British Documents on the End of Empire Project Volumes Published and Forthcoming
Series A General Volumes Series B Country Volumes
Vol 1 Imperial Policy and Vol 1 Ghana (in two parts, 1992)
Colonial Practice Vol 2 Sri Lanka (in two parts, 1997)
1925–1945 (in two parts, 1996) Vol 3 Malaya (in three parts, 1995) Vol 2 The Labour Government and Vol 4 Egypt and the Defence of the
the End of Empire 1945–1951 Middle East (in three parts, 1998) (in four parts, 1992) Vol 5 Sudan (in two parts, 1998) Vol 3 The Conservative Government Vol 6 The West Indies (in one part, 1999)
and the End of Empire Vol 7 Nigeria (in two parts, 2001) 1951–1957 (in three parts, 1994) Vol 8 Malaysia (in one part, 2004) Vol 4 The Conservative Government
and the End of Empire
1957–1964 (in two parts, 2000)
● A final general volume for the period 1964–1971 is in preparation, together with country volumes on Kenya, Central Africa, Southern Africa, the Pacific (Fiji), and the Mediterranean (Cyprus and Malta).
The Volume Editor
A J STOCKWELL is Emeritus Professor of Modern History at Royal Holloway, University of London. He edited the BDEEP country volume on Malaya(1995)
The British Documents on the End of Empire Project gratefully acknowledges the generous assistance of
the Leverhulme Trust.
The Project has been undertaken under the auspices of the British Academy.
BRITISH DOCUMENTS ON THE END OF EMPIRE General Editor S R Ashton
Project Chairman A N Porter
Series B Volume 8
Malaysia
Editor
A J STOCKWELL
Part I
MANAGING POLITICAL REFORM
1943–1953
Published for the Institute of Commonwealth Studies in the University of London
First published 2004 © The Stationery Office 2004 Introduction © A J Stockwell, 2004
Documents from The National Archives © Crown copyright
Crown copyright material used by permission of The National Archives under licence from the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office
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Contents
page
Foreword vii
Malaysia: Schedule of contents xv
Abbreviations xvii
Principal holders of offices 1957–1963 xxiii
Chronological table of principal events xxxi
Introduction xxxv
Notes to Introduction lxxxvi
Summary of documents xcvii
Documents 1
Appendix 581
The Origins and Formation of Malaysia
Biographical Notes 687
Bibliography 1: Sources searched at The National Archives 699
Bibliography 2: Official publications, unpublished private papers, 703 published documents and secondary sources
Index 709
MAP
C H I N A
BURMA NORTHVIETNAM
LAOS THAILAND CAMBODIA MALAYA SUMA TRA JAVA BORNEO SABAH SULU SARAWAK FORMOSA PHILIPPINE REPUBLIC SINGAPORE SOUT HV IE T N A M BRUNEI R E P U B L I C O F I N D O N E S I A Penang Kuala Lumpur Kuching Jesselton Manila Bangkok Hong Kong Jakarta S o u t h C h i n a S e a 0 500 Miles
Foreword
The main purpose of the British Documents on the End of Empire Project (BDEEP) is to publish documents from British official archives on the ending of colonial and associated rule and on the context in which this took place. In 1945, aside from the countries of present-day India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Burma, Britain had over fifty formal dependencies; by the end of 1965 the total had been almost halved and by 1985 only a handful remained. The ending of Britain’s position in these formal dependencies was paralleled by changes in relations with states in an informal empire. The end of empire in the period at least since 1945 involved a change also in the empire as something that was more than the sum of its parts and as such formed an integral part of Britain’s domestic affairs and international relations. In publishing official British documents on the end of empire this project is, to a degree, the successor to the two earlier series of published documents concerning the end of British rule in India and Burma which were edited by Professors Mansergh and Tinker respectively. The successful completion of The transfer of powerand The struggle for independence,1both of which were based on British records, emphasised
the need for similar published collections of documents important to the history of the final stages of Britain’s association with other dependencies in Africa, the Middle East, the Caribbean, South-East Asia and the Pacific. These documents are crucial research tools for scholars both from sovereign independent states which emerged from colonial rule as well as those from Britain itself. BDEEP is also set in the much wider context of the efforts made by successive British governments to locate Britain’s position in an international order. Here the empire, both in its formal and informal senses, is viewed as an instrument of the domestic, foreign and defence policy of successive British governments. The project is therefore concerned with the ending of colonial rule in individual territories as seen from the British side at one level, and the broader political, economic and strategic considerations involved in that at another.
Despite the similarities, however, BDEEP differs in significant ways from its predecessors in terms both of presentation and content. The project is of greater magnitude than that undertaken by Professor Mansergh for India. Four major differences can be identified. First, the ending of colonial rule within a dependent empire took place over a much longer period of time, extending into the final years of the twentieth century while having its roots in the Second World War and before. Secondly, the empire consisted of a large number of territories, varying in area, population, wealth and in many other ways, each with its own individual problems but often with their futures linked to those of neighbouring territories and the
1Nicholas Mansergh et al, eds, Constitutional relations between Britain and India: the transfer of power
1942–4712 vols (London, 1970–1983); Hugh Tinker, ed, Constitutional relations between Britain and Burma: the struggle for independence 1944–19482 vols (London, 1983–1984).
growing complexity surrounding the colonial empire. Thirdly, while for India the documentary record for certain matters of high policy could be encapsulated within a relatively straightforward ‘country’ study, in the case of the colonial empire the documentary record is more diffuse because of the plethora of territories and their scattered location. Finally, the documents relating to the ending of colonial rule are not conveniently located within one leading department of state but rather are to be found in several of them. As the purpose of the project is to publish documents relating to the end of empire from the extensive range and quantity of official British records, private collections and other categories of non-official material are not regarded as principal documentary sources. In BDEEP, selections from non-official material will be used only in exceptional cases to fill gaps where they exist in the available official record.
In recognition of these differences and also of the fact that the end of empire involves consideration of a range of issues which operated at a much wider level than that normally associated with the ending of colonial rule in a single country, BDEEP is structured in two main series along with a third support series. Series A represents the general volumes in which, for successive British governments, documents relating to the empire as a whole are be published. Series B represents the country or territory volumes and provides territorial studies of how, from a British government perspective, former colonies and dependencies achieved their independence and countries which were part of an informal empire regained their autonomy. In addition to the two main documentary series, a third series—series C—has been published in the form of handbooks to the records of the former colonial empire which are deposited at The National Archives (formerly the Public Record Office). Series C consists of two volumes which form an integral part of BDEEP and also serve as former PRO guides to the records. Together they enable scholars and others wishing to follow the record of the ending of colonial rule and empire to pursue their inquiries beyond the published record provided by the general studies in series A and the country studies in series B. Volume one of the handbooks, a revised and updated version of The records of the Colonial and Dominions Officesby R B Pugh which was first published in 1964, is entitled Records of the Colonial Office, Dominions Office, Commonwealth Relations Office and Commonwealth Office (1995). It covers over two hundred years of activity down to 1968 when the Commonwealth Office merged with the Foreign Office to form the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Volume two, entitled Records of the Cabinet, Foreign Office, Treasury and other records (1998), focuses more specifically on twentieth-century departmental records and also includes references to the records of inter-departmental committees, commissions of inquiry and international organisations. The two volumes were prepared under the direction and supervision of Dr Anne Thurston, at the time honorary research fellow at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies in the University of London, and more recently executive director of the International Records Management Trust.
