• No results found

Being undocumented in the United States: the impact on Mexican immigrants\u27 mental health

N/A
N/A
Protected

Academic year: 2021

Share "Being undocumented in the United States: the impact on Mexican immigrants\u27 mental health"

Copied!
196
0
0

Loading.... (view fulltext now)

Full text

(1)

Scholarship & Creative Works @ Digital UNC

Dissertations Student Research

12-1-2014

Being undocumented in the United States: the

impact on Mexican immigrants' mental health

Karina B. Samaniego Estrada

Follow this and additional works at:https://digscholarship.unco.edu/dissertations

This Text is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at Scholarship & Creative Works @ Digital UNC. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholarship & Creative Works @ Digital UNC. For more information, please contact Jane.Monson@unco.edu.

Recommended Citation

Samaniego Estrada, Karina B., "Being undocumented in the United States: the impact on Mexican immigrants' mental health" (2014).

Dissertations. 245.

(2)

© 2014

KARINA B. SAMANIEGO ESTRADA ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

(3)

Greeley, Colorado The Graduate School

BEING UNDOCUMENTED IN THE UNITED STATES: THE IMPACT ON MEXICAN IMMIGRANTS’ MENTAL HEALTH

A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

Karina B. Samaniego Estrada

College of Education and Behavioral Sciences

Department of Applied Psychology and Counselor Education Program of Counseling Psychology

(4)

Entitled: Being Undocumented in the United States: The Impact on Mexican Immigrants’ Mental Health

has been approved as meeting the requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in College of Education and Behavioral Sciences in Department of Applied Psychology and Counselor Education, Program of Counseling Psychology

Accepted by the Doctoral Committee

______________________________________________________ Basilia Softas-Nall, Ph.D., Research Advisor

______________________________________________________ David M. Gonzalez, Ph.D., Committee Member

______________________________________________________ Vilma (Betty) Cardona, Ph.D., Committee Member

______________________________________________________ Lory Clukey, Ph.D., Psy.D., Faculty Representative

Date of Dissertation Defense ______________________________

Accepted by the Graduate School

________________________________________________ Linda L. Black, Ed.D.

(5)

iii

ABSTRACT

Samaniego Estrada, Karina B. Being Undocumented in the United States: The Impact on Mexican Immigrants’ Mental Health. Published Doctor of Philosophy

dissertation, University of Northern Colorado, 2014.

The purpose of this qualitative study was twofold: (a) to obtain a deep

understanding of the phenomenon of being undocumented in the United States based on undocumented Mexican immigrants’ experiences and perceptions and (b) to identify how immigrants’ mental health was impacted by the phenomenon. A phenomenological research design was employed in this study and saturation was reached after a total of eight participants were interviewed. Several common themes emerged that described the participants’ experiences in varying aspects of their lives: low wages; guilt; fear of driving; financial difficulties; social isolation; limitations exclusive to undocumented immigrants such as limited access to healthcare, no higher education opportunities, limited employment opportunities; feeling invisible in the U.S. culture; legal problems related to immigration; a psychological impact including psychological distress, stress, lacking in self-confidence, feeling of disillusionment, cultural adjustment difficulties, tolerating injustices; and seeing more opportunities than in Mexico. Participants also provided recommendations for mental health professionals in working with

undocumented Mexican immigrants. The findings of this study supported the speculation that if an immigrant has an undocumented legal status, he or she might be at risk of experiencing higher acculturative stress and poorer mental health than immigrants with

(6)

iv

competencies for counseling psychologists might be gained through obtaining a more in-depth understanding of the lives and challenges of undocumented Mexican immigrants. Through such understanding and knowledge of the experiences of undocumented

Mexican immigrants, a broader context into the lives of this population could be obtained and empathic insights, in turn, might develop toward them.

Keywords: qualitative study, phenomenological study, undocumented immigrants, illegal immigrants, Mexican immigrants, mental health, minorities

(7)

v

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I feel incredibly grateful to be writing this page because it represents a very important stage in my life now coming to its completion. Throughout this process, I have asked my God to help guide and place me wherever it is He wants me to be so I may be of service to others. I sincerely believe He has brought me to this day and placed in my life the people as well as the experiences necessary to help me through this journey. For this reason, I am especially grateful for those people and experiences.

The completion of this study was not my own doing and I thank each participant for being willing to take the risk of talking to and trusting me enough to open up and share such intimate experiences. This study is first and foremost dedicated to you and others in your situation whom I did not have the privilege of interviewing. I continue to hope your stories were justly represented in the following pages and readers may find them helpful and feel compelled to use the information gathered to do good.

I feel fortunate for all four members of my committee because they genuinely shared and supported my passion for this study and willingly bore witness to the participants’ stories. Dr. Gonzalez, thank you for the vote of confidence and your ongoing support. Dr. Clukey and Dr. Cardona, you upheld your commitment and were there each time I reached out to you to provide guidance and support. Your words of encouragement stuck with me throughout this process.

(8)

vi

my potential when I doubted it. Throughout the last seven years, you have stood by my side and have been patient with me. I want you to know that I admire your strength and feel privileged to have had the opportunity to work with and learn from a woman and professional such as yourself. You were right--this has been a lonely journey and I am glad I had you in my life to help guide, support, and fight for me. Thank you for believing in my potential. I hope I have done you proud.

I thank my family and friends for their never ending support, encouragement, and love, which helped me begin and complete this journey perhaps more indirectly, yet still in an unequivocally significant way. You know who you are. Those incredible women in my life who set an example for me to work hard, be dedicated, determined, and even shared my dream deserve special mention.

Without a doubt, my mother, Susana, supported and encouraged me in every way she knew how, even now. You provided me with the single most important thing I need in life, a spiritual foundation that has provided me with what I need to be who and where I am. Thank you. Sandra, my friend, comadre, cheerleader, and sister at heart; this is for both of us. My aunts and grandmothers, in their own unique way, have been examples of hard work, strength, and resilience.

Joie, thank you for being my life mentor and second mother. I remember the moment I asked God to send me the teacher I needed and then you showed up. I know just how happy and proud you were and I would love to have been able to share this moment with you in person. I will always remember you and your wisdom. I love you.

(9)

vii

God put in my life--you also know who you are. Erick, my husband, your love and support in the most difficult of times has been invaluable to help me complete this journey. I love you and I thank God for placing you in my life when He did. Mandis, hermanito, I know I can always count on you. I love you in a way that I cannot describe. Even with the most minute details, you were there helping me and assuring my success. Thank you.

Papá, I hope that wherever you are, you know that I finally finished and will celebrate with me. I know how proud you always felt and that you shared my excitement and happiness. Thank you for the inspiration to pursue this calling and the greatest love I have ever felt. I miss you and always think of you. In your own words, “adelante mi’ja, nada pa’tras” and that is exactly what I will continue to do. Te quiero mucho papá y te extraño, un besito. Hasta pronto.

