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PREPARED BY

MENSUR AKGÜN, SABİHA SENYÜCEL GÜNDOĞAR

JONATHAN LEVACK

,

GÖKÇE PERÇİNOĞLU

THE PERCEPTION OF TURKEY

IN THE MIDDLE EAST 2010

TESEV

Bankalar Caddesi Minerva Han, No: 2, Kat: 3 34420 Karaköy ‹stanbul T +90 212 292 89 03 F +90 212 292 90 46

www.tesev.org.tr

FOREIGN POLICY PROGRAMME

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THE PERCEPTION OF TURKEY

IN THE MIDDLE EAST 2010

KEY FINDINGS

Prepared by

MENSUR AKGÜN, SABİHA SENYÜCEL GÜNDOĞAR JONATHAN LEVACK, GÖKÇE PERÇİNOĞLU

TESEV foreıgn polıcy programme 2 february 2011, ISTANBUL

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the perceptıon of turkey

ın the mıddle east 2010

ISBN 978-605-5832-66-7

TESEV PUBLICATIONS

Prepared by: Mensur Akgün, Sabiha Senyücel Gündoğar, Jonathan Levack, Gökçe Perçinoğlu

Cover Designı: Serhan Baykara,Myra

Page Layout: Gülderen Rençber Erbaş, Myra

Printed by: Mega Basım

Türkiye Ekonomik ve Sosyal Etüdler Vakf›

Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation

D› Politika Program›

Foreign Policy Programme

Copyright © February 2011

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced electronically or mechanically (photocopy, storage of records or information, etc.) without the permission of the Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV).

This publication is funded by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Turkey Office.

TESEV Foreign Policy Programme would like to extend its thanks to KA Research Limited,

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Turkey Office, Open Society Foundation and TESEV’s High Advisory Board for

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Preface, 5 KEY FINDINGS

Regional Overview, 9

Turkey and the Middle East, 12 Turkey and the European Union, 14 Culture, 15

Regional Security, 17 Threat Perception , 17

Iran and the Nuclear Crisis, 18 Economics, 20 Foreign Investment, 20 Turkish Products, 21 Conclusion, 22 Methodology, 23 Demographics, 25

Contents

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Preface

Until recently, prevailing opinion in Turkey was that the Arabs did not like the Turks. However, this

research the second of its kind -challenges this belief; there is now growing sympathy for Turkey and Turks in the Arab world. Indeed, the first study, which was conducted between July 24th and

29th 2009 in seven Arab countries1, found that an average of 75% of respondents had a positive

view of Turkey.

This study contains the results of the second survey conducted by KA Research Limited between August 25th and September 27th 2010 with my contribution and that of TESEV’s researchers. Again, the 2010 survey was conducted in the same seven Arab countries but, unlike 2009, it was also conducted in Iran. In total, 2,267 people were surveyed by telephone or face-to-face. These results show a statistically significant increase in positive opinion of Turkey.

We think that the results of this survey will be of interest to policymakers and opinion leaders in Turkey and throughout the world. The results of this survey are not limited to just opinion of Turkey however; the findings are also interesting because they detail general trends in the countries surveyed. This report does not detail the results of the entire survey but includes some of our highlights. Over the next few months, we intend to publish a more detailed analysis of the

data.

Although they are dealt with more thoroughly in the report, there are a few social and thus political findings that are noteworthy here. The first relates to Turkey; sympathy in the region for the country is now on its way to being firmly established. This trend is obviously set to continue unless Turkey makes a serious error of judgement. Indeed, 80% of participants in the seven Arab states surveyed had a positive view of Turkey.

The second important finding is that Turkey’s mediatory role is welcomed. Indeed, increased tension in Turkish-Israeli relations that arise from Israeli interventions into Gaza may lead some

to question Turkey’s role in the region but these concerns are not shared by the region’s public

according to the survey results. For example, 78% of those surveyed were supportive of Turkey playing a role in solving the Israel-Palestine problem. There is the same level of support for Turkey assuming more responsibility in the region. Turkey’s mediatory role in the Iranian nuclear crisis is also supported: 61% of Iranian respondents welcomed Turkish mediation.

The survey results also demonstrate that Turkey’s economic presence is felt in the region. 14% perceived Turkey as having the region’s second strongest economy after Saudi Arabia. Although Turkey is not yet seen as the region’s economic leader, expectations are high. 27% of respondents

saw Turkey as the region’s economic leader in just ten years.

Turkey’s impact on the region is not limited to just the economic and political spheres; Turkey is beginning to be a player in the cultural domain as well. Turkish television series and celebrities are remarkably popular in the region - 78% of respondents had watched a Turkish television series.