In the two main series the research is organised in stages. Stage one, covering the years 1925–1957, is now complete and consists of three general volumes and five country volumes, collectively published in twenty-one individual parts. In series A there are volumes on Imperial policy and colonial practice 1925–1945in two parts (1996), The Labour government and the end of empire 1945–1951 in four parts (1992), and The Conservative government and the end of empire 1951–1957in three parts (1994). In series B there are volumes on Ghanain two parts (1992), Sri Lanka
in two parts (1997), Malaya in three parts (1995), Egypt and the defence of the Middle East in three parts (1998) and the Sudan in two parts (1998). Starting in 1999, the project began publishing volumes in a second stage which covers the period 1957–1964. Here there are five volumes, a general volume on the Conservative government and the end of empire 1957–1964 in two parts (2000), and country volumes on the West Indies in one part (1999), Nigeria in two parts (2001), Malaysia in one part (2004) and Kenya. Research for a third and final stage, covering the years 1964–1971, began in 2000. It consists of a general volume and country volumes on Central Africa, Southern Africa, the Pacific (Fiji), and the Mediterranean (Cyprus and Malta).
The criteria which have been used in selecting documents for inclusion in individual volumes are explained in the introductions written by the specialist editors. These introductions are more substantial and contextual than those in previous series. Each volume also lists the sources searched at The National Archives. However, it may be helpful to outline the more general guiding principles which have been employed. BDEEP editors pursue several lines of inquiry. There is first the end of empire in a broad high policy sense in which the empire is viewed in terms of Britain’s position as a world power and of the inter-relationship between what derives from this position and developments within the colonial dependencies. Here Britain’s relations with the dependencies of the empire are set in the wider defence, economic and foreign policy contexts of Britain’s relations with the United States, with Europe, and with the Commonwealth and United Nations. Secondly, there is investigation into colonial policy in its strict sense. Here the emphasis is on those areas which were specifically—but not exclusively—the concern of the leading department. In the period before the administrative amalgamations of the 1960s,2
the leading department of the British government for most of the dependencies was the Colonial Office; for a minority it was either the Dominions Office and its successor, the Commonwealth Relations Office, or the Foreign Office. Colonial policy included questions of economic and social development, questions of governmental institutions and constitutional structures, and administrative questions concerning the future of the civil and public services and of the defence forces in a period of transition from European to indigenous control. Finally there is inquiry into the development of political and social forces within colonies, the response to these and the transfer of governmental authority and of legal sovereignty from Britain to its colonial dependencies as these processes were understood and interpreted by the British government. Here it should be emphasised that the purpose of BDEEP is not to document the history of colony politics or nationalist movements in any particular territory. Given the purpose of the project and the nature of much of the source material, the place of colony politics in BDEEP is conditioned by the extent to which an awareness of local political situations played an overt part in influencing major policy decisions made in Britain.
Although in varying degrees and from different perspectives, elements of these various lines of inquiry appear in both the general and the country series. The aim in both is to concentrate on the British record by selecting documents which illustrate
2 The Colonial Office merged with the Commonwealth Relations Office in 1966 to form the
Commonwealth Office. The Commonwealth Office merged with the Foreign Office in 1968 to form the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.
those policy issues which were deemed important by ministers and officials at the time. General volumes do not normally treat in any detail of matters which will be fully documented in the country volumes but some especially significant documents do appear in both series. The process of selection involves an inevitable degree of sifting and subtraction. Issues which in retrospect appear to be of lesser significance or to be ephemeral have been omitted. The main example concerns the extensive quantity of material devoted to appointments and terms of service—salaries, gradings, allowances, pension rights and compensation—within the colonial and related services. It is equally important to stress certain negative aspects of the official documentary record. Officials in London were sometimes not in a position to address potentially significant issues because the information was not available. Much in this respect depended on the extent of the documentation sent to London by the different colonial administrations. Once the stage of internal self-government had been reached, or where there was a dyarchy, the flow of detailed local information to London began to diminish.
Selection policy has been influenced by one further factor, namely access to the records at The National Archives. Unlike the India and Burma series and the current Foreign and Commonwealth Office series of Documents on British Policy Overseas (DBPO), BDEEP is not an official project. In practice this means that while editors have privileged access (in the form of research facilities and requisitioning procedures) to the records at The National Archives, they do not have unrestricted access. For files which at the time a volume is in preparation are either subject to extended closures beyond the statutory thirty years or retained in the originating department under section 3(4) of the Public Records Act of 1958, editors are subject to the same restrictions as all other researchers. Apart from cases where files or series of files are withheld, official weeding processes now tend to remove sentences or paragraphs from public view, rather than the whole document; such omissions are indicated in footnotes. To date access has not impeded the research undertaken by the project to any significant degree, and the project has been successful in securing the release of a number of hitherto withheld documents from the Historical Section of the Cabinet Office and the Records and Historical Department of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.
A thematic arrangement of the documents has been adopted for the general volumes in series A. The country volumes in series B follow a chronological arrangement; in this respect they adopt the same approach as was used in the India and Burma series. For each volume in both series A and B a summary list of the documents included is provided. The headings to BDEEP documents, which have been editorially standardised, present the essential information. Together with the sequence number, the file reference (in the form of the call-up number at the Archives and any internal pagination or numeration) and the date of the document appear on the first line.3The second and subsequent lines record the subject of the
document, the type of document (letter, memorandum, telegram etc), the originator (person or persons, committee, department) and the recipient (if any). A subject entry in a heading in single quotation marks denotes the title of a document as it
3The call-up number at the Archives precedes the comma in the references cited. In the case of documents
from FO 371, the major foreign office political class, the internal numeration refers to the jacket number of the file.
appears in the original. An entry in square brackets denotes a subject indicator composed by the editor. This latter device has been employed in cases where no title is given in the original or where the original title is too unwieldy to reproduce in its entirety. Security classifications and, in the case of telegrams, times of despatch and receipt, have generally been omitted. In the headings to documents and the contents lists, ministers are identified by the name of the office-holder, not the title of the office (ie, Mr Macleod, not secretary of state for the colonies).4 In the same
contexts, officials are identified by their initials and surname. In general volumes, ambassadors, governors, high commissioners and other embassy or high commission staff are cited in the form Sir H Foot (Cyprus). Footnotes to documents appearing below the rule are editorial; those above the rule, or where no rule is printed, are part of the original document. Each volume provides an initial summary list of which principal offices were held by whom, and a separate series of biographical notes (at the end) for major figures who appear in the documents. Other figures are identified in editorial footnotes on the occasion of first appearance. Link-notes, written by the volume editor and indented in square brackets between the heading and the beginning of a document, are often used to explain the context of a document. Technical detail or extraneous material has been extracted from a number of documents. In such cases omission dots have been inserted in the text and the document is identified in the heading as an extract. Occasional omission dots have also been used to excise purely mechanical chain-of-command executive instructions and some redundant internal referencing has been removed, though much of it remains in place, for the benefit of researchers. No substantive material relating to policy-making has been excised from the documents. In general the aim has been to reproduce documents in their entirety but where available space is a major constraint on editors, a consideration which applies particularly in the case of general volumes, where the documentation is voluminous, this is not always possible, and some purely factual information may be omitted. It must also be emphasised in this context that the BDEEP volumes do not remove the necessity for researchers to study the original records themselves. The footnote reference ‘not printed’ is used only in cases where a specified enclosure or an annex to a document has not been included. Unless a specific cross-reference or note of explanation is provided, however, it can be assumed that other documents referred to in the text of the documents included have not been reproduced. Obvious typing errors in the original are in the main silently corrected, but abbreviations and contractions stand. Each volume has a list of abbreviations together with a consolidated index, and country volumes include a chronology of principal events.
One radical innovation, compared with previous Foreign Office or India and Burma series, is that BDEEP reproduces many more minutes by ministers and officials.