(10)

viii TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION……… ... 1 Introduction ... 1 Research Questions ... 4 Statement of Purpose ... 4

Need for Study ... 4

Summary ... 7

Delimitations ... 7

Definitions... 8

CHAPTER II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE... 10

Introduction ... 10

Mexican Migration... 10

Risks of Crossing the United States-Mexico Border ... 11

Factors Impacting Undocumented Immigrants’ Mental Health ... 13

Summary ... 28

CHAPTER III. METHODOLOGY ... 29

Introduction ... 29

Philosophy of Science ... 29

Research Design... 31

Researcher Stance ... 33

Objective of the Project ... 36

Participants ... 36

Researcher Role ... 38

Procedures ... 39

First Pilot Study ... 42

Second Pilot Study ... 43

Analysis of Information ... 44

Translation Issues... 46

Ethical Considerations ... 47

Trustworthiness ... 51

Limitations of the Study... 54

(11)

ix

Introduction ... 56

Participant Descriptions ... 56

Emerging Themes ... 68

Recommendations for Mental Health Professionals ... 94

Summary ... 96

CHAPTER V. DISCUSSION ... 97

Overview of Study ... 97

Summary and Interpretation of Findings ... 98

Implications... 103

Limitations ... 112

Concluding Thoughts ... 112

REFERENCES ... 114

APPENDIX A. INFORMED CONSENT FORM IN ENGLISH ... 125

APPENDIX B. INFORMED CONSENT FORM IN SPANISH... 128

APPENDIX C. DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION FORM IN ENGLISH ... 131

APPENDIX D . DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION FORM IN SPANISH ... 134

APPENDIX E. INTERVIEW GUIDE IN ENGLISH ... 137

APPENDIX F. INTERVIEW GUIDE IN SPANISH ... 141

APPENDIX G. INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD APPROVAL ... 145

APPENDIX H. INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR FIRST PILOT STUDY ... 147

APPENDIX I. INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR SECOND PILOT STUDY ... 150

APPENDIX J. PARTICIPANT DEMOGRAPHICS ... 153

(12)

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Introduction

With the uncertainty of what lies ahead, many risk their lives in hopes of a better life--if not for themselves, at least for their loved ones. Some view the journey as

temporary, while others know there is no turning back. Moving to a new city or state can be challenging for the average American but one will eventually adapt and be

comfortable in one’s new home. Yet, the undocumented immigrant knows he or she cannot be fully comfortable in this new world. That individual must live in the shadows and in constant vigilance for this person knows he or she does not belong. How can this individual belong if he or she does not exist?

The Department of Homeland Security (2010) estimated that in January 2010, there were 10.8 million unauthorized immigrants in the United States and 62% emigrated from Mexico. Additionally, as of 2009, about 40% of Hispanics in the United States are immigrants (Pew Hispanic Center, 2009a). The reasons those immigrants have for leaving behind their homelands, families, and friends vary. Whether it is to provide economic stability for their families or hopes of a better life, unauthorized immigrants undoubtedly risk their lives by crossing the U.S. border through deserts, rivers, and over oceans. The hazards of immigrating to the United States are many and range from crossing through underground tunnels infested with rats; hiding from immigration

(13)

officers; and possibly being killed, robbed, or raped (Breton & Oceguera, 2008). It appears that many undocumented immigrants choose to put themselves at risk if there is a possibility of gaining economic opportunity (DeLuca, McEwen, & Keim, 2010). One study suggested that many prefer to run the risks of crossing the border than face the shame resulting from not providing for their families or losing stature (DeLuca et al., 2010). It is reasonable to conclude that the perceived benefits of crossing the border outweigh the perceived risks an undocumented immigrant may face (DeLuca et al., 2010).

Reaching U.S. territory, however, is no guarantee an undocumented Mexican immigrant will reach his or her goal of a better life. Based on statistical reports provided by the Department of Homeland Security (2011), Mexican immigrants account for the majority of apprehensions, detainments, removals, and returns to the undocumented immigrant’s country of origin. In 2010, of the 517,000 undocumented immigrants who were apprehended in the United States, 83% were of Mexican origin (Department of Homeland Security, 2011). Of the 363,000 who were detained, 63% were from Mexico (Department of Homeland Security, 2011). Of the 387,000 who were removed from the United States, 73% were from Mexico. Finally, of the 476,000 who were returned back to their home countries, 81% involved Mexican or Canadian immigrants (Department of Homeland Security, 2011).

In addition to running the risk of being caught and sent back to Mexico, undocumented Mexican immigrants encounter risks to well-being (Bell, Kwesiga, & Berry, 2010) as well as to those of their families. Such risks increase, particularly as worksite raids to apprehend unauthorized immigrants also increase (Capps, Castañeda,

(14)

Chaudry, & Santos, 2007). Capps et al. (2007) reported that “the number of

undocumented immigrants arrested at workplaces increased more than sevenfold from 500 to 3,600 between 2002 and 2006” (p. 1). The impact of the raids conducted at employment sites extended past the workers and onto their children who “experienced feelings of abandonment and showed symptoms of emotional trauma, psychological distress, and mental health problems” (Capps et al., 2007, p.3). Approximately 73% of undocumented immigrants’ children were born in the United States and, thus, are U.S. citizens (Pew Hispanic Center, 2009a). Moreover, children of undocumented immigrants make up about 6.8% of the elementary and secondary school students in the nation (Pew Hispanic Center, 2009a).

No matter what reasons undocumented immigrants have to leave their homeland, it appears those reasons are powerful enough for undocumented immigrants to risk their lives crossing the border. Nevertheless, the risks continue for undocumented immigrants because their psychological well-being is bound to suffer. Many Mexican immigrants may experience feelings of depression and disappointment upon realizing their

expectations of earning large amounts of money must be lowered to a moderate income, while only some may be able to send money to their hometowns or “fulfill the

immigrant’s dream” (Falicov, 2005, p.233). Separating themselves from loved ones and experiencing feelings of loss, language barriers, and culture shock are all common experiences of immigrants that can contribute to immigrants’ symptoms of distress (Kazdin, as cited in American Psychological Association [APA], 2011).

(15)

Research Questions

Once the task of reaching U.S. land is accomplished, what new challenges await undocumented Mexican immigrants in a foreign land with a different culture? How are such challenges overcome? Do all undocumented Mexican immigrants experience the same challenges? What are the mental health needs of undocumented Mexican

immigrants? What are some things those in the helping professions need to be aware of when providing services to the undocumented Mexican immigrant population? These questions were the basis for the current study. The following main research questions guided this study:

Q1 What is it like to be an undocumented Mexican immigrant as determined by undocumented Mexican immigrants’ experiences and perceptions?

Q2 How is an undocumented Mexican immigrant’s mental health impacted by his or her experiences in the United States?

Statement of Purpose

One of the purposes of this study was to provide readers with an understanding of what it is like to be an undocumented Mexican immigrant in the United States based on undocumented Mexican immigrants’ experiences and perceptions. Another purpose was to gain insight into the types of challenges undocumented Mexican immigrants face in the United States. A final purpose was to provide insight into the manner in which such experiences, perceptions, and challenges might impact undocumented Mexican

immigrants’ psychological well-being.

