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Simcock, N and Mullen, C

Energy demand for everyday mobility and domestic life: Exploring the justice

implications

http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/id/eprint/12530/

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Citation (please note it is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you

intend to cite from this work)

Simcock, N and Mullen, C (2016) Energy demand for everyday mobility and

domestic life: Exploring the justice implications. Energy Research and

Social Science, 18. pp. 1-6. ISSN 2214-6296

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ContentslistsavailableatScienceDirect

Energy

Research

&

Social

Science

j ou rn a l h o m e p a g e :w w w . e l s e v i e r . c om / l o c a t e / e r s s

Original

research

article

Energy

demand

for

everyday

mobility

and

domestic

life:

Exploring

the

justice

implications

Neil

Simcock

a,∗

,

Caroline

Mullen

b

aDEMANDCentre,LancasterUniversity,LA14YD,UnitedKingdom

bDEMANDCentreandInstituteforTransportStudies,1-3LiftonPlace,UniversityofLeeds,LS29JT,UnitedKingdom

a

r

t

i

c

l

e

i

n

f

o

Articlehistory: Received4April2016

Receivedinrevisedform26May2016 Accepted31May2016

Availableonline22June2016 Keywords: Justice Equity Energy Energydemand Consumption Mobility

a

b

s

t

r

a

c

t

Theconsumptionofenergy servicesforeverydaymobilityanddomesticlifeisafundamental

pre-conditionforparticipatinginmanycontemporarysocieties,butitcanalsoimpactuponcurrentand

futuregenerationsinwaysthatraisequestionsofequityandfairness.Whilstthefieldof‘energy

jus-tice’hasbecomemoreestablishedinrecentyears,muchworkremainstobedonetofurtherthisarea

ofstudy.InthisleadarticleforaSpecialIssueon‘Energydemandformobilityanddomesticlife:new

insightsfromenergyjustice’,webeginbyoutliningthemanyinterlockingissuesof(in)justiceraisedby

energyconsumptionformobilityanddomesticservices,identifyinggapsinthecurrentliterature.We

thendescribethearticleswithintheSpecialIssue,discussingtheseinrelationtothreethemes:uneven

accesstoenergyandtransportservices;theunequalburdensoflow-carbonpolicies;andreducingenergy

demandandthegoodsociety.Weconcludebyhighlightingpotentialdirectionsforfutureresearch;for

example,conceptualising‘excessive’consumptionasanissueof(in)justice,andidentifyinglow-energy

socialpracticesandarrangementsthatsimultaneouslycontributetohumanwell-being.

©2016TheAuthors.PublishedbyElsevierLtd.ThisisanopenaccessarticleundertheCCBYlicense

(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

1. Justiceandenergydemand:settingthecontext

Justiceandfairnessareamongstourmostcentralhuman con-cerns[54],reachingtosomeofthedeepestandmostfundamental questionsaboutthetypeofsocietywewish toliveinRef.[49]. As a vital ingredient for the fulfilment of much contemporary humanactivityandtheveryfunctioningofmodernsocieties[66], itisperhapsunsurprisingthatinrecentyearsenergyhasbecome embroiledinsuchdebates.‘Energyjustice’hasemergedasanew framingforsocial-science researchfocussedonissuesofjustice arisingacrosstheenergysystem[28,39].Theresearchfallingunder this banner is broad, and includes a focus on the distributive impacts of energy production [9,75] and the lack of access to democraticdecision-making processesfor thoseaffectedbythe installationandoperationofenergysystems[40,58,77].However,it isjusticeintermsofenergyconsumption–or,moreaccurately, con-sumptionofthemanydomesticandmobilityservicesmadepossible byenergy[62]–thatisthefocusofthisSpecialIssue.Specifically, theIssuecentresupontwobroadcategoriesofenergyconsumption thatarebothfundamentaltocontemporarywaysoflife–energy

∗ Correspondingauthor.

E-mailaddresses:n.simcock@outlook.com(N.Simcock),c.a.mullen@leeds.ac.uk

(C.Mullen).

usedfordomestictasks,and energyusedforeverydayformsof mobilityandtransport.