Crown copyright material is used by permission of The National Archives under licence from the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. All references and dates are given in the form recommended in guidelines from The National Archives.
* * * *
4This is an editorial convention, following DBPO practice. Very few memoranda issued in their name were
Formally launched in 1987, BDEEP has been based since its inception at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies. The work of the project is supervised by a Project Committee chaired by Professor Andrew Porter, Rhodes professor of imperial history in the University of London. Professor Porter succeeded Professor Anthony Low, formerly Smuts professor of the history of the Commonwealth in the University of Cambridge, who retired in November 1994. Professor Michael Crowder became the first general editor while holding a visiting professorship in the University of London and a part-time position at Amherst College, Massachusetts. Following his untimely death in 1988, Professor Crowder was replaced as general editor by Professor David Murray, pro vice-chancellor and professor of government at the Open University, who played a critical role in establishing a secure financial base for the project and in negotiating contracts with the volume editors and the publisher. His invaluable advice and expertise in dealing with the early manuscripts are acknowledged with particular gratitude. Mrs Anita Burdett was appointed as project secretary and research assistant. She was succeeded in September 1989 by Dr Stephen Ashton who previously worked with Professors Mansergh and Tinker during the final stages of the India and Burma series. Dr Ashton replaced Professor Murray as project director and general editor in 1993.
The project benefited from an initial pump-priming grant from the British Academy. Thanks are due to the secretary and Board of the Academy for this grant and for the decision of the British Academy to adopt BDEEP as one of its major projects. The Academy made a further award in 1996 which enabled the project to employ a research assistant on a fixed term contract. The Managers of the Smuts Memorial Fund in the University of Cambridge are also to be acknowledged. They made possible the workshop from which the project developed and they have since provided a further grant for work on two of the stage two volumes. The principal funding for the project in stages one and two has been provided by the Leverhulme Trust and the volumes are a tribute to the support provided by the Trustees. A major debt of gratitude is owed to the Trustees. In addition to their generous grants to cover the major costs of both stages, the Trustees agreed to a subsequent request to extend the duration of the first grant, and also provided a supplementary grant which enabled the project to secure Dr Ashton’s appointment. It is thanks largely to the Leverhulme Trust that BDEEP has developed into one of the country’s most successful historical research projects.
Members of the Project Committee, who meet annually at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, have provided valuable advice and much needed encouragement. Professor Low, the first chairman of the Committee, made a singular contribution, initiating the first exploratory meeting at Cambridge in 1985 and presiding over subsequent developments in his customary constructive but unobtrusive manner. Professor Porter continues in a similar vein and his leadership and experience are much appreciated by the general editor. The director and the staff of the Institute of Commonwealth Studies have provided administrative support and the congenial surroundings within which the general editor works. The editors of volumes in both stages one have benefited considerably from the researches undertaken by Dr Anne Thurston and her assistants which resulted in the publication of the two handbooks. Although BDEEP is not an official project, the general editor wishes to acknowledge the support and co-operation received from the Historical Section of the Cabinet Office and the Historical and Records
Department of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. He wishes also to record his appreciation of the spirit of friendly co-operation received from the editors of DBPO. Dr Ronald Hyam, editor in stage one of the general volume on the post-war Labour government and co-editor of the stage two volume on the Conservative government, played an important role in the compilation of the house-style adopted by BDEEP and his contribution is acknowledged with gratitude. Thanks also are due to The Stationery Office for assuming publishing responsibility and for their expert advice on matters of design and production. Last, but by no means least, the contribution of the chief executive and keeper of the records and the staff, both curatorial and administrative, at The National Archives must be emphasised. Without the facilities and privileges afforded to BDEEP editors at the National Archives, the project would not be viable.
S R Ashton Institute of Commonwealth Studies October 2003
Malaysia
Schedule of Contents
Chapter 1 Prospects for the ‘Grand Design’, Nov 1957–May 1961: closer association of the Borneo territories; self-government for Singapore; Tunku Abdul Rahman’s initiative for a ‘Greater Malaysia’
(Document numbers 1–39)
Chapter 2 Principles for a Federation of Malaysia, June–Dec 1961: internal security of Singapore; the Singapore base and regional defence; obligations to Borneo peoples; the question of timing; London talks and the Anglo– Malayan statement of Nov 1961
(Document numbers 40–88)
Chapter 3 The Cobbold Commission, Dec 1961–July 1962: the enquiry in North Borneo and Sarawak; drafting the report; Anglo–Malayan differences; London talks and the agreement of 31 July 1962
(Document numbers 89–140)
Chapter 4 Conflict, deadlock and agreement, Aug 1962–July 1963: Lansdowne’s Inter-Governmental Committee for North Borneo and Sarawak; the Brunei revolt; operation ‘Cold Store’ in Singapore; opposition from Indonesia and the Philippines; attitudes of the UN and USA; British financial and military assistance; deadlock in talks between Malaya and Singapore, and between Malaya and Brunei; prospect of ‘Little Malaysia’; the Malaysia agreement of 9 July 1963
(Document numbers 141–193)
Chapter 5 Malaysia postponed, July–Sept 1963: the future of Brunei; the Manila Summit; Sandys’ mission to Kuala Lumpur; Lee Kuan Yew’s unilateral declaration of independence; crisis over Sarawak appointments; the UN mission; Malaysia Day
(Document numbers 194–227)
Appendix The Origins and Formation of Malaysia
Abbreviations
ADO Assistant District Officer
ANZAM Australia, New Zealand and Malaya
ANZUS Australia, New Zealand, United States (Pact)
ASA Association of Southeast Asia
BARJASA Barisan Rakyat (Ra’ayat) Jati Sarawak
BBC British Broadcasting Corporation
BDCC(FE) British Defence Co-ordinating Committee (Far East)
BDEEP British Documents on End of Empire Project
BNB British North Borneo
BS/BSS/BS(S) Barisan Sosialis (Singapore) (Socialist Front)
BUNAP Borneo Utara National Party (North Borneo National Party)
C Cabinet memorandum/memos, Conservative (Macmillan)
govern-ment, 1957–1963
CAB Cabinet
CC Cabinet conclusions (minutes), Conservative (Macmillan)
government, 1957–1963
CCO Clandestine Communist Organisation (Sarawak)
CCP Chinese Communist Party
CDC Colonial Development Corporation
CD(&)W Colonial Development and Welfare
CEC Central Executive Committee
CENTO Central Treaty Organisation
CH Companion of Honour
C in C commander in chief
CMG Companion of the Order of St Michael and St George
Cmnd Command (parliamentary) paper
CO Colonial Office
com-gen commissioner-general
COS Chiefs of Staff
CPC Colonial Policy Committee (Cabinet, UK)
CPM Communist Party of Malaya (see MCP)
CRO Commonwealth Relations Office
DCC Defence Co-ordinating Committee (see also BDCC(FE))
Dept department
DO Defence Committee (Cabinet, UK); CRO file series; District Officer
DOPC Defence and Oversea Policy Committee (Cabinet, UK)
DSB Director, Special Branch
DSE Official Committee, Future Development in SE Asia