Need for Study

For acculturation to be successful, the integration of an immigrant’s culture of origin with that of his or her new place of residence is necessary (Kazdin, as cited in

(16)

APA, 2011). Psychological distress for an immigrant, however, can result from

difficulties in speaking the new culture’s language, separating from family, experiencing culture shock, and experiencing feelings of loss (Kazdin, as cited in APA, 2011). Studies have shown a positive relationship among acculturative stress, suicidal ideation, and depression among Hispanic immigrants of different nationalities (Hovey, 2000a, 2000b). One such study reported elevated levels of anxiety and depression among Mexican immigrant farm workers who were experiencing high levels of acculturative stress (Hovey & Magaña, 2000). Additionally, results of the study also suggested that

immigrants who are already experiencing high levels of acculturative stress might also be at risk for experiencing psychological distress (Hovey & Magaña, 2000).

Thus, immigrants already undergoing the process of acculturation, a stressful experience, might find themselves experiencing even higher levels of stress when faced with dealing with the struggles of being undocumented. In addition to the massive challenges all immigrants must face when arriving to a new country, it is expected that they might arrive in a new country with a history of trauma experienced in their countries of origin (DeAngelis, 2011). For these reasons, it is especially important that immigrants and their families receive the appropriate psychological services (DeAngelis, 2011). During this time of economic hardship in the United States, immigrants have become easy targets to blame for the loss of jobs and discrimination (DeAngelis, 2011).

The American Psychological Association’s former president, Melba J. T. Vasquez, identified immigration as a significant issue needing to be addressed (Azar, 2011). To illustrate the magnitude of this issue, Dr. Vasquez created a task force on immigration to address psychological factors involved in the immigration experience,

(17)

paying particular attention to the behavioral and mental health needs of immigrants throughout their life span (Azar, 2011). Additionally, the immigration task force intended to study how prejudice, acculturation, immigration policy, and discrimination affected society, families, and individuals (Azar, 2011). In the task force report, undocumented immigrants were identified as a group with unique challenges (APA, 2012).

By gaining a more in-depth understanding of those issues undocumented immigrants experience as sources of stress, this study can expand the literature on acculturative stress and introduce cultural variables (e.g., undocumented legal status) to the literature on depression and anxiety. Results from the current study might also help improve mental health interventions for undocumented immigrants and their families. Consistent with a family systems approach to counseling, the manner in which a family functions has implications for the well-being of each of its members (Goldenberg & Goldenberg, 2008). Therefore, it is essential to understand the struggles of each family member because those struggles might be impacting other members (e.g., children) of the same unit. Studies have shown that constant stress can lead to a number of physical illnesses (Knoll & Carlezon, 2009), memory loss (Wolf, 2009), and depressive disorders (Choi, Fauce, & Effros, 2008). Hence, if one family member (e.g., undocumented parent) is experiencing psychological distress, it is possible this imbalance in the family unit ight also affect other family members and their functioning (e.g., a child’s

psychological well-being or academic performance).

It is also important to focus attention on this particular group of immigrants for two reasons: (a) their children make up 6.8% of the elementary and secondary school

(18)

students in the nation and (b) their own children’s psychological health might be at risk. Mental health professionals should take into consideration that undocumented parents might be less likely to seek mental health services for themselves or their children for fear of being caught by immigration authorities (DeAngelis, 2011). As a result, children of undocumented parents might experience negative psychological, developmental, and physical effects by not having adequate access to the health services they need

(DeAngelis, 2011).

Summary

Overall, there is little research focusing on the psychological well-being of undocumented immigrants. For this reason, the current study can contribute to the diversity research literature about undocumented Mexican immigrants. Counseling psychologists are among the primary groups of professionals to benefit from this

advancement in the literature as it will be important for the development of multicultural competencies when working with undocumented immigrants and their families.

Understanding the worldview from the client’s perspective is a necessary step toward building a relationship with a client. By gaining a deeper understanding of the lived experiences of undocumented immigrants in the United States, psychotherapists and other professionals can be better equipped to help them and their families.

Delimitations

The focus of this study was to obtain an in-depth understanding of the experiences of Mexican adults who reside in the United States of America as undocumented

(19)

Definitions

Acculturation. A term used to describe the changes members of a particular

culture experience when they come in contact with another culture (Williams & Berry, 1991).

Acculturative stress. A type of stress that has its source in the acculturation

process and might be manifested in a variety of ways such as feelings of depression, anxiety, alienation, psychosomatic symptoms, or identity confusion (Berry, Kim, Minde, & Mok, 1987).

Apprehension. The seizure of an undocumented immigrant by the Department of

Homeland Security and might or might not involve his or her arrest (Department of Homeland Security, 2011).

Detention. Holding an apprehended undocumented immigrant through

incarceration, awaiting legal proceedings, transportation to return to his or her country of citizenship, or judicial proceedings (Department of Homeland Security, 2011).

Familismo. The concept of family interdependence among Mexican American

families (Falicov, 2005).

Mental health. The mental and emotional well-being of an individual.

Removal. Transporting an apprehended undocumented immigrant back to his or

her country of citizenship following an order of removal (Department of Homeland Security, 2011).

Return. Possibly allowing an apprehended undocumented immigrant return to

his or her country of citizenship without being placed in immigration proceedings (Department of Homeland Security, 2011).

(20)

Undocumented/unauthorized immigrants/illegal aliens/aliens. Those

immigrants who are not legally authorized by the federal government to reside in the United States of America.

(21)

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Introduction

This chapter presents research related to both documented and undocumented immigrants. There is a scarcity in the literature about factors that impact undocumented immigrants in particular. Literature about Mexican immigrants is available but some publications do not specify if participants in those studies were documented or not. For publications where legal status among immigrants was identified, the terms documented or undocumented are used to clarify the findings in each of those publications. In publications where legal status was not identified, the term immigrant is used and such findings might apply to documented and undocumented or only to documented

immigrants.

Mexican Migration

Historically, Mexico and the United States have gone through periods where Mexican workers are recruited by U.S. employers, relocated, and granted legalization and periods during which immigration to the United States is illegal and punished--all

dependent on the economic needs between the two countries (Falicov, 2005). For many years, Mexicans have not been granted legal-alien status in the United States, yet

immigration rates have risen (Falicov, 2005). Antagonism toward immigrants has led to the approval of anti-immigrant laws such as California’s Proposition 187, which denies

(22)

education, health care, and other social services to undocumented immigrants (Falicov, 2005).

Risks of Crossing the United States-Mexico Border

Among the many hazards undocumented immigrants face when crossing the United States-Mexico border are dehydration, cold and heat injuries, and encounters with wild animals (DeLuca et al., 2010). Heat-related injuries, heat stroke in particular, have accounted for over 100 deaths in the Arizona-Mexico border each year since 2001 (DeLuca et al., 2010).