1 Throughout this summary the 2009 and 2010 data is referred to. In 2009, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Syria and Iraq were surveyed. In 2010, the following countries were surveyed: Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Iraq and Iran. Indeed, when a seven country regional weighted average is referred to it comprises the seven Arab countries. When an eight country regional weighted average is referred to, it includes these seven countries and Iran.

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The survey results also shed light on the debate as to whether Turkey is perceived as a model for the region. 66% percent of respondents felt that Turkey can be a model for Middle Eastern countries. Support for the Turkish model was linked to the country’s Muslim identity, its economy and its democratic system.

The study also details some valuable information on Turkey-EU relations. An average of 54% of respondents supported Turkish accession to the EU. The EU’s fading influence over Turkey may have had an effect on regional opinion; there was a 7% decrease in the number of participants who thought that Turkey’s EU accession had a positive effect on its relations with the region. Although all members of the Foreign Policy Programme were involved in the study, I am primarily

responsible for the commentary alongside Sabiha Senyücel, Gökçe Perçinoğlu and Jonathan Levack. We are however extremely thankful for the support and advice of Prof. Meliha Altunışık of Middle East Technical University, Professor Gökhan Çetinsaya of Şehir University and Dr. Paul Salem of the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut who have helped us throughout the duration

of the study.

We are especially grateful to Bülent Kılınçarslan and his team at KA Research Limited, including Canan Uçar, Diler İnal, Seda Aras, Bora Özbek and Shirin Jahangir,who we are now working with for the second year. We would also like to thank the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Turkey Office, Open

Society Foundation and TESEV’s High Advisory Board for their continuing support. Mensur Akgün

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9

Regional Overview

In the 2009 survey, 18% of respondents viewed the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as the region’s most urgent issue. In 2010, this figure had increased to 30% on a regional weighted average with Iran excluded and 26% with Iran included. 21% of respondents saw the economy as the region’s most urgent issue, ranking it the second most common response.

When we look at the surveyed countries individually, the Israeli-Palestinian problem is seen as the region’s most urgent issue in Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Saudi Arabia and Syria. By comparison, in 2009 the economy was viewed as the region’s most urgent issue in these six countries.

Unlike these six countries, the economy takes precedence in Iran and Iraq as the region’s most urgent issue (28% and 23% respectively). Indeed, in Iran the economy was viewed as both the

REGIONAL CONCERNS (TOP 4 RESPONSES)

DOMESTIC CONCERNS (TOP 4 RESPONSES)

35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

The Israeli Palestinian

conflict The Economy/Economicproblems Lack of peace Other political issues

Bölgesel sorunlar (En yüksek dört cevap)

2009 Region Weighted Average, Iran not included 2010 Region Weighted Average, Iran not included 2010 Region Weighted Average, Iran included 18 30 % 26 26 21 22 0 3 3 10 3 3 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 The Economy/Economic

problems Infrastructure and publicservices The Israeli Palestinianconflict Education and schools

Ülke içi sorunlar (En yüksek 4 cevap)

2009 Region Weighted Average, Iran not included 2010 Region Weighted Average, Iran not included 2010 Region Weighted Average, Iran included 49 45 51 5 8 6 3 7 4 3 2 1 %

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country’s and region’s most urgent problem. In a separate question, 49% of Iranian respondents stated that sanctions had negatively impacted on the Iranian economy.

When respondents were asked what they saw as their country’s most urgent issue, all but Iraqis stated it was the economy or economic problems. In Iraq, the most frequent answer to the question of what is the country’s most urgent issue was security concerns (28% of responses). By comparison, in 2009, 19% of Iraqi respondents saw general security concerns as their country’s most urgent issue.

62% of Iranian respondents saw the economy or economic problems as their country’s most urgent issue. Because of the size of Iran’s population, this figure affects the regional weighted average significantly. Without Iran, the regional weighted average for seven countries drops from 51% with Iran to 45% without. This is below the 49% recorded for the same question in 2009.

The 2010 survey tried to assess how countries within the region saw each other and other outside

actors. In 2009, the survey only looked at opinion of the seven surveyed countries and Turkey. In

2010, respondents’ opinion of a total of 17 countries was sought.2

Comparing the results of 2009 to 2010, positive opinion of Turkey actually increased while favourable opinion of most countries fell. The only other country to witness an increase in favourable opinion was Saudi Arabia on a seven country regional weighted average. However this 3% increase was less than the increase in favourable opinion of Turkey. On a seven country regional weighted average, favourable opinion of Turkey increased from 75% in 2009 to 80% in

2010. When including Iran into this average, favourable opinion of Turkey increased to 85%. In the 2010 findings, favourable opinion of Egypt and Iraq had in fact dropped by 10% and 16%

respectively from the 2009 results. Indeed, Egyptian and Iraqi opinion of their own countries dropped in 2010. In Iraq, favourable opinion of Iraq dropped from 84% in 2009 to 68% in 2010. In 2009 Egyptian respondents viewed their own country as the most favourable in the region; yet in

2 These were Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Iraq, Turkey, Iran, the USA, the UK, France, Germany, China, Russia, Brazil and Venezuela.