DTC Department of Technical Co-operation
ECAFE Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East
EEC European Economic Community
EFTA European Free Trade Area
FCO Foreign and Commonwealth Office
FMS Federated Malay States
FO Foreign Office
FRUS Foreign Relations of the United States
FSU Factory and Shopworkers’ Union (see SFSWU)
GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
GCMG Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George
GM Greater Malaysia Committee
GMD Greater Malaysia Discussions
GMT Greenwich mean time
GNP gross national product
gov governor
gov-gen governor-general
govt government
HC high commissioner
HCUKKL high commissioner for the UK in Kuala Lumpur
HM Her/His Majesty
HMG Her Majesty’s Government
HMOCS Her Majesty’s Oversea Civil Service H of C Debs House of Commons Debates (Hansard)
IBRD International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World
Bank)
ICFTU International Confederation of Free Trades Union
ILO International Labour Organisation
IMF International Monetary Fund
IMP Independence of Malaya Party
ITC Inter-Territorial Conference
ISC Internal Security Council
JCS Joint Chiefs of Staff
JIC Joint Intelligence Committee
JPC Joint Planning Staff
KBE Knight Commander of the Order of the British Empire
KCMG Knight Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George
KL Kuala Lumpur
Kt Knight
Lab Labour Party
MAS Malay Administrative Service
memo memorandum
MCA Malayan (Malaysian) Chinese Association
MCP Malayan Communist Party (see CPM)
MCS Malayan (Malaysian) Civil Service
MIC Malayan (Malaysian) Indian Congress
MoD Ministry of Defence
MP Member of Parliament
MSCC Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
NB North Borneo
nd no date
NUSU Nanyang University Students’ Union
OAG Officer administering government
OBA Old Boys’ Associations (Singapore)
OEEC Organisation for European Economic Co-operation
OM Order of Merit
OP/OPC Oversea Policy Committee (Cabinet Committee)
OPD Oversea Policy and Defence (Cabinet Committee)
O/S Overseas
OSAS Overseas Service Aid Scheme
PANAS Party Negara Sarawak
PAP People’s Action Party (Singapore)
PAPAS Party Pesaka Anak Sarawak (also PESAKA)
PESAKA Party Pesaka Anak Sarawak (also PAPAS)
PKI Partai Kommunis Indonesia (Indonesian Communist Party)
PM prime minister
PMIP Pan-Malayan Islamic Party
PNI Partai Nasional Indonesia (Indonesian Nationalist Party) PP Parliamentary Papers
PPP People’s Progressive Party
PPS parliamentary private secretary
PPSO Preservation of Public Security Ordinance
PRB Party Rakyat (Ra’ayat) Brunei (Brunei People’s Party)
PREM Prime Minister’s Office files at PRO
PRM Party Rakyat (Ra’ayat) Malaya (Malayan People’s Party)
PRO Public Record Office
PUS permanent under-secretary
QC Queen’s Counsel
r reigned
RAF Royal Air Force
RN Royal Navy
SABAPA Sabah Alliance
SATU Singapore Association of Trade Unions
SCA Sarawak Chinese Association
SCMSSU Singapore Chinese Middle School Students’ Union
SCPA Singapore Country People’s Association
SEATO South East Asia Treaty Organisation
SGEU Singapore General Employees’ Union
SFSWU Singapore Factory and Shop Workers’ Union
SIC Sabah Indian Congress
SLO security liaison office/officer
SNAP Sarawak National Party
S of S/ Ss of S secretary of state/secretaries of state
SPA Singapore People’s Alliance
SRRA Singapore Rural Residents’ Association
STUC Singapore Trade Union Congress
STUWC Singapore Trade Union Working Committee
SUPP Sarawak United People’s Party
T Treasury
tel telegram
TNKU Tentera Nasional Kalimantan Utara (National Army of North
Kalimantan)
TUC Trade Union Congress
UDP United Democratic Party (Malaya)
UK United Kingdom
UMNO United Malays National Organisation (Malaya)
UNKO United National Kadazan Organisation (Sabah)
UN(O) United Nations (Organisation)
UNPMO United National Pasok Momogun (United National Party of Sons of the Soil, Sabah)
UNRWA United Nations Relief and Works Agency
UNTAB United Nations Technical Assistance Board
UPP United People’s Party (Singapore)
US(A) United States (of America)
USNO United Sabah National Organisation
USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Principal Holders of Offices 1957–1963
UNITED KINGDOM
Ministers in Conservative governments Jan 1957– Sept 1963 (a) Cabinet ministers
Prime minister Mr H Macmillan (10 Jan 1957–13 Oct
1963)
Chancellor of Exchequer Mr P Thorneycroft (13 Jan 1957)
Mr D Heathcoat Amory (6 Jan 1958) Mr J Selwyn Lloyd (27 July 1960) Mr R Maudling (13 July 1962)
S of S foreign affairs Mr J Selwyn Lloyd (20 Dec 1955)
Earl of Home (27 July 1960)
S of S colonies Mr A Lennox-Boyd (30 July 1954)
Mr I Macleod (14 Oct 1959) Mr R Maudling (9 Oct 1961) Mr D Sandys (13 July 1962)
(office held jointly with S of S Commonwealth relations)
S of S Commonwealth relations Earl of Home (12 Apr 1955) Mr D Sandys (28 July 1960)
(office held jointly with S of S colonies from 13 July 1962)
Minister of defence Mr D Sandys (13 Jan 1957)
Mr H Watkinson (14 Oct 1959) Mr P Thorneycroft (13 July 1962)
(b) Junior ministers
Colonial Office
Minister of state Earl of Perth (17 Jan 1957)
Parliamentary under-secretary of state Mr J Profumo (18 Jan 1957) Mr J Amery (1 Dec 1958) Mr H Fraser (28 Oct 1960) Mr N Fisher (16 July 1962)
Commonwealth Relations Office
Minister of State Mr C J M Alport (22 Oct 1959–1 Mar
1961)
Duke of Devonshire (6 Sept 1962)
Parliamentary under-secretary of state Mr C J M Alport (18 Jan 1957) Mr R H M Thompson (22 Oct 1959) Duke of Devonshire (28 Oct 1960–6 Sept
1962)
Mr B Braine (9 Feb 1961–16 July 1962) Mr J D Tilney (16 July 1962)
(c) Cabinet Committee on Greater Malaysia
The Cabinet (Ministerial) Committee on Greater Malaysia, chaired by the prime minister, met twice in Nov 1961 to prepare for talks with the Malayan government in London later that month and a third time in Mar 1962 to consider a letter from Lord Cobbold. Otherwise ministers considered Malaysian policy in the Defence Committee, Colonial Policy Committee, Future Policy Committee, Oversea Policy Committee and ad hoc meetings.
2. Civil servants
(a) Secretary to the Cabinet Sir Norman Brook (1947–1962) Sir Burke Trend (1963–1972)
(b) Colonial Office
Permanent under-secretary of state Sir John Macpherson (1956–1959) Sir Hilton Poynton (1959–1966)
Deputy permanent under-secretary Sir Hilton Poynton (1948–1959)
of state (joint) Sir John Martin (1956–1965)
Sir William Gorell Barnes (1959–1963)
Assistant under-secretary of state E Melville (1917–1961) with superintending responsibility C G Eastwood (1962)
Assistant secretary, head of Far J B Johnston (1956–1957)
Eastern Dept W I J Wallace (1956–1962)
J D Higham (1963)
(c) Commonwealth Relations Office
Permanent under-secretary of state Sir Gilbert Laithwaite (1955–Aug 1959) Sir Alexander Clutterbuck (Sept 1959–
1961)
Sir Saville Garner (Jan 1962–1968)
Deputy permanent under-secretary Sir Henry Lintott (1956–1963)
of state (joint) Sir Algernon Rumbold (1958–1966)
Sir Neil Pritchard (July–Nov 1961; 1963– 1967)
Sir Arthur Snelling (1962–1966)
Assistant under-secretary of state A W Snelling (1957) with superintending responsibility D W S Hunt (1960)
for Malaya N Pritchard (1961)
G P Hampshire (1962) C S Pickard (1963)
Assistant secretary, head of dept covering G W St J Chadwick (1957)
SE Asia C S Pickard (1958)
W J Smith (1960) R C Omerod (1961–1962) A A Golds (1963)
(d) Foreign office
Permanent under-secretary of state Sir Frederick Hoyer Millar (1957–1962) Sir Harold Caccia (1962–1965)
(e) Ministry of defence
Permanent secretary Sir Richard Powell (1956–1959)
Sir Edward Playfair (1960–1961) Sir Robert Scott (1961–1963)
Chief of defence staff Sir William Dickson (1958–1959)
( f ) Cabinet (Official) Committee on Greater Malaysia
This interdepartmental committee of officials was set up by direction of the prime minister to examine Tunku Abdul Rahman’s proposal for the creation of a ‘Greater Malaysia’ incorporating Malaya, Singapore and the Borneo territories. Chaired by the permanent under-secretary, CRO (first Clutterbuck and then Garner) and composed of representatives from the CO, FO, MoD and Treasury, it met for the first time on 27 Sept 1961 and was dissolved on 22 Oct 1963.