In the domestic space, beingable to accessand useenergy servicesisoftenapre-requisiteforsecuringbasicneedsand engag-ingincustomaryandexpectedpatternsofeverydayactivity[63]. Whenpeopleareunableattainsufficientlevelsof‘essential’energy services–aproblemcommonlytermed‘fuelpoverty’or‘energy poverty’ [11] –this can have seriousimpacts ontheirphysical health[31],well-being,andabilitytoleadaflourishinglife[19]. Giventhecentralityofenergyservicestohumandevelopmentand qualityoflife,someenergyjusticeliteraturehasfocussedon exam-iningdistributiveinequitiesintheavailabilityandaffordabilityof suchservicesindifferentpartsoftheworld[8],underpinnedbythe principlethatallpeopleareentitledtothebasicgoodsnecessaryfor well-beingandtheabilitytoparticipateintheirsociety[63]. Along-sidethisdistributiveinjustice,WalkerandDay[71]arguethatfuel povertyisalsoindicativeofalackofrespectandrecognitionforthe needsofvulnerablegroupsinsociety,andinadequateprocedural justiceintermsoflimitedinformationandalackofopportunityfor thefuelpoortoparticipateinpolicy-making.

Beyondthedomesticspace,energyisalsoacrucialprecondition formucheverydaymobility,asittypicallyenablesthe function-ingofvarioustransportsystems.Suchmobilityisitselfoftenan essentialpartofparticipatinginmanyeconomic,social,political andpersonalactivities.Researchliteratureon‘transportpoverty’

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.erss.2016.05.019

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2 N.Simcock,C.Mullen/EnergyResearch&SocialScience18(2016)1–6

illustrateshowtherecanbedeepinequalitiesinpeople’sabilityto accessand/oraffordthemeanstobemobile[7,32,33,43,47],with somecommunitiesunfairlydisadvantagedduetoanenvironment inwhichimportantservices(work,education,shopping, ameni-ties,andsoon)arenoteasilyoraffordablyaccessiblebymeans otherthanaprivatemotorcar.Infrastructuraldesign,perceptions ofsafetyandrisk,andculturalnormscanallcontributetothe cre-ationofsuchenvironments[10,46].Insuchcases,thosewithouta carcanfacesocialexclusion,whilstconverselysomeofthosewho dohaveacarcanfaceeconomicstressduetothecostofinsurance, fuelandmaintenance[38].

Whilstinequalitiesinaccessingandusingenergyservicesfor mobilityanddomesticpurposescanraisejusticeconcerns,current energy-intensivesocietiesandsystemsposetheirownsignificant problems.Aslongaswaysoflifeinvolvehighlevelsofenergy con-sumption,andenergyproductionremainsdominatedbyfossilfuel combustion,thenCO2andotherpollutantscreatepressingissues

ofglobalinjustice–principally,climatechangeandits accompa-nyingecologicaldegradationandimpactuponhumanwell-being. Workinthefieldof‘climatejustice’[45]hashighlightedtheuneven impactsofclimatechange,withfuturegenerationsbearingcosts imposedonthem bytheactionsof precedinggenerations [69]. Impacts are alsosocially and spatially differentiated at various geographicscales,withlow-incomeindividuals,communitiesand nationsoftenmostvulnerableandleastabletoadapt,whilst con-tributingproportionatelylittletoglobalcarbonemissions[26,69]. Thewayspeopleexperienceandadapttoclimatechangearehighly gendered,withwomenfrequentlysufferingtheworstimpactsboth becausetheyaremorelikelytobeinpoverty1andduetotraditional gendereddivisionsoflabourinwhichwomenareprimarily respon-sibleforeverydayhouseholdmanagementand familycare[35]. Beyondclimatechange,pollutionfromenergycombustionisalso responsiblefor morelocalisedand immediatehealthrisks,with theWorldHealthOrganisation(WHO)estimatingthat3.7million deathswereattributabletoambientairpollutionin2012[76].Such aggregatefiguresmasksnumeroussocialandspatialinequalitiesin exposureandrisksofharm,withthoseonlow-incomesorlivingin deprivedneighbourhoodsoftenexposedtohigherlevelsofair pol-lution[21,25,34,41].Highenergyactivitiesandsystems,especially intransport,alsoleadtoinequalityand exclusionbyphysically endangeringpeopleincollisionsandbycreatingandsupporting developmentinwhichundertakingeverydayactivitiesrequirelong orcomplicatedjourneys[32,43,68,74].