WHAT IS YOUR OPINION OF THE FOLLOWING COUNTRIES?

100 80 60 40 20 0

Turkey Egypt Jordan Lebanon Palestine Saudi

Arabia Syria Iraq Iran

What is your opinion of the following countries?

Total favourable/somewhat favourable responses

2009 Region Weighted Average, Iran not included 2010 Region Weighted Average, Iran not included 2010 Region Weighted Average, Iran included

7580 85 % 72 62 45 68 66 55 72 69 65 62 55 54 7881 70 727072 61 45 39 58

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2010 Egyptian respondents were more positive about Saudi Arabia than they were about Egypt. These results support the view that Egypt is losing its regional stature.

Turkey became more popular in 2010 in every country apart from Iraq. Favourable opinion of Turkey is particularly prominent in the less populous countries of the region (Jordan, Lebanon and Palestine) - to the extent that Turkey is viewed more favourably than their own country. In addition, Iranian respondents were also very sympathetic towards Turkey. On the other hand, opinion of Turkey in the region’s more established powers (Egypt and Saudi Arabia), was not as

favourable although still high and increasing. Favourable opinion of Turkey is particularly notable

when it is compared to other European Union countries. For example, regional favourable opinion of Germany stands at 54% and France at 52%.

The least popular countries in the survey were the USA and UK (39% of respondents had a favourable opinion of the US and only 37% had a favourable opinion of the UK). The US was particularly unpopular in Syria and Palestine, where only 21% and 25% of respondents had a

favourable opinion of the US respectively. As is outlined later, the US is indeed seen as a significant

threat to the region. Now seen as a major competitor to the US on the international stage, China has a far more positive image in the region. Egyptian and Syrian respondents had a particularly favourable opinion of China in this regard (78% and 71% respectively).

REGIONAL OPINION OF CHINA AND THE US

80 60 40 20 0 Region Weighted Average

Egypt Jordan Lebanon Palestine Saudi Arabia Syria Iraq ABD ve Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti’nin bölgedeki algısı

39 67 40 78 % 28 69 34 67 25 59 39 70 21 71 49 62 40 65 USA China

Total favourable/somewhat favourable responses

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Turkey and the Middle East

The results of the data can be analysed in three categories that look at different aspects of

perception of Turkey in the Middle East: the first looks at whether Turkey is an influential actor in the region, the second about whether it should play a bigger role in the region than it is currently doing so and finally what Turkey as a country represents. In the first category, more than three quarters of respondents (76%) felt that Turkey had a significant impact on the Middle East. Further, 73% felt that Turkey had become more influential in the region in recent years. In all surveyed countries, the outcomes were similar apart from Iraq, where the results were slightly lower than the average at 64% and 60% respectively. Despite this, there is clear awareness of Turkey’s engagement with the region and this is seen as peaceful.

In response to the two questions related to whether Turkey should be more active, again opinion was positive. 78% of respondents thought that Turkey should play both a bigger role in the region and a mediatory role in the Israel-Palestine conflict (and only 15% thought Turkey should not). In 2009, support for a larger Turkish role in the region and in mediating in the Israel-Palestine conflict was almost identical (77% and 79% respectively). This suggests that there is clear support for Turkish engagement in the region both now and in the future.

Turkey has often been touted as a model for the region. In the 2009 survey, 61% of respondents felt Turkey could be a model. In 2010 that figure increased to 66% - support for the concept of Turkey as a model was particularly prominent in the less populous countries (Jordan, 76%, Lebanon, 71%, Palestine 77% and Syria 75%). 66% of respondents also thought that Turkey represented a successful blend of Islam and democracy. Again in both cases Iraqi support for Turkey as a model and as a successful example of the coherence between Islam and democracy was lower than the

average at 60% and 53% respectively.

TURKEY’S ROLE IN THE MIDDLE EAST

75 16 73 % 12 80 60 40 20 0 78 15 78 66 66 18 19 15 Türkiye’nin Ortadoğu’daki rolü: Algı ve Etki

Turkey is a succesful example of the coherence between Islam and Democracy Turkey has recently

become more influencial in Middle

Eastern politics What impact does

Turkey have on peace in the Middle East?

Turkey can be a model for countries in the

Middle East Turkey should play a

bigger role in the Middle East

Turkey should play a mediatory role in resolving the Israeli Palestinian

conflict

Agree Disagree Great/moderate Small/not at all

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In the 2009 survey, it was unclear why respondents saw Turkey as a model. Thus in 2010, respondents were asked why they saw Turkey as a model or why they did not depending on their answer to the aforementioned question. When analyzing the results to why Turkey can be a model, we see that Turkey’s Muslim background, economic power and democratic regime were the most popular answers.