SOUTH EAST ASIA
1. British officials in SE Asia and some other postings
(a) SE Asia, 1957–1963
Commissioner-general Sir Robert Scott (1955–1959)
Earl of Selkirk (1959–1963)
Deputy commissioner-general A M MacKintosh (1956–1960)
Sir Denis Allen (1959–62) A C S Adams (Nov 1962)
(b) Federation of Malaya, 1957–1963
High commissioner Sir Geofroy Tory (1957–1963)
Deputy high commissioner, KL R C W Hunt (1957–1959)
E Crombie (1960–1961) M J Moynihan (1961–1963)
Deputy high commissioner, Penang, D J King (1957–1959)
terminated Oct 1962 J R Williams (1959–1962)
(c) Singapore, 1957–1959
Governor Sir William Goode (1957–1959)
Chief secretary E B David (1957–1959)
(c) Singapore, 1959–63
Yang di-pertuan negara Sir William Goode ( 3 June–2 Dec 1959)
UK deputy commissioner H T Bourdillon (1959–1961) P B C Moore (1961–1963)
(d) Brunei
High commissioner Sir Anthony Abell (1950–1959)
Sir Dennis White (1959–1963) A M MacKintosh (1963–1964)
Resident J O Gilbert (1954–1958)
D C White (1958–1959)
(e) North Borneo
Governor Sir Roland Turnbull (1954–1960)
Sir William Goode (1960–1963)
Chief secretary R N Turner (1956–1963)
(f ) Sarawak
Governor Sir Anthony Abell (1950–1959)
Sir Alexander Waddell (1959–1963)
Chief secretary J H Ellis (1955–1958)
J C H Barcroft (1958) F D Jakeway (1959–1963)
(g) Federation of Malaysia, 1963
High commissioner Viscount Head
Deputy high commissioner, KL J R A Bottomley
Deputy high commissioner, Singapore P B C Moore Deputy high commissioner, Eastern H P Hall
Malaysia (Kuching)
(h) Select list of other British officials overseas
Ambassador, Washington Sir Harold Caccia (1956–1961)
Permanent representative, UN Sir Pierson Dixon (1954–1960) Sir Patrick Dean (1960–1964)
Permanent representative, UN Sir Andrew Cohen (1957–1960)
Trusteeship Council Sir Hugh Foot (1961–1962)
Ambassador, Jakarta Sir Leslie Fry (1959–1963)
Sir Andrew Gilchrist (1963–1966)
Ambassador, Manila J (Sir John) Pilcher (1959–1963)
2. SE Asian governments, 1957–1963
(a) Brunei
Head of state HH Sultan Omar Saifuddin III (r 1950–
1967)
Mentri besar/chief minister under 1959 Datu Perdana Mentri Ibrahim Jafar
constitution (1959–1961)
Datu Seri Paduka Awang Haji Marsal bin Maun (Aug 1961–1967)
(b) Federation of Malaya
(i) Head of state and Cabinet ministers, Aug 1957– Sept 1963
Yang di-pertuan agong HM Tuanku Abdul Rahman of Negri
Sembilan (1957–1960)
HM Hisamuddin Alam Shah of Selangor (1960)
HM Syed Putra of Perlis (1960)
Prime minister Tunku Abdul Rahman (1957–Apr 1959,
Aug 1959–1963)
Tun Razak ( Apr–Aug 1959)
Deputy prime minister Tun Razak (1957–Apr 1959, Aug
1959–1963)
Minister of external affairs Tunku Abdul Rahman (1957–Apr 1959, Aug 1959–1963)
Dr Dato Ismail (Apr–Aug 1959)
Minister of internal security/ home Dr Dato Ismail (1961–1963) affairs
Minister of finance H S Lee (1957–1959)
Tan Siew Sin (1959–1963)
(ii) Officials, 1957–1963
Permanent secretary, PM’s Department Dato Abdul Aziz bib Haji Abdul Majid (1957–1963)
Permanent secretary, Ministry of Othman bin Mohamed (1957–1959)
External Affairs Ghazali Shafie (1959–1963)
Permanent secretary, Ministry of F Brewer (1957–1959)
Defence R G K Thompson (1959–1961)
Abdul Kadir bin Shamsudin (1961–1963)
High commissioner, London Dato Nik Kamil (1957–1958)
Tunku Yaacob (1958–1963)
Ambassador in Washington and Dr Dato Ismail (1957–1959) permanent representative at UN Dato Nik Kamil (1959–1962)
Dato Ong Yoke Lin (1962)
(c) Singapore, 1957–1963
Head of state/Yang di-pertuan negara Sir William Goode (3 June–2 Dec 1959) Yusof bin Ishak (2 Dec 1959; president
of Republic of Singapore, 1965)
Chief minister to May1959 Lim Yew Hock (1956)
Prime minister from June 1959 Lee Kuan Yew
Deputy prime minister from June 1959 Toh Chin Chye
(c) Federation of Malaysia, 16 September 1963
(i) Heads of state and ministers
Yang di-pertuan agong HM Syed Putra of Perlis
Prime minister & minister of external Tunku Abdul Rahman affairs
Deputy prime minister & minister of Tun Razak defence
Minister of internal security & interior Dr Dato Ismail
Minister of finance Tan Siew Sin
Federal minister for Sabah affairs Peter Lo
Federal minister for Sarawak affairs Temenggong Jugah anak Barieng
Sabah, head of state Datu Mustapha bin Harun
Sabah, chief minister Donald Stephens
Sarawak, head of state Datu Abang Haji Openg
Sarawak, chief minister Stephen Kalong Ningkan
Singapore, head of state Yusof bin Ishak
Singapore, prime minister Lee Kuan Yew
(ii) Officials
Permanent secretary, PM’s Department Dato Abdul Aziz bib Haji Abdul Majid
Permanent secretary, Ministry of Ghazali Shafie External Affairs
Permanent secretary, Ministry of Abdul Kadir bin Shamsudin Defence
High commissioner, London Tunku Yaacob
Ambassador in Washington and Dato Ong Yoke Lin permanent representative at UN
Chronological Table of Principal Events
1957
Jan Harold Macmillan forms government
Mar–Apr Constitutional talks in London result in agreement on self-government for Singapore
Mar Bermuda conference between Macmillan and Eisenhower restores Anglo– American special relationship after Suez crisis
Treaty of Rome for formation of European Common Market
Apr New constitution for Sarawak comes into force including legislature with an elected majority
Party Rakyat Brunei holds first congress Aug Independence of the Federation of Malaya
Oct Anglo–Malayan Defence Agreement signed
Dec Cabinet Colonial Policy Committee authorises public discussion of closer association in North Borneo and Sarawak
PAP wins 13 seats in Singapore City Council election
1958
Jan Federation of West Indies inaugurated
May London talks settle the constitution for the self-governing State of Singapore
1959
Apr Malaya and Indonesia sign treaty of friendship (ratified 30 Apr 1960) May People’s Action Party wins 43 out of 51 seats in elections to Singapore
legislative assembly
June Singapore becomes self-governing with Lee Kuan Yew as premier SUPP formed in Sarawak
Aug Alliance (under Tunku Abdul Rahman) wins Malayan federal elections with reduced majority
Sept Promulgation of Brunei constitution and Anglo–Brunei agreement Oct Conservatives (under Macmillan) win British general election with
increased majority
Nov–Dec Elections in Sarawak on multi-tier basis
1960
Feb Harold Macmillan’s ‘wind of change’ speech in Cape Town
Apr PANAS formed in Sarawak
June Tunku Abdul Rahman raises possibility of Greater Malaysia with Lord Perth
July Belgium sends troops to Congo
Cabinet Colonial Policy Committee discuss Greater Malaysia proposal Official end of twelve-year Malayan emergency
Oct Lord Monckton’s report on Central African Federation
Nov Sir R Scott reports to ministers on future developments in SE Asia
1961
Jan J F Kennedy inaugurated as president of USA
Duncan Sandys visits Kuala Lumpur for talk about merger
Apr Further discussions on Greater Malaysia in Cabinet Colonial Policy Committee
Ong Eng Guan defeats PAP in Hong Lim by-election, Singapore SNAP formed in Sarawak