A qualitative study was conducted to learn about the experiences of

undocumented adult males who had been returned to Mexico after attempting to cross the United States-Mexico border (DeLuca et al., 2010). Specifically, researchers sought to understand how undocumented immigrants perceived the risks of attempting to cross the United States-Mexico border, what risks were actually encountered, and the manner in which such risks influenced their willingness to try crossing again (DeLuca et al., 2010). A total of eight undocumented adult male immigrants were interviewed (DeLuca et al., 2010).

Six categories were derived from the data analysis: families as primary motivator to cross, things immigrants were told about the crossing experience, the actual risks encountered while crossing, families as a source of inspiration, experiences of an

unsuccessful crossing, and a willingness to try crossing again (DeLuca et al., 2010). The first theme identified immigrants’ families as the reason why immigrants crossed the border (DeLuca et al., 2010). All participants stated the main reason they wanted to cross the border was to find employment and help improve their families’ lives (DeLuca et al.,

(23)

2010). For those participants who were married, reasons included providing for their school-aged children, to help pay for health care costs, and to help their siblings improve their situation in Mexico (DeLuca et al., 2010).

The second theme revolved around the information participants received

regarding the crossing experience (DeLuca et al., 2010). All participants stated they had heard about risks of crossing the United States-Mexico border illegally (DeLuca et al., 2010). Several of the participants reported they had not been prepared for the crossing experience (DeLuca et al., 2010).

The third theme was derived from the actual risks encountered during the crossing experience (DeLuca et al., 2010): fear of being robbed or abandoned by their guide, being caught by Border Patrol officers, and the extreme temperatures in the desert. Two

participants stated they were abandoned by their guide when immigration officers arrived. Several participants ran out of water and described dehydration symptoms they experienced (DeLuca et al., 2010).

The fourth theme involved immigrants referring back to their families for

inspiration to continue or give up (DeLuca et al., 2010). Participants reported a sense of courage and motivation from thinking about their families. When faced with challenging crossing experiences, participants thought about their families and some decided to continue while others did not run from immigration officers (DeLuca et al., 2010).

The fifth theme described participants’ unsuccessful experiences in crossing (DeLuca et al., 2010). Experiences ranged from being apprehended by immigration officers, an experience to which some expressed relief, to being abandoned by their

(24)

guide. In addition, participants stated that being apprehended did not guarantee a safe return home just as having a guide did not guarantee a safe passing (DeLuca et al., 2010).

Participants’ strong desire to make a better life for themselves and their families was evidenced by the sixth theme in which participants stated they would try to cross again (DeLuca et al., 2010). Residing permanently in the United States was not part of the participants’ goals. Rather, they strongly wished to earn as much as they could and return to Mexico (DeLuca et al., 2010). Other participants decided not to try crossing again as the risks were too great. It was noted that participants who decided not to cross again felt a deep sense of failure--both at not having been able to cross and at providing for their families. Results of the study supported the notion that many undocumented immigrants seemed willing to put themselves at significant risk with the end result of obtaining better economic opportunities in the United States (DeLuca et al., 2010). DeLuca et al. (2010) also suggested that the shame resulting from not providing for their families along with losing stature in their home communities might also be perceived as great risks to immigrants. Consequently, immigrants might be willing to put their well-being at risk to avoid the greater risks of shame and loss of stature. For undocumented immigrants, it appeared the perceived risks of crossing the United States-Mexico border were not as strong as the perceived benefits (DeLuca et al., 2010).

Factors Impacting Undocumented Immigrants’ Mental Health

Immigrant Distress

Migration typically causes a disruption of lifelong attachments (e.g., family, friends, and culture) and displacement from established values (Falicov, 2005). The changes caused by migration can create different types of psychological distress such as:

(25)

psychosomatic symptoms (e.g., insomnia, dizziness, palpitations; Falicov, 2005); depression and anxiety (Warheit, Vega, Auth, & Meinhardt, 1985); social alienation, psychological conflict, and marginality (Grinberg & Grinberg, 1989; Shuval, 1982); and culture shock (Falicov, 2005).

In addition to the challenges undocumented immigrants might encounter while crossing U.S. borders, the added challenge of acculturating to a new country and culture might also create stress. Among the many barriers immigrants face adjusting to U.S. culture are discrimination (Perreira, Chapman, & Stein, 2006; Perrilla, Wilson, & Wold, 1998; Shinnar, 2007), not speaking the English language (Burgos, 2002; Dale et al., 2005; Perreira et al., 2006; Perrilla et al., 1998; Shinnar, 2007), financial difficulties (Dalla, Gupta, Lopez, & Jones, 2006), separation from family members who stayed in the country of origin (Alderete, Vega, Kolody, & Aguilar-Gaziola, 1999; Grzywacz, Quandt, Arcury, & Marin, 2005; Grzywacz et al., 2006; Magaña & Hovey, 2003; Perreira et al., 2006), and strain in their family roles (Burgos, 2002; Dalla et al., 2006; Hirsch, 1999). While the processes of acculturation and immigration are believed to be stressful experiences impacting immigrants’ psychological well-being, it might be that only particular events occurring throughout these processes actually increased the possibility of developing mental health problems (Liebkind & Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2000). Feeling isolated, experiencing discrimination as a result of not speaking the language of the host country, and having a history of trauma appear to place an immigrant at risk for

experiencing mental health problems (Canadian Task Force, Liebkind, as cited in Liebkind & Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2000).

(26)

The research has identified higher levels of difficulty or distress among immigrant individuals when compared to non-immigrants (Lay & Safdar, 2003, Taloyan, Johansson, Johansson, Sundquist, & Kocturk, 2006). Among the college student population,

immigrant or minority students have more acculturation-specific difficulties when compared to non-immigrant or non-minority students (Lay & Safdar, 2003). In Europe, Kurdish immigrants in Sweden were found to have higher levels of distress when

compared to native Swedish men (Taloyan et al., 2006). Overall, these studies suggested that immigrants appeared to be facing specific stressors that non-immigrants were not facing, which increased immigrants’ levels of distress.

Lack of Family Support

Mexican Americans hold family values in high regard (Falicov, 2005). Families might include a variety of family members such as grandparents, cousins, aunts and uncles, and never married, widowed, or divorced individuals. Families may be extended, nuclear, or single-parented (Falicov, 2005). Ties among family members, including third and fourth cousins, are often strong, particularly among siblings. Relationships such as that of the child and parent are especially valued in Mexican culture and, when combined with the value for respect toward parents, might have precedence over the relationship between husband and wife (Falicov, 2005). Families might provide for extended family members’ companionship, sharing of financial responsibility, problem solving, and sharing of raising children--a concept known as familismo (Falicov, 2005). Hence, having the support of family is crucial as Mexican Americans are more likely to turn to family than outsiders when in need. Based on the interdependence between Mexican family members, it is important to consider that undocumented Mexican immigrants who

(27)

leave their families in Mexico might experience great challenges in a country where they lack the family support they are accustomed to receiving.