Country variations are also noteworthy. Respondents from Egypt (15%) and Iran (19%) think that Turkey’s Muslim background is the primary reason for why it could be a model for Middle Eastern countries. Because Iran and Egypt have the two highest weighting factors in the regional average, they played a large role in this answer being the most popular one. Respondents from Jordan (18%), Palestine (27%), Saudi Arabia (15%) and Syria (17%) think that Turkey can be a model for Middle Eastern countries because of its stance in support of Palestinians and/or Muslims. Respondents from Lebanon (12%) though that Turkey can be a model for Middle Eastern countries because of its democratic regime, and Turkey’s secular political system was the most popular answer in Iraq (12%).

Equally to those that saw Turkey as a model for the region, those that did not often pointed towards similar reasons for their view - albeit seen from a different perspective. For example, 11%

WHY CAN TURKEY BE A MODEL? (TOP 4 RESPONSES)

WHY CAN’T TURKEY BE A MODEL? (TOP 4 RESPONSES)

15 11 10 12 20 15 10 5 0 Its Muslim

background Its economy Its democraticregime Palestinians and MuslimsIt stands up for

Why can Turkey be a model? (Top 4 responses) % 12 % 10 8 11 20 15 10 5 0

Its secular political

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of respondents did not see Turkey as a suitable model because the country was not Muslim enough. But here too differences between the countries can be highlighted. For example, 14% of Egyptian respondents, 12% of Jordanian and 8% of Syrian respondents cited Turkey’s secular system as a reason for it to not be a model. In Saudi Arabia (17%) and Palestine (23%) the most regularly cited reason was Turkey is simply not Muslim enough to be a model for the region. But in Lebanon, the most common response was the region did not need a model (11%) and in Iraq respondents felt the Turkey’s relations with the West (14%) precluded it from being a model.

TURKEY and THE EUROPEAN UNION

The majority of respondents supported Turkey’s EU membership process. However, in comparison to the 2009 survey, the importance attached to the membership process has dropped. Notably, the proportion of respondents who felt that accession would benefit Turkey’s role in the Middle East also dropped from 64% to 57%. Moreover, removing Iran from the data results in a further fall in

SUPPORT FOR TURKEY’S EU ACCESSION

WOULD EU ACCESSION HAVE A POSITIVE EFFECT ON TURKEY’S ROLE IN THE MIDDLE EAST?

80

60

40

20

0

Türkiye’nin AB üyeliği için verilen destek

57 54 58 53 59 52 72 64 63 57 50 46 59 55 57 49 58 % Region Weighted Average Egypt Jordan

Total strongly/somewhat supportive responses Lebanon Palestine Saudi

Arabia Syria Iraq Iran

2009 2010 80 60 40 20 0 Region Weighted Average

Egypt Jordan Lebanon

Total very positive/positive responses Palestine Saudi

Arabia Syria Iraq Iran

Would EU accession have a positive affect on Turkey’s role in the Middle East?

2009 2010 64 % 57 64 54 67 56 72 69 71 62 62 52 70 63 59 49 60

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sentiment. Despite these falls, the fact that the majority of people support Turkey’s membership and believe it will benefit Turkey in the region is noteworthy. This suggests that the region is aware of the slowing of the accession process and the EU’s declining influence in the region. 34

3 For more detailed information, see: http://www.kultur.gov.tr/TR/belge/1-63767/sinir-giris-cikis-istatistikleri.html 4 Ibid.

Culture

In recent years, Turkey has not just become more politically and economically active in the Middle East but culturally as well. The popularity of Turkish television series and holidaying in Turkey has become far more apparent. Thus the 2010 survey included questions about television and holidaying to understand this phenomenon.

Turkey as a destination has become more popular. Between 2007 and 2009, the number of tourists arriving from the surveyed countries increased from between 25% to 55% depending

on the country.3 Since 2009, Turkey has lifted visa requirements with Jordan, Lebanon, and

Syria in both directions as well as for Saudi Arabian citizens. Indeed, comparing the number of tourists arriving from these four countries in the month of July 2010 to July 2009 reveals the impact of this policy: there was a 32% increase in the number of tourists from Jordan, an 88% increase from Lebanon, a 133% increase from Syria and a 59% increase from Saudi

Arabia.4

The results show that respondents saw Turkey as the most popular Middle Eastern destination. Indeed, Turkey was the most popular destination in Lebanon (51%), Iran (50%), Syria (43%), Jordan (41%), Palestine (41%) and Saudi Arabia (26%). Turkey’s nearest rival, Saudi Arabia, was the most popular destination amongst Egyptians only (32%). When asked about holidaying outside the region, France was the most popular destination but Turkey was the second most popular alongside Germany with 9%.