May Tunku Abdul Rahman publicly proposes Greater Malaysia, 27 May South Africa leaves Commonwealth
June Lee supports Tunku’s proposal, 3 June
Macmillan welcomes Tunku’s proposal in parliamentary statement, 20 June July Tunku’s goodwill visit to Borneo territories
David Marshall defeats PAP in Anson by-election, Singapore PAP dissidents meet Lord Selkirk, ‘Eden Hall tea party’
Lee Kuan Yew wins vote of confidence in Singapore’s legislative assembly Formation of the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee, 23 July (meets Aug–Feb 1962)
Formation of the Barisan Sosialis, Singapore
Aug UNKO formed in North Borneo
Aug–Sept Discussions between Malaya and Singapore resulting in broad agreement on merger
Sept Jamaicans vote in referendum to secede from Federation of West Indies First meeting of Greater Malaysia (Official) Committee
Macmillan’s memo, ‘Our foreign and defence policy for the future’, 29 Sept Sept–Oct Lee Kuan Yew’s radio broadcasts, ‘Battle for merger’
Oct Reginald Maudling succeeds Iain Macleod as secretary of state for colonies Malayan house of assembly approve concept of Greater Malaysia, 18 Oct Greater Malaysia (Official) Committee reports to ministers, 20 Oct Nov Singapore white paper on proposed terms for merger
London talks between British and Malayan governments on Malaysia, 20–22 Nov
Dec Singapore legislative assembly votes in favour of Malaysia USNO formed in North Borneo
BARJASA formed in Sarawak
1962
Jan Appointment of Commission of Enquiry, North Borneo and Sarawak (Cobbold Commission)
Sir John Martin and Ian Wallace visit Borneo territories and Singapore Feb Report of MSCC broadly favours Malaysia
Mar Harold Watkinson visits Kuala Lumpur and Singapore for defence talks Tunku accuses British officers in Borneo of hampering progress towards Malaysia
Apr Federation of West Indies dissolved
Philippines house of representatives makes formal claim upon North Borneo May Cobbold Commission reconvenes in the UK
June Lord Cobbold submits report to Harold Macmillan and Tunku Abdul Rahman (21 June)
July Harold Macmillan reshuffles Cabinet (‘night of the long knives’) and Sandys becomes secretary of state for the colonies (in addition to Commonwealth secretary)
Lee Kuan Yew wins vote in legislative assembly on referendum bill Lee Kuan Yew successfully defends referendum for merger at UN Brunei legislative council supports participation in merger talks Neutrality of Laos guaranteed at conclusion of Geneva Conference President Macapagal (Philippines) suggests Maphilindo (grouping of Malaya, Philippines and Indonesia)
London talks result in Anglo–Malayan agreement on Malaysia, 31 July Aug Publication of joint statement on Malaysia and Cobbold Report, 1 Aug
Inter-Governmental Committee set up under Lord Lansdowne; first meeting, 30 Aug
Party Rakyat wins Brunei elections
Netherlands and Indonesia reach agreement on West Irian dispute Sept Singaporeans vote for Malaysia in a referendum, 1 Sept
Legislatures of North Borneo and Sarawak approve Malaysia in principle Commonwealth premiers endorse British negotiations to join EEC Oct Transfer of West Irian to UN (later to Indonesia, 1 May 1963)
Formation of Sabah Alliance Party
Formation of Sarawak United Front (Sarawak Alliance, Nov 1962) Nov Tunku’s second goodwill visit to North Borneo and Sarawak
Dec Dean Acheson says Britain has lost an empire but failed to find a role, 5 Dec Brunei rising, 8 Dec
President Kennedy and Macmillan meet at Nassau and agree that US shall provide Britain with Polaris missiles instead of Skybolt
Britain acknowledges Nyasaland’s right to secede from Central African Federation
1963
Jan De Gaulle vetoes UK application to join EEC
Dr Subandrio announces Indonesia’s ‘confrontation’ towards Malaysia, 20 Jan
Feb Operation ‘Cold Store’ leads to mass arrests of communists and their supporters in Singapore
Quadripartite talks on Malaysia in Washington (Australia, New Zealand, United Kingdom and United States)
Publication of the Report of the Inter-Governmental Committee (Lord Lansdowne), 27 Feb
Feb–Mar Talks between Brunei and Malaya result in heads of agreement Mar Executive Working Group on Malaysian matters set up in Whitehall
Sarawak’s Council Negri and North Borneo’s legislative council approve Malaysian entry terms as set out in Lansdowne report
Apr Angus MacKintosh succeeds Dennis White as high commissioner of Brunei
Sir Henry Lintott’s financial mission to Kuala Lumpur, 6–14 Apr May Anglo–Malayan talks in London on financial provision for Malaysia
Tunku Abdul Rahman and Sukarno meet in Tokyo May–June Lansdowne visits KL for talks
June Foreign ministers of Malaya, Philippines and Indonesia meet in Manila IBRD mission (Jacques Rueff) reports on economic aspects of Malaysia Talks in Kuala Lumpur between Malaya and Singapore and between Malaya and Brunei reach deadlock and Tunku suggests ‘Little Malaysia’ Off-shore oil discovered in Brunei
July London talks result in the Malaysia Agreement without Brunei, 9 July Conclusion of elections in North Borneo and Sarawak
British Parliament enacts legislation for Malaysia
July–Aug Manila Summit between Tunku Abdul Rahman, Sukarno (Indonesia) and Macapagal (Philippines), 30 July–5 Aug
Aug Macmillan and Kennedy correspond on Indonesian opposition to
Malaysia
Britain, US and USSR sign nuclear test ban treaty Federal Parliament enacts legislation for Malaysia
Completion of British orders in council for constitutions of Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore, and for compensation to overseas officers in North Borneo and Sarawak
Postponement of Malaysia
UN mission on Borneo opinion, arrives in Kuching on 16 Aug Duncan Sandys makes prolonged visit to KL, departs London 23 Aug Lee Kuan Yew unilaterally declares Singapore’s independence on 31 Aug Sabah and Sarawak achieve de facto self-government pending formation of Malaysia
Sept Yang di-pertuan agong appoints heads of state for Sabah and Sarawak Publication of the report of the UN mission to North Borneo and Sarawak, 14 Sept
Inauguration of Malaysia, 16 Sept
Indonesian mob storms British embassy in Jakarta, 16–18 Sept People’s Action Party wins general election in Singapore, 21 Sept
Introduction*
The Foreign Office and the Foreign Office documents
The documents in this collection tell the story of the making of Malaysia from the records and perspectives of British policy-makers. They narrate developments from the achievement of Malayan independence in 1957 to the inauguration six years later of a greater state incorporating Malaya, Singapore, Sabah (North Borneo) and Sarawak. In so doing they reveal how statements of intent became detailed plans and the extent to which these plans were brought to fruition. That some called it a ‘Grand Design’ suggests a coherent scheme of decolonisation and, in so far as it was, it appeared to be effective; after all, Britain managed to withdraw from remaining dependencies in Southeast Asia while retaining interests and influence there.