Legal Status as a Barrier to Health Care

Undocumented parents might resist seeking mental health services for many reasons (Breton & Oceguera, 2008). Fear as a barrier to seeking health care was identified among a sample of undocumented Latino adults (Berk & Schur, 2001). In a sample of 756 participants from Texas and California, 39% reported they feared denial of health care due to their legal status in the country (Berk & Schur, 2001). When a

professional was able to reach a family to recommend services, some parents withheld important information to the mental health provider for fear of being reported to immigration (Breton & Oceguera, 2008). Others might be hesitant to attend a mental health clinic because they are unaware of services available to them. Some might be unaware that services might be available in their native language (Breton & Oceguera, 2008). Another common barrier might be that the parents hold two jobs to sustain their families and are unable to take time off work to attend therapy (Breton & Oceguera, 2008).

Discrimination

One of the various factors of distress among immigrants is racial discrimination (Mak & Nesdale, 2001). Higher levels of psychological distress were found among first-generation Chinese Australian migrants who perceived having been racially

discriminated against (Mak & Nesdale, 2001). In the same study, migrants who possessed sufficient internal (e.g., generalized efficacy, esteem, and self-assessed English fluency) and external (e.g., number of friends) coping resources were

(28)

less likely to show higher levels of psychological distress (Mak & Nesdale, 2001). These results direct our attention to the significance of identifying stressors for migrant distress as well as of having adequate coping resources available to them (Mak & Nesdale, 2001).

Another study examined whether self-reported discrimination was associated with mental health status among African descendants, Mexican Americans, and other Latinos (Gee, Ryan, Laflamme, & Holt, 2006). All of the Mexican American participants in this study were immigrants. Using a measure of overall psychological well-being,

researchers in this study inquired about participants’ social functioning, physical

functioning, general health, mental health, bodily pain, role functioning, and vitality (Gee et al., 2006). Higher scores on the measure used indicated better mental health. Both African descendants and Mexican Americans reported similar levels of discrimination in health care (Gee et al., 2006). When asked if they felt racial discrimination reduced their ability to fully achieve their goals, Mexican Americans’ reports were higher than any other groups in the study. When asked how often participants felt anger or discomfort due to the way other people treated them in their everyday life because of their race, African descendants’ reports were highest, followed by Mexican Americans’ (Gee et al., 2006). Overall, this study showed a negative association between mental health status and reports of discrimination. Specifically, racial or ethnic discrimination was associated with poor mental health (Gee et al., 2006). It is noteworthy that immigrants were less likely to utilize mental health services when they perceived prejudice toward them from the community in which they lived (DeAngelis, 2011).

Another study aimed at understanding the impact of immigrants’ experiences of discrimination on their psychological stress and trust in authorities (Liebkind &

(29)

Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2000). The study included a sample of seven groups of immigrants, a total of 1,146 participants, in Finland. Immigrant groups included Turks, Estonians, Russians, Vietnamese, Arabs, and Ingrian/Finnish returnees. Ages of participants ranged from 20 to 36 (Liebkind & Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2000). Researchers concluded that

immigrant groups who are more culturally and ethnically distinctive or visible than the host group experienced more discrimination than those who were less visible.

Vietnamese participants reported less experiences of discrimination when compared to the other six immigrant groups (Liebkind & Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2000). Researchers concluded that one of the reasons for this difference in reported discrimination

experiences might be due to the similarities in cultural characteristics of both Vietnamese and Finnish populations. In other words, when the immigrant culture and the host culture appeared to “fit” (Liebkind & Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2000, p. 13) culturally, the immigrant culture experienced less discrimination from the host culture than did the more culturally distant immigrant groups.

Results of the study also showed that those immigrants who had lived longer in the host country also experienced more discrimination, such as everyday racism, than immigrants who had recently arrived (Liebkind & Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2000). Furthermore, participants in the study who reported experiences of discrimination also reported an increase in psychological stress symptoms and decreased trust in the authorities of the host country. A conflicting, yet interesting finding in this study was one in which the group of immigrants who reported the most discrimination, the Somalis, also reported less symptoms of stress than two groups of immigrants who reported the least amount of discrimination--Russians and Ingrian/Finnish returnees (Liebkind & Jasinskaja-Lahti,

(30)

2000). Conversely, the Russian and Ingrian/Finnish groups reported higher levels of stress than the Somali immigrant group. It was suggested that while some visible minority members who experienced discrimination might be able to protect their self-esteem and self-concept from being damaged by attributing the discrimination to external factors, members of less visible groups might not be able to do so (Liebkind &

Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2000). When members of a less visible minority group do not

experience discrimination continuously, it might be easier for them to attribute negative experiences to internal factors such as due to personal inadequacies. Consequently, members of the less visible group might experience psychological distress as a result of internalizing the negative experiences (Liebkind & Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2000).

Due to their dark-skin, Mexicans experience more discrimination and are

deported more often than other groups (Falicov, 2005). Due to the commonality of racial discrimination in Mexico against dark-skinned Mexicans, Mexican immigrants might enter the United States with internalized self-hatred, which might be further fueled by more discrimination in the United States. Problems of isolation, work situation, and unawareness of resources in the community are common among Mexican Americans (Falicov, 2005). Mexican Americans typically rely on family members than outsiders including institutions. The concept of familismo is common among Mexican Americans and involves family members sharing responsibilities such as raising children, solving problems, finances, and keeping a family member company (Falicov, 2005).

Acculturative Stress

The studies referenced previously are connected to a phenomenon now known as acculturative stress. To better understand acculturative stress, attention must be paid to a

(31)

notion known as acculturation. Acculturation is a term used to describe the changes members of a particular culture experience when they come in contact with a culture different from their own, resulting in further changes to the cultural patterns in either culture (Redfield, Linton, & Herskovits, 1936). Acculturative experiences vary from person to person (Williams & Berry, 1991). Thus, an individual’s acculturative process would differ from that of another individual (Williams & Berry, 1991). Acculturative stress has its source in the acculturation process and might be manifested in a variety of ways such as feelings of depression, anxiety, alienation, psychosomatic symptoms, or identity confusion (Berry et al., 1987). Thus, acculturative stress might have a negative impact on the well-being of individuals (Williams & Berry, 1991).

Two major variables were identified in one model of acculturative stress: acculturation experience and stressors (Berry et al., 1987). The relationship between acculturation experience and stressors resulted in high or low levels of acculturative stress. Within the same model, several factors affected the relationship between

acculturation and stress: (a) nature of the larger society, (b) type of acculturating group, (c) modes of acculturation, (d) psychological characteristics of the person, and (e) demographic and social characteristics of the person. The interaction among all five factors and the acculturation process could result in high or low levels of acculturative stress for the individual (Berry et al., 1987). Each of the five factors is described next.

Factor one: Nature of the larger society. The first factor, nature of the larger

society, refers to characteristics of the new culture, e.g., being acceptant or tolerant of cultural diversity, or of the availability of social or cultural groups to provide support for immigrants (Williams & Berry, 1991). Existing policies that exclude certain immigrant

(32)

groups from participating in the larger society might increase levels of acculturative stress (Williams & Berry, 1991). In the case of U.S. culture, researchers have indicated that some communities might not be prepared to meet the needs of Latino immigrants when compared to established immigrant communities (Flores et al., 2011).