top 4 most popular holıday destınatıons in the

middle east

top 4 most popular holıday destınatıons outsıde the middle east 35 13 9 19 40 30 20 10 0

Turkey Saudi Arabia Lebanon Egypt

Orta Doğu’da tatil için tercih edilen ilk dört ülke

% 19 9 8 9 40 30 20 10 0

Orta Doğu dışında tatil için tercih edilen ilk dört ülke

%

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Turkish television series, dubbed in Arabic, are contributing to the visibililty of the country in the Middle East. Today the

volume of these exports to the region is around $50 million per annum.5 Indeed,

television series have become an important part of Turkey’s soft power; the number of people who watch Turkish TV series in

the region is very substantial and this has the potential to have a lasting effect on

Turkey’s image. The survey results confirm

this popularity: 78% of respondents had

watched a Turkish TV series. The number of viewers was particularly high in Syria (85%) and Iraq (89%). Indeed, it’s not just the series themselves but Turkish celebrities that are popular in the Middle East: respondents could name no fewer than 15 Turkish TV series and 15 celebrities. Knowledge of Turkey’s television series and celebrities was particularly noteworthy in Iraq.

HAVE YOU EVER WATCHED A

TURKISH TV SERIES?Daha önce bir Türk dizisi izlediniz mi?

22%

78%

Yes No

5

5 Turkish Soap Operas Total $50 Million in Exports. Hurriyet Daily News. 16/01/2011. http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/n. php?n=turkish-soap-operas-total-50-million-in-exports-2011-01-16

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Regional Security

threat perceptıon

The survey demonstrates that regional threat perception in 2010 was similar to that in 2009. In both years, Israel was viewed as the region’s biggest threat – 48% of respondents from the seven

surveyed Arab countries thought that Israel posed the greatest threat to the region in both 2009

and 2010. With Iran included however, the region weighted average drops from 48% to 40%. The US is deemed the second biggest threat to the region in both surveys as well. In 2009, 18% of respondents saw the US as the biggest threat to the region, whereas in 2010 perception fell by 1 percentage point to 17%. However with Iran included, a total of 26% see the US as the biggest threat to the region (as an eight country weighted average).

Indeed, Iran differs from the majority of the region. 43% of Iranian respondents felt that the US was the biggest threat to the region, whereas only 24% thought that Israel was the biggest threat. As abovementioned, in every other country, Israel is seen as the biggest threat with the USA second. Interestingly, 5% of Iranians saw their own country as the biggest threat to the region. Looking at Iran as a threat, a total of 9% see it as the biggest threat to the region – the same as in 2009. However, if Iran is removed, the region weighted average increases to 12%. Simply put, more than one in ten respondents from the seven Arab countries surveyed see Iran as the region’s biggest threat. For example, in 2009, only Iraqi respondents viewed Iran as a significant threat to the region. But in 2010, both Iraqi and Saudi Arabian respondents saw Iran as a major threat (21% and 18% saw it as the biggest threat respectively).

The results also suggest that very few people see Turkey as a threat to the region. The only country where Turkey is perceived as a threat is Iraq, where 6% of respondents named it as the biggest threat to the region. This is still low when compared to other responses.

whıch country poses the greatest threat to the mıddle east?

80

60

40

20

0

Tehdit algısı: Sizce Orta Doğu’ya en büyük tehdit hangi ülkeden geliyor?

26 40 9 17 54 9 20 56 8 13 62 8 30 47 5 17 40 18 25 54 4 11 26 21 24 43 5 % Region

Weighted Average Egypt Jordan Lebanon Palestine ArabiaSaudi Syria Iraq Iran

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Iran and the nuclear crisis

In 2010 Iran and the nuclear crisis became a more prominent part of the region’s agenda. 63% of respondents (excluding Iran) think that Iran plays a large role in the political and economic life of the region. When asked how much of a political and economic role they think Iran should play, support for Iran playing a large role in the region falls slightly to 59%. Hence more people think

Iran plays a large role in the region than think it should.

When Iranian opinion is included, the regional weighted results unsurprisingly increase. Based on an eight country regional weighted average, 70% of respondents think Iran plays a large political and economic role in the region and 69% think it should. Outside of Iran, Syrian (76%) and Lebanese (75%) respondents were most supportive of Iran playing a role in the region.

ıran’s regıonal role

support for ıran developıng nuclear weapons

75 70 65 60 55 50

İran’ın bölgesel rolü: Gerçeklik ve algı

63

70

59

69

%

How much of a political and economic role does Iran play

in the Middle East?

How much of a political and economic role should Iran play

in the Middle East?