At first sight, therefore, the formation of Malaysia may appear to have been the completion of unfinished business and the last, rather predictable, chapter in the history of colonial empire in Southeast Asian. It came at the end of a spate of decolonisation by the Macmillan government and at a time when European powers were generally eager to detach themselves from overseas dependencies if, indeed, they had not already done so. In fact, the principal components of the Malaysia project had previously passed beyond colonialism: Malaya had been independent since 31 August 1957 and, although sovereignty over Singapore lay with Britain until its transfer to Malaysia, the island enjoyed internal self-government from June 1959. Brunei (which had been expected to join the federation until the Sultan pulled out on the eve of the signing ceremony) was a protected state with its own sovereign ruler and, therefore, beyond British jurisdiction. Of the participating countries, only North Borneo and Sarawak were crown colonies, and, in a manner of speaking, only North Borneo and Sarawak were being decolonised. Indeed, as the final touches were put to Malaysia, the British presented it to the United Nations, not as a new state, but as an extension of an existing member-state, that is to say an extension of the
∗During the course of research for this volume I have incurred debts to many people and institutions. I wish to thank Shigeru Akita, Mandy Banton, Matthew Jones, Yoichi Kibata, Albert Lau, Edwin Lee, Roger Louis, Mohd Samsudin, Andrew Porter, Kumar Ramakrishna, Tim Ross, the late Ralph Smith, and Nicholas White. I am especially grateful to the BDEEP general editor, Stephen Ashton, for his support and expert guidance throughout the preparation of this volume. I received a generous grant of sabbatical leave from Royal Holloway, University of London to enable me to complete the volume and invaluable assistance from the Bodelian Library (Rhodes House), British Library, Churchill Archives Centre at Cambridge, The National Archives (Public Record Office), and the library of the School of Oriental and African Studies. My research has benefited from discussion at the Imperial History Seminar (University of Cambridge), the Imperial History Seminar (Institute of Historical Research, London), the seminar on ‘South Asia and the Modern World-System’ (University of Tokyo, Bunkyo-ku, Nov 2000), the workshop on ‘Nation-building Histories’ (Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, Sept 2002), and a meeting of the Royal Society for Asian Affairs (Feb 2003). Parts of articles published in the Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 26, 2 (1998), Asian Affairs, 24, 3 (2003), and Modern Asian Studies, 38, 4 (2004) were drawn from material used for this volume. Finally, I thank Jane, whose encouragement has sustained me through the years of research and writing.
independent Federation of Malaya to which Sabah (North Borneo), Sarawak and Singapore merely acceded. In short, the creation of Malaysia appears to have been an undramatic piece of house-keeping, an operation to tidy up the remnants of empire. But the documents expose another, rougher side to the story: one in which policy-making snagged on the contradictions of multiple objectives; one in which Britain was buffeted by the conflicting demands of local politicians and interventions from outside; one in which events frequently brought planning to a standstill and deadlock fostered despondency; one in which resistance was met by guile or coercion, and the prospect of failure provoked desperate measures; one in which not all of Britain’s objectives were fulfilled while some of its fears were realised. Indeed, the Malaysia that was inaugurated on 16 September 1963 failed wholly to satisfy any of the parties to it. It was neither forged through nationalist struggle, nor did it reflect a homogeneous national identity. Rather it was the product of grudging compromise and underpinned by only fragile guarantees; its formation was peppered with resistance and that it came into being at all was regarded by many at the time as a close-run thing.
Taken altogether the 227 documents in this collection are perhaps the equivalent in size to a few of the bulkier files amongst the thousands consulted during the research for this volume. Selection has, therefore, been brutal but it has been guided by the overarching quest for those papers which shed light on the reasons, manner and timing of the key decisions to end empire and create the successor state of Malaysia. In providing a continuous record of such decisions, the editor has, firstly, struck a balance between the principal themes of colonial obligations and imperial interests, secondly, placed Malaysian policy in the context of domestic, regional and global problems, thirdly, included material from various departments and levels of government, and, finally, covered crises and the unexpected as well as the measured products of calm deliberation.
The documents are presented in chronological order and arranged in five chapters. Each chapter deals with a distinct period which ends at the apparent closure of one issue and at the start of another phase in policy-making. Chapter 1 covers the tentative steps towards territorial integration following Malayan independence and culminates in Tunku Abdul Rahman’s public initiative on 27 May 1961. The second chapter, which is dominated by Anglo–Malayan discussions, concludes with the joint statement following the London talks of November 1961. This publicised an undertaking to proceed with Malaysia provided conditions about the future of Singapore and the interests of Borneo peoples were met. Chapter three focuses, though not to the exclusion of other problems, on the Cobbold enquiry into Borneo opinion. During this period the crisis in Anglo–Malayan relations, which was provoked by the Commission’s report, combined with the deterioration in Lee Kuan Yew’s position in Singapore to threaten a break-down which was averted by the two agreements (one public and the other secret) reached at the London conference at the end of July 1962. Over the next year (chapter 4), the detailed membership terms and constitutional provisions were worked out in inter-governmental discussions between Malaya and Singapore, between Malaya and Brunei, and between Britain, Malaya and the Borneo colonies. Steady progress towards the formal agreement on 9 July 1963 was disrupted, however, by the Brunei revolt, mass arrests in Singapore, opposition from Indonesia and the Philippines, and the decision of the Sultan of Brunei not to join the federation. The roller-coaster then entered its shortest but
bumpiest passage (chapter 5) as the result of the Tunku’s decision to postpone inauguration pending a UN inquiry.
The chronological account given by the documents is supported by a narrative which is reproduced as the appendix to this collection. Entitled ‘The origins and formation of Malaysia’, this paper was produced in 1970 by the Research Department of the FCO and, like the other documents here, its availability was subject to the provisions of the ‘thirty year rule’. It represents considerable research and the investment of much staff time but no explanation is provided for its origins and purpose, about which one can only speculate. It may have been used to provide background to the continuing dispute between Malaysia and the Philippines over sovereign jurisdiction in Sabah (formerly North Borneo); a few lines on this subject (Appendix, paragraph 141) have been retained under section 3(4) of the Public Records Act of 1958. On the other hand, it should be noted that the dispute amounts to a relatively brief section of the paper. Since narrative is well served by the appendix as well as by the chronological arrangement of the documents, this introduction approaches the making of Malaysia from two different angles: the first part, Aspects of Policy, discusses the notion of the ‘Grand Design’, economic factors, defence issues and the making and implementation of the Malaysia policy. The second part, Dimensions of Merger, examines the Malaya-Singapore axis, Anglo–Malayan differences over the decolonisation of Borneo, the United Nations mission and, finally, Brunei’s decision not to join.