Latinos are reportedly increasing their presence in Midwestern rural areas where dairy, meatpacking, and poultry processing industries are housed (Flores et al., 2011). The implications of the trend in employment of Latino workers in rural areas vary. Employers might benefit from hiring workers who are flexible in terms of the conditions in which they work including being hired on in an as needed basis as opposed to having a steady job (Flores et al., 2011). Yet, while employers might reap the benefits of hiring Latino immigrants, elsewhere in the community, Latinos might be perceived as a threat, both economically and symbolically, by people native to the community (Fennelly, 2008; Hetzler, Medina, & Overfelt, 2007).

An example of such a perception included the time when immigrant and migrant workers arrived in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina; the perception was that African Americans, the people native to the New Orleans community, would be displaced (Fennelly, 2008). Additionally, the perception was that New Orleans would become “Nuevo” Orleans. Another such example was the integration of Latino immigrants and Somali refugees in a Minnesota meatpacking town (Fennelly, 2008). In the Minnesota town, the perception was the newcomers would have a negative impact on the town’s business, property values, school budgets, and crime rates (Fennelly, 2008).

Additionally, the rejection of undocumented immigrants by some people in the larger society has been made apparent through passing of laws such as Arizona’s

(33)

stringent law on immigration (Arizona Senate Bill 1070, 2010), which allows police officers to detain individuals they suspect might be undocumented and to verify their status with federal officials. Taken as a whole, it is possible undocumented immigrants throughout the nation might perceive an anti-immigrant sentiment, which could

consequently increase their acculturative stress levels.

Factor two: Type of acculturating group. The second factor, type of

acculturating group, could be related to whether the migration was voluntary; this might be the case with refugees or to the length of stay in the new culture (Berry et al., 1987). In the case of undocumented Mexican immigrants, immigration to the United States might be voluntary in the sense that they made a decision to cross and risk their lives while crossing. On the other hand, it is possible they made the decision to cross based on the perceived pressure to provide a better life for themselves and their families. Length of stay likely varies from immigrant to immigrant and this specific factor influences the type of acculturating group--undocumented Mexican immigrants.

Factor three: Modes of acculturation. The third factor, modes of acculturation,

refers to the reactions of the immigrant group toward the acculturation process. In this process, the immigrant group or individual might seek assimilation with the new culture and choose to separate, integrate, or remain marginalized from the new group or culture (Berry et al., 1987). In the case of undocumented Mexican immigrants, reactions toward acculturation processes might come from the acculturation processes of the

undocumented immigrant or of his or her family. Acculturative stress might also be experienced as tension between immigrant parents and their children as the latter adapt to U.S. culture (DeAngelis, 2011).

(34)

Factor four: Psychological characteristics of immigrant. The fourth factor,

psychological characteristics of the person, highlights the importance of things like coping skills, which might impact the adaptation process for the individual or group (Berry et al., 1987). Immigrants appear to possess resilient characteristics to the surprise of many but three factors have the capacity to undermine the mental health of

immigrants: trauma, discrimination, and acculturative stress (DeAngelis, 2011). Trauma can have its origins in the new country, the immigrant’s native country, or during the journey to the new country (De Angelis, 2011). Equally, undocumented adults and their children might experience trauma in the new country. Undocumented adults might experience robbery or rape during while crossing the U.S. border (Breton & Oceguera, 2008). Children of undocumented adults might be traumatized by watching their parents being detained by immigration officers (DeAngelis, 2011). Thus, immigrants might arrive in the United States with poor psychological health. Little is known about the psychological characteristics of undocumented immigrants. Based on participants’ responses, the current study might be able to provide useful information to better understand the psychological characteristics of undocumented immigrants.

Factor five: Demographic and social characteristics of immigrant. The fifth

factor, demographic and social characteristics of the person, refers to social and cultural qualities such as socioeconomic status, education, and employment in the new culture (Williams & Berry, 1991). According to Williams and Berry (1991), the entry status of an individual into a new society is usually lower than the departure status from the original society and might result in increased stress. An example of this is an individual who in their country of origin was an educator but upon arriving became a server at a

(35)

restaurant. In the United States, the majority of Mexican American immigrants have low socioeconomic status and jobs with low prestige (Falicov, 2005). In the case of

undocumented Mexican immigrants, entry status might always be lower for them considering that without proper documentation, finding employment is oftentimes very challenging and the jobs available to them are typically brown-collar jobs (Catanzarite, 2002).

When compared to other foreign-born immigrants, Latinos tend to have lower levels of education and income, are younger, and live in higher rates of poverty (Pew Hispanic Center, 2009a). Mexican immigrants as a group are younger than other Latino immigrant groups (Pew Hispanic Center, 2009b). Additionally, a higher percentage of Mexican immigrants tend to be male when compared to other immigrant groups (Pew Hispanic Center, 2009b). Latinos also tend to work in what are referred to as brown-collar jobs or jobs that are low skilled, low paying, and physically demanding (Catanzarite, 2002). Within the Latino immigrant population, Mexican immigrants currently have higher unemployment rates (Pew Hispanic Center, 2009b). When

compared to non-immigrants, immigrants generally earn lower wages and receive worse interpersonal treatment in their place of employment (Rivera-Batiz, 1999). Yet, the barriers undocumented immigrants face in the realm of employment in the United States are likely different than those of documented immigrants. For example, undocumented immigrants are less likely to report workplace hazards for fear of being deported (Massachusetts Coalition for Occupational Safety & Health, 2009).

It is important to understand Latino immigrants’ perceptions about work, their work conditions, and the process they go through when searching for jobs because all

(36)

these can impact their health (Flores et al., 2011). In their study, Flores et al. (2011) sought to investigate the experiences of Latino immigrants in communities where immigration was relatively new. Participants in this study consisted of men and women from Mexico and El Salvador (Flores et al., 2011). Results from the study provided a deeper understanding of Latino immigrants’ experiences in the workforce. Five themes were derived describing immigrants’ career development: work for survival and power, work for social connections, work as self-determination, barriers to work in the Midwest, and access to work in the Midwest (Flores et al., 2011).

The first theme was based on participants’ experiences with work for the purpose of obtaining power and surviving (Flores et al., 2011). Participants described having difficult and demanding jobs but preferred to work under those conditions than not work at all. Apparently, Latino immigrants’ need for employment and their desire to help their families survive were strong enough motivators to keep immigrants working under difficult and dangerous conditions. Other reasons Latino immigrants had for seeking employment were to obtain power by enhancing their skills or obtaining a promotion (Flores et al., 2011).