Theneedtoacttomitigatetheseharmfuleffectsthroughdeep changestoenergyandtransportsystemsisnowwidelyrecognised. Thiswillrequirenotonlyasignificantincreaseinrenewableand low-carbonformsofenergygeneration,butalsoprofound reduc-tionsin theamountofenergy consumedglobally–particularly by‘developed’countries[60].Weconcurwiththeargumentthat achievingsuchreductionsisnotonlyamatterofimprovinglevels ofenergyefficiency.Instead,thescaleofthechallengemeansthat deepandfundamentalchangestohowmanypeoplelive,workand playarealsolikelytobenecessary,especiallyintherichersocieties oftheWest[56,57].

Yet,althoughoftenpresentedaspurelytechnocraticand sci-entific endeavours devoid of any political consequences [65], ‘sustainability’andassociatedpoliciestodecarboniseenergy sys-temshave theirown justiceimplications [8]. Attemptsto alter patternsandlevelsofenergyconsumptionarelikelytohave ben-efitsandburdensthatareunevenlysharedsociallyandspatially, potentiallyunfairlydisadvantagingsomegroupsorlocalitiesand possiblyexacerbatingexistinginequalitiesorcreatingnewareasof

1 Approximately70%oftheworld’spoorarewomen[35].

deprivation.IntheUK[27]andmanyothercountries[53],thoseon higherincomestendtoalsohavethehighestlevelsofenergy con-sumptionandlargestcarbonfootprints,raisingquestionsofwhich citizensinasocietyshouldbeartheresponsibilityofreducingtheir consumption.Therearealsoquestionsofdemocracyand procedu-ralfairnessinhowpoliciestoreduceenergydemandaredesigned andimplemented[29],andwhetherallgroupshavebeentreated withappropriaterecognitionandrespect.However,such intrigu-ingbutchallengingissueshaveonlyrecentlybeguntobeexplored intheacademicliterature[8].Instead,muchofthetheory,rhetoric andpracticeonsustainabilitydisplaysadistinct‘equitydeficit’[2], [p.44],focussingalmostexclusivelyonenvironmentalprotection whilstbeingblindtoquestionsofsocialandspatialdifferenceand justice[1,53].Agyemanetal.[3]utilisetheconceptof‘just sus-tainabilities’tocapturetheneed tofullyintegrate fairnessand equityissuesalongsideenvironmentalconcernsinsustainability discourseandresearch.Inlinewiththis,thereisaneedformore academicworkthatexplores,bothconceptuallyandempirically, thejusticeimplicationsofpoliciestoreduceenergydemand.

2. ThisSpecialIssue

Clearly,thereisacomplexwebofjusticeissuesrelatedtoenergy consumptionfor mobilityand domesticactivities,andthis Spe-cialIssuemakes a contributionat thenexusof theseconcerns. Someof thearticlesextendresearchonthedistribution,causes andconsequencesoffuelandtransportpoverty,whilstothershelp todevelopaclearerunderstanding,bothconceptuallyand empir-ically,ofsomeofthepotentialinjusticesassociatedwithenergy demandreductionpolicies.Thefinalgroupofarticlesexaminehow societiesmightreduceenergydemandwhilstalsoenablingpeople tolivewellandmeet‘basicneeds’.Theprimaryemphasisofthe articlesintheIssueisonissuesofdistributiveinjusticeratherthan justiceinrecognitionorprocedure,althoughsomeoftheessays alsotouchupontheselattertwoconcerns.