Region Weighted Average, Iran not included Region Weighted Average, Iran included

Total ‘a large role’ responses

50 40 30 20 10 0

İran’ın nükleer silah geliştirmesine verilen destek

39 40 35 28 11 20 %

Favour Neither favour nor oppose Oppose

Region Average, Iran not included Region Average, Iran included

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In response to the question of whether respondents supported an Iranian nuclear weapons programme, 39% of respondents outside of Iran were in favour whereas 35% were against. Looking at individual countries, the most supportive of Iran developing nuclear weapons was Syria (49%), which was ahead of Iran itself (43%). A significant proportion of Iraqi (21%) and Saudi Arabian (18%) respondents saw Iran as the region’s biggest threat. This is consistent with the two groups being the least supportive of Iran developing nuclear weapons (54% and 40% are opposed respectively). Opposition was also high in Lebanon (40%).

Respondents who supported Iran developing nuclear weapons were then asked why they did. The two most common responses were that other states possessed them [and thus Iran should be able to have them too] and that nuclear weapons would ensure its own security.

Turkey’s role in mediating on the Iranian nuclear issue has also received much attention. Thus, Iranian respondents were asked how they saw Turkish mediation. 61% of respondents welcomed Turkey’s role in the crisis whereas only 9% viewed it unfavourably. Indeed, Iran is supportive of Turkey playing a mediation role in the region more generally.

why do you favour ıran developıng nuclear weapons?

TURKISH medıatıon: the vıew from ıran

19 8 7 7 6 17 % 20 15 10 5 0 Other states

possess them To ensure itsown security Islam and Arab statesTo defend To confrontIsrael an Islamic stateBecause it is It has the right topossess them

Why do you favour Iran devoloping nuclear weapons?

Turkish Mediation: The View from Iran

Favourably 61% DK / Ref 12% Neither Favourably nor unfavourably 18% Unfavourably 9%

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Economics

Enthusiasm for the Turkish economy amongst respondents is clear. 14% felt that Turkey had the strongest economy in the region today - only Saudi Arabia was seen by more respondents as currently having a stronger economy then Turkey (22%). Incidentally, opinion of the Turkish economy was lowest in Saudi Arabia where only 8% of respondents saw Turkey as the region’s economic powerhouse. On the other hand, positive opinion of the Turkish economy was most prominent in Iran (18%) and Palestine (19%).

More interestingly, perception of the future prospects for the Turkish economy was bright. Turkey is seen as the region’s coming economic leader with more than one quarter of all respondents (27%) seeing Turkey as the regional economic leader in 10 years. Support for such a view was robust in all eight countries but particularly strong in Lebanon (23%), Palestine (24%) and Iran (45%). Clearly, the expansion of the Turkish economy and its deeper integration with markets in

the Middle East has not gone unnoticed. Foreign Investment

the regıon’s strongest economy: now and ın 10 years

foreıgn ınvestment: preferred orıgın

30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Saudi Arabia Iran

Turkey UAE

Bölgenin en güçlü ekonomisi: Şimdi ve 10 yıl sonra

Now In ten years 14 % 22 27 16 8 5 4 11 32 % 8 4 17 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Turkey Saudi Arabia My own country UAE

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When asking survey participants from which country they would like to see foreign investment, Turkey and Saudi Arabia again emerged as the region’s economic leaders. Sympathy for Turkish

investment was high across all eight countries, including Syria (26%) and Palestine (27%) but especially high in Iran (53%) – indeed, 62% of Iranian respondents saw the economy as the country’s major issue.

When asking a similar question about whether they would welcome investment from Turkey, 86% of respondents said they would support it. This is a higher average result than for any other of the other eight countries surveyed. Turkish investment is perhaps seen as attractive because Turkish companies are often perceived as efficient, innovative and a gateway to Europe. Indeed, for the Syrian Minister for the Economy and Trade, Syrian businesses benefit from the investment from Turkish companies as it encourages competitiveness in the Syrian economy.6

TURKISH PRODUCTS

According to the survey data, Turkish products are also well known in the region. 76% of respondents had consumed a Turkish product i.e. a product that is known to be Turkish. The data also suggests that Turkish products have achieved significant market saturation in Iraq and Iran (87% and 83% of respondents had consumed a Turkish product respectively). However, Turkish products are less visible in Saudi Arabia and Egypt (both 68%). When asked what type of Turkish products respondents had consumed, textiles, confectionaries, household electronics and

consumer durables were the most frequent responses.

6 Abdullah Bozkurt. Win-Win Case for Turkey and Syria. Today’s Zaman 18/01/2011. http://www.todayszaman.com/columnist-232738-win-win-case-for-turkey-and-syria.html

have you ever consumed a turkısh product?Daha önce Türkiye menşeli herhangi bir ürünkullandınız mı?