The second theme described that Latino immigrants used their employment sites as a means to develop social relations and support (Flores et al., 2011). Participants reported positive and negative co-worker and supervisor interactions. Their experiences ranged from feeling supported by others to experiencing mistreatment and discrimination. Additionally, participants in this study described their workplace as a means of

(37)

The third theme related to participants’ attitudes about work (Flores et al., 2011). Responses ranged from participants having a strong work ethic and liking to work to viewing employment in the United States as a privilege. The fourth theme identified a range of challenges Latino immigrants faced when it came to working in the Midwest (Flores et al., 2011). English skills and work documents were found to be common barriers expressed by most of the participants. Lack of English fluency was reported to be the most important barrier participants in this study encountered (Flores et al., 2011). Regarding work documents as a barrier, participants reported experiencing difficulty in finding employment and speaking out in their workplaces for fear of drawing attention to themselves and being retaliated against. The last theme identified related to resources participants used to access work. Among those were family as a network as well as community resources and others (Flores et al., 2011).

Thus, legal status of an immigrant could be an influencing factor and contribute to elevated acculturative stress. This conclusion could be drawn by taking into

consideration the fifth factor affecting the relationship between acculturation and stress (i.e., demographic and social characteristics of the person) in Berry et al.’s (1987) acculturative stress model and Hovey and King’s (1997) expansion of Berry et al.’s model. Progress in Mexico is to own a small business or own a home (Rouse, 1992) and many Mexican immigrants hold on to those ideals (Falicov, 2005). When an

undocumented immigrant faces challenges to reaching these ideals, it is possible he or she might experience psychological distress. Despite the fact that studies have been conducted to further understand acculturative stress and its impact on the well-being of immigrants, a gap still exists in the literature when it comes to understanding the

(38)

psychological impact of legal status among undocumented immigrants. In the current study, legal status is proponed to be a demographic and social characteristic of an immigrant and, consequently, a contributing factor to acculturative stress.

Anxiety, Depression, and Acculturative Stress

An extension to Berry et al.’s (1987) acculturative stress model included the consequences of elevated levels of acculturative stress (Hovey & King, 1997). In their model, Hovey and King (1997) suggested that “individuals who experience elevated levels of acculturative stress may be at risk for the development of depression and suicidal ideation” (p. 137). The notion that people experiencing high levels of

acculturative stress could develop depression and suicidal ideation was also supported by several other studies (Hovey, 2000a, 2000b; Hovey & King, 1996; Hovey & Magaña, 2002).

One such study was conducted to explore the relationship among acculturative stress, depressive symptoms, and suicidal ideation in a sample of immigrant and second-generation Latino adolescents (Hovey & King, 1996). Results from the study indicated a positive relationship among depression and suicidal ideation and acculturative stress. Another similar study was conducted with a sample of Central American immigrants (Hovey, 2000a). The results of the study also indicated that acculturative stress was significantly correlated with elevated levels of depression and suicidal ideation among this particular group. Yet another study was conducted to examine the relationship among acculturative stress, depression, and suicidal ideation but this time in a sample of Mexican immigrants (Hovey, 2000b). The results suggested that those Mexican

(39)

experiencing high levels of depression and suicidal ideation (Hovey, 2000b). A study on a sample of Mexican migrant farm workers was conducted and found elevated levels of acculturative stress among the overall sample (Hovey & Magaña, 2002). Findings indicated those migrant workers with higher levels of stress were more likely to also experience higher levels of anxiety and depression (Hovey & Magaña, 2002).

Summary

In general, immigrants experience higher levels of stress when compared to non-immigrants (Lay & Safdar, 2003, Taloyan et al., 2006). Due to their disadvantaged legal status, undocumented Mexican immigrants might be at risk of experiencing higher levels of acculturative stress including anxiety and depression. Isolation, tensions due to differences between norms at home and norms outside of the home, and lack of

awareness about community resources are common social and cultural problems among Mexican Americans (Falicov, 2005). To gain a deeper understanding about such issues, Falicov (2005) suggested inquiring about the immigrant’s relationships such as extended family, friendships, or school; his or her neighborhood including housing, crime, safety, or gangs; and his or her employment situation such as his or her job stability, income, and occupation. Understanding the challenges specific to having an undocumented legal status in the United States, which might be part of an undocumented immigrant’s acculturative experience, could provide relevant information to culturally competent mental health professionals when treating undocumented Mexican immigrants and their families.

(40)

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

Introduction

This chapter describes the methodology of the current study. Consistent with qualitative research methods, the philosophy of science is described so as to provide the reader with a background about ontology, axiology, and methodology that guided the research process. Additionally, a brief review of other methodologies is provided and contrasted to the methodology selected for the current study. This was done in an effort to demonstrate the appropriateness of the methodology selected in answering the research questions and meeting the objectives of the current study. An explanation of

phenomenology as the most appropriate methodology for the current study follows. I also provide an overview of my stance as a researcher in the current study. A detailed description of participants, researcher role, and procedures is provided so the reader has a more complete understanding of the manner in which the current study was conducted. Given the nature of the current study, issues of translations and ethical considerations are also discussed. The chapter concludes with a discussion of trustworthiness issues of the current study and its limitations.

Philosophy of Science

A philosophy of science overarches assumptions about (a) ontology or the researcher’s beliefs about the nature of reality, (b) epistemology or how knowledge is

(41)

acquired and the relationship between the researcher and participant, (c) axiology or the role and place for values in the study, and (d) methodology or the process and steps taken during the study (Ponterotto, 2005). Three epistemologies identified in qualitative

research include (a) objectivism or the belief in an objective truth that can be discovered and exists outside of what an individual makes of it, (b) subjectivism or the belief that no single reality exists outside of what individuals assign it, and (c) constructionist or the belief that each person constructs meanings as a result of their experiences (Crotty, 1998).

A paradigm encompasses the researcher’s set of assumptions about the social world (Ponterotto, 2005). Selecting a paradigm is important to the qualitative researcher because it sets the context for the study and dictates how the research is evaluated (Ponterotto, 2005). Qualitative researchers who ground their methodologies in a paradigm are provided direction in their research (Creswell, 2007; Crotty, 1998).

The current study was guided by a constructionist paradigm, which adopts a relativist view of the nature of reality where several and equally valid realities exist (Ponterotto, 2005). In this position, reality is subjective and influenced by the

individual’s experiences with his or her environment as well as with other individuals including the researcher. A constructivist stance embraces a hermeneutical approach--meaning is hidden and obtained through deep reflection (Ponterotto, 2005). The interaction between researcher and participant is crucial because it stimulates the

reflection needed to uncover deeper meaning. A constructivist paradigm also holds that a researcher’s values and experiences cannot be excluded from the research process. For

(42)

this reason, a researcher must identify and describe his or her values and experiences relevant to the study (Ponterotto, 2005).

Research Design

Researchers working from a constructivist paradigm often utilize naturalistic research designs due to the emphasis on the interaction between the researcher and participant (Ponterotto, 2005). Naturalistic inquiry lends itself to methods that facilitate in-depth interviewing and observation of participants (Ponterotto, 2005). Methodologies such as case study, grounded theory, and phenomenology are commonly used within the constructivist paradigm.