1 Aspects of Policy
The ‘Grand Design’: awaiting an initiative
Our ultimate objective is a Confederation between the five present territories of the Federation of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, North Borneo and Brunei. We have already agreed that this should be achieved in two stages: first by the combination of (a) Singapore and the Federation and (b) the three Borneo Territories as separate entities; and second, by bring [sic] together these two groups under one appropriate constitutional government.
[Malcolm MacDonald, 2 April 1955 1]
The inauguration of the Federation of Malaysia on 16 September 1963 was the culmination of a long-held objective of British government. Consolidation of disparate Southeast Asian dependencies became a principle of policy during wartime planning for the post-war region and was pursued erratically and unsuccessfully over the next fifteen years. Six months after the fall of Singapore to Japan, the Foreign Office and Colonial Office agreed on the desirability of a union of the Malay States, Straits Settlements and Borneo territories. Although the final plans for the post-war reoccupation of Southeast Asia fell far short of such a union, the government created a structure for regional co-ordination in the office of the governor-general (later commissioner-general) and looked forward to the eventual creation of what Malcolm MacDonald called a self-governing ‘British dominion of Southeast Asia’. The post-war separation of Singapore and Malaya was deeply regretted in many quarters—not least on economic grounds—but the prospect of their merger was kept alive by the commissioner-general and by community leaders. Cautious attempts were made to link the three Borneo territories, on the one hand, and, on the other, to encourage politicians in Malaya and Singapore to discuss the feasibility
of merging island with peninsula. It was envisaged that Malaya and Singapore would unite in advance of the Borneo territories, and that integration of the two blocs lay some distance in the future on account of their unequal political and economic development. An alternative approach was to encourage the amalgamation of all five territories, without the preliminary formation of the Malayan and Borneo blocs, but until 1961 this was generally regarded as unrealistic. In any case, closer association was expected to be a long-drawn-out process. Periodically, the British tried to stimulate local interest in the concept, but they knew it would be counter-productive to impose a scheme or to issue a directive and they steadfastly refrained from forcing the pace.2
Notwithstanding declarations of intent, however, progress was slow. Malays of the peninsula mistrusted domination by Singapore’s Chinese; Singaporeans feared their subordination as the twelfth state in a Malay-controlled federation; business interests of peninsula and island pulled in different directions; the Sultan of Brunei was on his guard against loss of both sovereignty and oil revenue; non-Malay indigenous peoples of Borneo had little love for Malays, while British governors of North Borneo and Sarawak were adamant that their charges should be given sufficient, if unspecified, time to prepare for merger. Momentum was lost during the worst years of the Malayan emergency (1948–1960) when territories drifted further apart and their separateness was reinforced by vested interests. In 1953 a Joint Co-ordinating Committee was established to prepare for the merger of island and peninsula largely because General Templer (high commissioner, Malaya, 1952–1954) and the Chiefs of Staff sought to integrate the defence and internal security of Malaya and Singapore.3
At the same time fresh impetus was given to the integration of the Borneo dependencies; in April 1953 MacDonald succeeded to the extent of establishing the twice-yearly Inter-Territorial Conference for the co-ordination of policies and common services. Neither initiative bore fruit. MacDonald was tireless and infinitely optimistic in the pursuit of what he called ‘our grand design’, but on his departure from Southeast Asia in 1955 it still seemed a long way off.4If the union of Malaya and
Singapore presented difficulties, those related to its assimilation of the Borneo territories were even greater: politically and economically they diverged from each other and lagged far behind Singapore and Malaya. In March 1956 the Sultan of Brunei publicly rejected the idea of a Borneo federation with the result that the Colonial Office temporarily shelved a proposal for a Standing Joint Council to take over from the Inter-Territorial Conferences. Meanwhile, Malaya and Singapore went their separate ways. In August 1957 the Federation achieved independence on its own and in 1957–1958 two constitutional conferences placed Singapore on course to be a self-governing state in 1959. Thus empire ended in Malaya before three frequently-stated pre-conditions for decolonisation were in place: firstly, the state of emergency had not ended; secondly, a genuine multi-racial movement and sense of nationhood had yet to emerge; thirdly, fusion with Singapore and the Borneo territories seemed more distant than ever.
Nevertheless, the British did not abandon the goal of regional consolidation. Three months after Malayan merdeka (independence), the secretary of state for the colonies returned to the question of the closer association of the Borneo territories. Still wary of forcing the pace, Alan Lennox-Boyd recommended to the Cabinet Colonial Policy Committee the encouragement of public debate in the two colonies about their future (documents 1, 2). Following radio broadcasts by the governors (3), the
Legislative Councils of North Borneo and Sarawak set up committees to ascertain popular reaction to the idea of territorial integration. Largely owing to inter-ethnic mistrust, the response was unenthusiastic. The chief obstacle once again proved to be the Sultan of Brunei who resented current supervision by personnel from the Sarawak government and suspected that further integration would result in the distribution of oil revenue to poorer neighbours. When he returned to Brunei in December 1958, MacDonald (who was then high commissioner in New Delhi), noted impressive developments since his last visit just over three years before as well as ‘a pleasing change in the Sultan himself ’. He observed ‘that his face reveals a much more mature, self-confident character than before. Nor did I see in his eyes any hint of the madness which one should perhaps look for in a member of the Royal House of Brunei’ (5, see also 6). On these grounds MacDonald based a hope that his highness might yet be persuaded to espouse closer association.
In fact, however, Omar Ali Saifuddun explored the possibility of a different link-up—a special relationship with the Federation of Malaya. In 1958–1959 he granted a loan of M$100 million to the federal government which in turn seconded civil servants to take the place of British expatriates in the fledgling modern state of Brunei. Omar Ali also entertained Malay Sultans at the opening of the new mosque in Brunei Town, visited Kuala Lumpur and received as his guest in Brunei the Yang-di Pertuan Agong (the king of Malaya).5 The British had mixed feelings about this
Brunei-Malaya rapprochement: on the one hand it might constitute a breach of the 1905–1906 arrangement whereby Britain had assumed control of Brunei’s external relations; on the other hand, it might usefully prepare Borneo for the ultimate stage in regional consolidation. In any case, British officials had very little say in the matter after Omar Saifuddin reinforced his autonomy by promulgating a written constitution on 29 September 1959. ‘Brunei is now in practice no longer a Colonial Office responsibility’, remarked a former high commissioner. ‘She will go her own way’ (16, see also 4 and 9).
As one cadre of senior officials was replaced by another at the end of 1959 and the beginning of 1960—Scott by Selkirk as commissioner-general, Turnbull by Goode as governor of North Borneo, Abell by Waddell as governor of Sarawak and by White as high commissioner of Brunei—there was a general assessment of the prospects for territorial consolidation. Scott suggested that the resurrection of the idea would be something for the in-coming governors of North Borneo and Sarawak to address (11, 12, 14, 16, 17).6 While he emphasised ‘that the future holds great promise for the
Borneo Territories in conjunction and danger if they fail to unite’, he reiterated ‘that no pressure should be put upon the Sultan to drive him in the direction of closer association’ (11). Abell summed up the position as follows: ‘The case for a form of closer association is as strong today as it ever was; the arguments used in its favour are as unassailable as they ever were but the practical difficulties have grown immeasurably and will continue to grow unless we do something about them.’ Abell went further, however, in arguing that the time had come for London to take the lead: ‘I think it is essential that Her Majesty’s Government should have a policy in this matter which her representatives in Borneo should be instructed to follow. If we are allowed to drift further apart we may find, as in the case of Malaya and Singapore that the gulf is too wide to bridge’ (16). Two month