No 21% DK/REF 3%

Yes 76%

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Conclusion

This study was conducted to measure the perception of Turkey in eight Middle Eastern countries. The results demonstrate that the region is highly aware of Turkey and this awareness ranges from

knowledge of Turkish products and TV series through to the upbeat view of Turkey’s policies towards the region. When comparing the results of the 2009 and 2010 survey, positive perception of Turkey continues. Put simply, despite the general brief, the Arabs like Turkey.

The study also hints at general trends in these eight countries. Once again, the survey underlines

the fact that region’s public attach great significance to economic welfare. The data also reaffirms some of what is already common knowledge. On the issue of threat perception, the prominence of the Israel-Palestine conflict and the possible nuclear armament of Iran amongst the region’s population may assist policymakers in their understanding of the region.

There is also important data for Turkish decision-makers to draw upon; the relatively low support for Turkey in Iraq was a constant factor. This low support is, in part, reflective of opinion in Northern Iraq and its predominately Kurdish population.

Naturally, there is important data here that needs to be considered and discussed. This initial data represents the foreign policy programme’s key findings that we wanted to publish as soon as possible. A more detailed analysis will follow in our next publication.

It must be further stressed that this study illustrates ‘the street’s’ opinion and details trends in the region. This alone is not enough to develop policy. Clearly, policy makers should be aware of the region, the wider world and the bigger picture.

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Methodology

The Image of Turkey Survey in the Middle East is a cross-country survey conducted by the mixed-mode method including Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing (CATI) and Face-to Face Interviewing (F2F) by KA Research Limited of Istanbul. CATI was conducted in Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Iran by phone from a CATI facility in Istanbul, in Arabic and Farsi; and F2F interviews were conducted in Iraq by KA Iraq office. A total sample of 2,267 participants was interviewed in 8 Middle Eastern countries.

Interviews were conducted among a random sample of approximately 286 individuals aged 18 and over in the major 3 or 4 cities of the survey countries. Fieldwork took place between August 25th and September 27th, 2010. The questionnaire consisted of 40 substantive questions (only for Iran 8 more questions were asked), 12 demographic questions, and 20 quality control questions. During the fieldwork there were 5,574 contact attempts made in total. Of these, 1,652 resulted in non-contacts, yielding a non-contact rate of 29.6%. Of the 3,227 successful contacts, there were 1,246 refusals giving the study a 61.4% response rate. The poll has a +/- 2.06% margin of error at

the regional level and a +/- 5.8% for individual countries at the 95% confidence level. 6 Arab Countries (Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Syria) Mode: Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing (CATI)

CATI fieldwork was realized by 23 trained interviewers who are native speakers of Arabic. Average length of a successful interview was 24 minutes, ranging from 12 to 49 minutes. Households were selected by using generating random numbers (last 4 digits) and respondents were selected using the Last Birthday method.

Fieldwork dates : August 25 – September 08, 2010

Quality control : August 25 – September 12, 2010

Data processing : September 13 – December 12, 2010

Egypt

Total population : 72,579,030

18+ population : 45,957,000

Sampling cities : Cairo, Ash Sharqiyah, Alexandria, Al Gizah

Sample size : 287 adults aged 18+

Weighting factor : 2.58055

Jordan

Total population : 5,074,242

18+ population : 3,129,000

Sampling cities : Amman, Irbid, Zarga, Balqa

Sample size : 287 adults aged 18+

Weighting factor : 0.17570

Lebanon

Total population : 3,755,033

18+ population : 2,729,000

Sampling cities : Jabal Lubnan (Mount Lebanon), Al-Shamal (North), Bekaa, Beirut

Sample size : 286 adults aged 18+

(25)

24

Palestine

Total population : 3,761,646

18+population : 1,794,000

Sampling cities : Al-Khalil, Gaza, Jerusalem (Arabs only), Nablus

Sample size : 287 adults aged 18+

Weighting factor : 0.10109

Saudi Arabia

Total population : 23,980,834 18+ population : 14,086,000

Sampling cities : Makkah, Riyad, Eastern Province, Aseer Sample size : 288 adults aged 18+

Weighting factor : 0.78820

Syria

Total population : 18,356,000

18+population : 10,709,000

Sampling cities : Damascus, Aleppo, Homs, Hama

Sample size : 287 adults aged 18+ Weighting factor : 0.60132

OTHER countrıes

Iran

Mode: Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing (CATI)

CATI fieldwork was realized by 19 trained interviewers who are native speakers of Farsi. Average length of a successful interview was 32 minutes, ranging from 17 to 49 minutes. Households were selected by using generating random numbers and respondents were selected using the Last Birthday method.

