studies
(Savvides et al., 2014), this snowballing strategy helped build confidence among potential interviewees in the study as they were invited to participate via a trusted colleague. On the whole interviewees were willing to take part and participated with interest during the interviewees. A possible advantage of being a ‘foreign’ researcher was the interest which this generated among potential interviewees. Interviewees were keen to understand the motivation behind selecting Finland for the study, and were therefore perhaps more willing to participate in the study of a visiting researcher, than they might have been in work done by someone local.
The aim was to engage a range of individuals within research and policy roles related to charitable food aid, poverty and the social security system in Finland more broadly. It was also important to interview a sample of individuals working in statutory and voluntary sector social services to gain insights into the significance of food aid for their job roles.
An overview of the participants from fieldwork in Finland is presented at Table 6.3 below and the interview schedule for these interviews is at Appendix D.
Table 6.3: Interviewees – Finland
Participant Job or role Employer
1. Jiri Senior social policy researcher University
2. Juha Senior civil servant (social security) National Government
3. Benjamin Senior academic University
4. Heidi Food aid charity manager Third sector
5. Anna Social worker Public sector – local government
6. Tiina Academic researcher University
7. Leena Government social policy researcher National Government
8. Milla Academic researcher University
9. Katja Government nutritionist National Government 10. Jenni Government nutritionist National Government
11. Anneli Social work manager Public sector – local government
12. Kirsi Food aid provider Third sector
13. Lotta Coalition Party Councillor Local government (elected member)
14. Maria Left Alliance Councillor Local government (elected member)
15. Susanna Food aid provider Third sector 16. Mikael Unemployed workers association
director
Third sector
17. Johannes Unemployed workers association coordinator
Third sector
18. Tuukka Third sector manager Third sector
6.3.3.5 Qualitative interviews with policy actors in Scotland
Following the research visit to Finland, a sample of policy actors in Scotland was recruited for interview. The sample included those in key roles involved in setting the direction of policy and practice related to food poverty and food banks in Scotland. Suitable
interviewees were identified from my existing networks and knowledge of the field, and also from recommendations given by the research advisory group. The sample included civil servants, policy advisors and leaders of national third sector organisations. Interviews
were held at the interviewees’ place of work and lasted between 45 and 60 minutes
(although one interview lasted over two hours). An overview of the interviewees involved is outlined at Table 6.4 below and the interview schedule is at Appendix E.
Conducting these interviews after the other pieces of fieldwork had been completed, allowed for early analysis of findings from other aspects of the data collection, including initial reflections from the research in Finland, to be explored through discussion with those already closely engaged with the topic in Scotland. These interviews sought to understand the perspectives of those in key positions on the nature of food poverty, the role of food banks, and the future direction of policy and practice responses in Scotland.
Together with the fieldwork in Finland, this set of interviews answer the third research question of the thesis which considers how food banks might be challenging and changing the welfare state.
Table 6.4: Interviews – Scotland policy makers
Participant Job or Role
1. Elaine Social and public policy specialist
2. Natalie Local government manager
3. Alasdair Director of third sector organisation
4. Mark Faith leader
5. Sandra Senior civil servant
6. Jane Civil servant
7. Clive Food charity manager
8. Jacqui Food charity director
9. Susan Public health manager