A case study methodology shares some of the basic characteristics of qualitative research: it searches for meaning and understanding of a phenomenon, the researcher is the primary instrument of information collection and analysis, and the end product is richly descriptive (Stake, 1994). It is also characterized by its focus on a bounded system, whether it is an individual, group, program, or institution (Merriam, 2009). To determine if a topic meets the criteria of boundedness, a researcher might ask whether there is a limit to the number of participants involved in the research or if there would be a finite number of observations (Merriam, 2009). If there is no limit to the number of participants or observations to be carried out, then the study does not meet the criteria for a case study methodology and another methodology must be used (Merriam, 2009). From a constructivist perspective, each experience is considered unique. Unless I was seeking to understand the experience of one undocumented immigrant, I would have to include every undocumented immigrant in the United States in the current study to truly understand what this experience is like for each of them. With the millions of

(43)

undocumented immigrants in the United States, it would not be feasible to determine the number of participants to be included in the current study. Thus, there cannot be a finite number of observations or participants. For this reason, a case study methodology was not considered the best approach for the current study.

When conducting research using grounded theory methodology, a researcher seeks to develop a theory or general explanation of a process, action, or interaction shaped by the views of a large number of participants based on the data collected (Creswell, Hanson, Clark Plano, & Morales, 2007; Merriam, 2009). The theory derived is based on a specific incident or process rather than general situations or phenomena (Merriam, 2009). Given that the goal of grounded theory methodology is to derive meaning from the data collected and to develop a theory that emerges from the data, it was not considered the best fit for the current study where the purpose was to understand a phenomenon (Merriam, 2009).

Phenomenology is best suited for studies in which the goal is to provide a deep understanding of a phenomenon experienced by several people (Creswell, 2007). This approach was congruent with the purpose of the current study since it set out to

understand the conscious experience of an undocumented immigrant’s life or world (Merriam, 2009). Therefore, a phenomenological research design was used to guide the current study in its quest to understand the phenomenon of being an undocumented immigrant in the United States. The assumption behind phenomenology is there is an essence to a shared experience (Merriam, 2009). It was the goal of the current study to provide a description of the universal essence of being an undocumented immigrant (Creswell et al., 2007).

(44)

Researcher Stance

When utilizing a phenomenological research design, the primary method of collecting information is through interviews with individuals who have experienced the phenomenon of interest (Merriam, 2009). Prior to conducting interviews, the researcher must explore his or her own views and experiences with the phenomenon under study for two reasons: (a) to become aware of his or her own biases, prejudices, etc. and (b) to examine dimensions of the experience and temporarily set them aside so they do not interfere with seeing the elements of the phenomenon (a process also known as epoche; Merriam, 2009). For these reasons, I now describe my stance in the current study.

My personal background and experiences are relevant to the current study and influenced my decision to pursue a study focused on undocumented immigrants in the United States. As a bilingual and first-generation Mexican immigrant, I have

experienced struggles related to acculturating to a new country and culture. Growing up in predominantly Hispanic areas, I became friends with many undocumented immigrants. As an adult, I have had the opportunity to interact, both professionally and personally, with documented and undocumented immigrants from different countries of origin.

As a teenager, I frequented recreational settings where other young Hispanic people gathered--many of them undocumented. At around the age of 19, I began to notice which at the time seemed to me as odd behaviors among a particular group of young Hispanic men. Many of them were extremely shy, almost fearful. They appeared sad and some seemed lost. Judging by their physical appearance and dress style, it was

(45)

obvious to me they were from out of town, actually from out of the country. I concluded that they must have been recent immigrants, most likely undocumented. It was around this time I became curious about what might be happening with those young men.

As a result of my constant interaction with documented and undocumented immigrants, I began noticing that undocumented immigrants possessed many more worries than documented immigrants. Some undocumented immigrants did not own a vehicle because they did not have a driver’s license. Those who dared to drive without a license had to ask a friend to register the car under his or her name. Many would not travel far from home for fear of being stopped in traffic without a valid license. Not once did I meet an acquaintance or friend who sought professional help (i.e., therapy) to deal with his or her struggles.

It is also important that I discuss my previous marriage to an undocumented immigrant. During the time my ex-husband was undocumented, I experienced the impact an individual’s legal status has on those around him. Due to the limited job opportunities for someone without a valid Social Security number, financial difficulties were common in our household. Additionally, knowing we could be separated permanently if he were ever deported was reason for constant worry. When faced with an unfair situation, oftentimes he would not speak up or stand up for himself if the situation involved an American who could threaten his stay in the country. As his partner, I too felt frustration and the feeling of powerlessness when I learned about such unfortunate situations. After he became fully documented, his reaction to unjust situations was different. I can only assume his change was at least minimally related to his new legal status in this country.

(46)

As a counselor in training, I noticed the discrepancy between the number of available bilingual counseling services in the area where I lived and the number of bilingual and monolingual individuals who resided in the same area. I wondered about immigrants’ struggles and how they overcame them without professional help. I assumed the struggles undocumented immigrants faced were different than those of documented immigrants. I took into consideration the language barrier, the lack of social support, the difficulty of finding employment, and the ever present racial discrimination toward minority groups; all experienced by a disenfranchised group in the United States. I sought to better understand those struggles so I might be able to offer helpful assistance within my role as a future counseling psychologist.

In my interactions with undocumented immigrants, I also learned to appreciate their sacrifices, hard work, and drive to better themselves in a foreign nation. My experience has been that some undocumented immigrants think of their stay in the United States as temporary, while others view their move as permanent. Some embrace this new culture with admiration, while others reject it completely in an attempt to remain loyal to their native culture. However, the fact that these may be normal aspects of an acculturation process is irrelevant to an undocumented

immigrant. The undocumented immigrant can never fully acculturate to U.S. culture because he or she will never be acknowledged as a part of it. In the eyes of U.S. society, the undocumented immigrant will remain invisible because he or she does not have a nine-digit number to prove he or she exists. He or she must forever hide behind the shadows as an illegal alien, avoiding detection for fear of being incarcerated and deported back to his or her country of origin. In conclusion, my opinion was the

References

Related documents

and assists the No.1 drill driver to lift and position the drilling machine into position for the correct position

This correlational study examined the influences of paternalistic leadership behavior (PL) and organizational collectivism (measured at the employee level) on employee

in the strength of the various effects across calibrations, but generally the lender rationing effect accounts for between 20 and 25 percent of the overall decline in

the University of Kentucky with PLTW and Toyota also has pro- grams which use engineering co-op students. While it's not guaranteed that students graduating from the work/study

The results indicate that art librarians typically work in academic settings, chose the field of art librarianship while already employed in libraries, have an educational background

Non-tariff measures (NTMs), import requirements, agri-food trade, gravity estimation,.. regulatory

This course serves as an Integrative Experience (IE) course for Chinese undergraduates, fulfilling the IE requirements in several ways. First, it applies an integrative approach with

A decrease in temperature of an exothermic reaction will cause equilibrium to shift to the right.  An increase in temperature of an