Fieldwork dates : September 18 – 27, 2010

Quality control : September 18 – October 1, 2010

Data processing : September 28 – December 12, 2010

Total population : 70,495,782 18+ population : 47,640,589

Sampling cities : Tehran, Khorasan Rezavi, Isfahan, East Azerbaijan

Sample size : 260 adults aged 18+ Weighting factor : 2.95288

Iraq

Mode: Face to face interviews (F2F)

F2F interviews were conducted by 28 trained Iraqi interviewers. The average length of a successful interview was 36 minutes, ranging from 28 to 45 minutes. Sampling points were selected by the P-Codes System (similar to postal codes). This system helped to cover all parts of the selected Primary Sampling Units (PSUs) and to have a randomization of sampling points. Then the households (in villages or streets) were selected according to the random routes principle and respondents within each household were selected using the Last Birthday method. There were no substitutions for the respondent within the same household.

Fieldwork dates : August 29 – September 1, 2010

Quality control : August 29 – September 9, 2010

Data entry / processing : September 7 – December 12, 2010

Total population : 27,962,968 18+ population : 14,628,000

Sampling cities : Baghdad, Erbil (Northern Iraq), Basra (Southern Iraq)

Sample size : 286 adults aged 18+ Weighting factor : 0.82425

(26)

25

Demographics

age dıstrıbutıon employment status 50 40 30 20 10 0

Region Total Egypt %

Jordan Lebanon Palestine Saudi Arabia Syria Iraq Iran

Demografi Yaş dağılımı 18-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55+ 16 20212220 16 21 27 20 16 20 24 26 18 12 25 26 22 14 13 20 35 20 17 8 23 23 18 13 23 21 20 15 9 35 16 23 20 18 22 19 26 22 18 14 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

Region Total Egypt Jordan Lebanon Palestine Saudi Arabia Syria Iraq Iran

Çalışma Durumları 46 % 35 57 24 42 31 49 35 37 46 45 36 45 37 48 35 48 33

Working Not working * Not working does not include students and retirees.

(27)

26

educatıon level

socıal class (based on respondents’ claım)

80

60

40

20

0

Region Total Egypt Jordan Lebanon Palestine Saudi Arabia Syria Iraq Iran

Eğitim Durumları 11 6 35 59 6 39 55 5 53 41 7 62 31 6 46 47 13 62 42 18 7 31 62 40 24 50 % 39

Low education Medium education High education

100 80 60 40 20 0

Region Total Egypt Jordan Lebanon Palestine Saudi Arabia Syria Iraq Iran

Sosyal Sınıfları (kendi beyanatlarıyla)

Poor/Lower class Working class Middle class Upper class/Rich

10 7 5 8 10 5 11 21 21 31 27 11 15 68 5 8 74 6 2 85 7 9 77 3 7 81 3 5 86 3 5 82 6 9 73 8 %

(28)

27

gender dıstrıbutıon

respondentS who watch tv

80

60

40

20

0

Region Total Egypt Jordan Lebanon Palestine Saudi Arabia Syria Iraq Iran

Cinsiyet Dağılımı 49 51 53 47 47 53 47 53 38 62 55 45 49 51 49 51 50 50 Male Female % 100 80 60 40 20 0

Region Total Egypt Jordan Lebanon Palestine Saudi Arabia Syria Iraq Iran

Televizyon İzleme Alışkanlıkları

96 84 96 86 96 85 94 85 98 87 94 80 93 82 96 77 96 88

TV-Regular viewers (more than once a week) TV-Daily viewers %

(29)

28

respondents who read newspapers

respondentS who use the ınternet

80

60

40

20

0

Region Total Egypt Jordan Lebanon Palestine Saudi Arabia Syria Iraq Iran

Gazete Okuma Alışkanlıkları

53 30 61 35 60 46 43 22 52 26 63 40 37 18 53 23 51 27

Newspapers-Regular readers (more than once a week) Newspapers-Daily readers % 80 60 40 20 0

Region Total Egypt Jordan Lebanon Palestine Saudi Arabia Syria Iraq Iran

İnternet Kullanma Alışkanlıkları

48 32 47 33 57 45 50 38 49 34 67 51 30 19 43 13 33 19

Internet-Regular users (more than once a week) Internet-Daily users %

(30)

PREPARED BY

MENSUR AKGÜN, SABİHA SENYÜCEL GÜNDOĞAR

JONATHAN LEVACK

,

GÖKÇE PERÇİNOĞLU

THE PERCEPTION OF TURKEY

IN THE MIDDLE EAST 2010

TESEV

Bankalar Caddesi Minerva Han, No: 2, Kat: 3 34420 Karaköy ‹stanbul T +90 212 292 89 03 F +90 212 292 90 46

www.tesev.org.tr

FOREIGN POLICY PROGRAMME

References

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