The sources and their reliability

There is some documentary evidence, in the form of manuscripts and published accounts, for the nature and development of contact language in this period. The documents were mainly produced by marine officers and other officials from the colony's administration. The writings of marine officers were 'obviously weighted towards an official and naval point of view' (Bach in Hunter 1968:xii). Given that they were authorities on the events surrounding the settlement of NSW they 'may surely be regarded as both responsible and knowledgeable' in their reporting (Bach

1968:xii). Officials were required to keep journals and they also wrote letters and kept private notebooks. Many people also wrote popular books, from their official and private notes, which were published within a few years of the establishment of the colony. The data from these sources is as reliable as any first-hand account could be, embellished as they were with personal opinion and often revised after the events occurred. The most important sources used for the present study are discussed below (2.3.2.1 and 2.3.2.2J

2.3.2.1 The Sydney language notebooks

A collection of three notebooks, held in the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, contain the earliest known manuscript material for the Sydney language85. William Dawes, an officer of the First Fleet, produced two of the notebooks. The other is a composite work produced by Governor Arthur Phillip and two other marine officers, John Hunter and David Collins 86. The notebooks are the principal record of the now extinct Sydney Language and provide enough information to facilitate a reconstruction of the main features of that language (Troy 1994). However, in terms of what is now known about Australian languages the data contained in the notebooks document a reduced system suggestive of interlanguage rather than a full language. The discovery is not surprising because the data are the notes of people who were attempting, only sporadically and monolingually in the absence of any lingua franca, to acquire a working knowledge of the Sydney Language. Further interference in the colonist's acquisition of the language was likely to have been caused by Aboriginal people speaking a simplified version of their language to the colonists.

2.3.2.2 First Fleet journals, letters and diaries

In addition to the Sydney Language notebooks there are published journals and other unpublished general accounts of life in the colony in letters, journals and diaries87 which contain small amounts of linguistic evidence for language contact. The authors of data used for the present study are:- Arthur Phillip, Governor of New South Wales and commander of the First Fleet; the marine officers David Collins, Watkin Tench, Phillip Gidley King, David Bradley, William Dawes, Newton Fowell;

85The notebooks are described in detail in Troy 1994.

86Attribution of authorship of the third manuscript is discussed in detail in Troy 1994.

87Victor Crittenden's (1982) bibliography of the First Fleet provides a comprehensive listing of surviving sources. A quantity of unpublished First Fleet material has since been published and some unknown material unearthed, such as the letters of Newton Fowell (Fowell 1988). Phyllis Mander- Jones' (1972) bibliography of manuscript material in the British Isles relating to Australia also contains relevant information about First Fleet sources.

surgeons to the colony Arthur Bowes Smyth, George Worgan and John White; chaplain to the colony Richard Johnson.

Literate First Fleeters were fully aware of the importance of the experiment in which they were involved and duly considered future publication of their

experiences. There was a good market in England for novel scientific information and accounts of life in distant places. Those who could, planned to make money from publishing their experiences. Commenting on the journal of the marine officer, Watkin Tench, the historian Laurie Fitzhardinge wrote that 'like many of his

colleagues, Tench was well aware that he was participating in the making of history; that in fact the event was unique, in that the European settlement of a continent was being deliberately recorded from its beginnings. He certainly envisaged publication from an early stage, and must indeed have arranged it before he sailed, since Worgan was able to write to his brother on 11th July 1788 that the book would be published by Debrett in Piccadilly' (Fitzhardinge 1979b:xxiv). Fitzhardinge also commented on the methods employed by officers in recording their accounts of the colonisation of New South Wales. 'Like all, or nearly all, the officers, he kept a journal in which events were written down as they occurred, not perhaps written-up every day, but at least while impressions were still fresh. Not only events, but impressions too went into the journal, and no doubt evenings would be whiled away in composing drafts of some of the "set pieces" for future use' (Fitzhardinge 1979b:xxiv).

Tench's published work comprised occasional verbatim quotes from his journal combined with selections that were generalised and polished and grouped together to form a narrative. His own comment confirms that he relied on eye-witness reporting to build his narrative.

As this publication enters the world with the name of the author, candour will, he trusts, induce its readers to believe, that no consideration could weigh with him in an endeavour to mislead them. Facts are related simply as they happened, and when opinions are hazarded, they are such as, he hopes, patient inquiry, and deliberate decision, will be found to have authorised. For the most part he has

spoken from actual observation; and in those places where the relations of others have been unavoidably adopted, he has been careful to search for the truth, and repress that spirit of exaggeration which is almost ever the effect of novelty on ignorance. (Tench 1979:5)

It is also worth noting Tench's comment that the book was written from material gained mostly in his limited spare time.

The candid, it is hoped, will overlook the inaccuracies of this imperfect sketch, drawn amidst the complicated duties of the service in which the Author is engaged, and make due allowance for the want of opportunity of gaining more extensive information. (Tench 1979:6)

Phillip Gidley King observed of his own journal published with that of John Hunter that 'it certainly carries Truth with it as it was wrote with no other design than to serve as...minutes' (King quoted by Bach in Hunter 1968:xx).

The journal of David Collins, who served in NSW until August 1796, is the most comprehensive and detailed account of the earliest settlement of NSW. The authors of most other accounts returned to England before the end of 1792 (Fletcher in Collins, vol. 1, 1975:xiii). Collins wrote his two volume work using, in the main, his personal journal as well as material supplied by King and possibly Hunter for the second volume (Fletcher in Collins, vol. 1, 1975:xxv-xxvi). He wrote the first volume over a period of about eight years while he was in NSW, and the second in about six months after he left the colony. 'According to his own account, he wrote to relieve "the tedium of many a heavy hour" and at first intended his manuscript for private circulation' (Fletcher in Collins, vol. 1, 1975:xv). However, by July 1788 he had decided to publish and George Worgan recommended it 'in preference to any other, because from his Genius I am certain it will be the most Entertaining, Animating, Correct and satisfactory of any that may appear' (Worgan quoted by Fletcher in Collins, vol. 1, 1975:xv). As a data source the reliability of Collins' work is increased by his lack of literary embellishment.

His was a straightforward, somewhat unimaginative and uncomplicated mind that was not given to speculation or to deep probing into the mysteries of life. ...By recording events and impressions as they occurred, Collins conveyed a sense of the past gradually unfolding. This gave his writing a freshness and feeling of authenticity. (Fletcher in Collins, vol. 1, 1975:xxi)

Collins' account also contains the most detailed early description of Aboriginal people.

He seems to have spent considerable time observing and conversing with the native peoples, establishing so much contact with them that one of their number assumed his name. This pursuit must have provided welcome relief from the monotonies of a life in which there was little to excite an officer of active mind during his off-duty hours. But his interest was shared by his fellow officers, from the governor onward, and was typical of his age.. .Collins also shared the

sympathetic outlook of an era which sought to understand the natives. He could be critical of their behaviour, but he tried to see them as they were and preferred them to the convicts, from whose presence he was glad to escape. (Fletcher in Collins, vol. 1, 1975:xix)

His conscientiousness and prowess in learning the Sydney language was noted by Hunter who wrote that 'Mr Collins, the judge-advocate, is very assiduous in learning the language, in which he has made a great progress' (Hunter 1968:269).