The research presented in this Issue includes authors from acrosstheglobeand articlesfocussedoncontextsasdiverseas Gambia,Mexico,theUnitedStates,Taiwan,NewZealand,France andtheUnitedKingdom.Thisisperhapsatestamenttothe wide-rangingpowerand relevanceoftheenergy justiceframing.The Issueisalsosignificantinthatitbeginstobringtogetherresearch ondomesticenergyandmobilityservices,twoareaswhichare typ-icallytreatedasdistinct.Aswedemonstrateinthisintroductory article,therearemanycross-cuttingissuesofjusticethatapplyto both,andwehopethatthisSpecialIssuecanmarkthebeginning ofamorewidespreadandfruitfuldialoguebetweenthetwofields. Overall,theissuesraisedbythepapersinthisSpecialIssuecanbe broadlycategorisedintothreethemes,andwenowsummarizethe papersunderthesebanners.

2.1. Unevenaccesstoenergyandtransportservices

The first themerelates topatterns of inequality in people’s abilitytoaccessanduseessentialtransportandenergyservices, highlightingtheunjustdisadvantagesfacedbysomesectionsof society.Thisisoneofthemoreestablishedareaswithinthewider energyandtransportjusticeliterature,butthepapersinthisIssue helptofurtherthisagendabyexploringnewissuesand expand-ingintogeographicalcontextsthathavepreviouslyreceivedlittle attention.

InthefirstarticleoftheIssue,Berryetal.[6]exploremethods ofdefining,identifyingandmeasuringwhattheyterm‘transport fuelpoverty’–thetransportequivalentofthebetterknown domes-ticcounterpart.Theysuggestthattraditionalindicatorsofdomestic energydeprivationarenotreadilytransferabletothetransport

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sec-tor.Instead,theydevelopandtestanewtransportpovertyindicator thatincorporatesbudgetconstraintsbutalsoothervulnerabilities and widerconditions ofmobility, whilstremaining sensitiveto variationsintravelneedandpeople’sabilitytoaltermobility prac-tices.TestingtheirindicatoronFrenchdata,theyfindthat7.8%of householdsare‘transportfuelpoor,’havingbothalowincomeand eitherhightransport costsorrestrictedmobility,a further7.4% ‘fuelvulnerable’withlowincomesanddifficultiesinadaptingto changeincircumstancesduetotheirlocationoravailable trans-portmodes,and3.7%‘fueldependent’withhighfuelcostsandno alternativemeansoftransport.

Thenextarticleconsidersenergyserviceswithinthe domes-ticsphere.DuboisandMeier[20]analysethediversityofenergy povertysituationsfacedbyEuropeancountries. Todo this,they make a useful distinction between ‘energy service deprivation’ and‘energydeprivationinequality’,withtheformerreferringtoa nation’saggregatelevelofenergypoverty,andthelatterreferring totheextentthatdifferentpopulationgroupswithinacountryare affectedbythecondition.Theirresultsshowthatratesofenergy poverty are particularlysevere in countries of theEastern and SouthernpartsofEurope,andthatdifferentinequalityprofilesexist acrossthecontinent–insomecountries(forexample,Lithuania andBulgaria),energypovertyaffectsdifferentsocio-demographic groups relatively equally; in others (such as Denmark and the Netherlands)itisparticularlyprevalentamongstcertainsections of thepopulation. They then discussthe policyimplications of theirfindings,arguingthatratesofenergyservicedeprivationand inequalitywillimpactuponthefeasibilityandtargetingofdifferent energypovertymitigationpolicies.Theyconcludebysuggesting thatcurrentratesoffuelpovertyrepresentamajorchallengefor achievingsociallyjustenergytransitionsinEurope.

García Ochoa and Graizbord [23] examine domestic energy povertyinMexico.Ratherthanfocusuponindicatorsofthe afford-abilityofenergy servicesinthehome,theauthorsarguethat a lackofaccesstokeyenergyservicesisasignificantissueformany householdsintheMexicancontext.Theydevelopaframeworkfor characterisinghouseholdsaccordingtotheextentoftheir depriva-tionofkeyenergyservices.Drawingonsecondarydatafromthe HouseholdIncome andExpenditureSurvey,theyfindfour cate-goriesofhouseholdintermsofthepresenceandseverityofenergy servicedeprivation:onewhichlacksenergyservicesforfood refrig-eration;asecondwhichlacksfacilitiesforcookingfood;athird (whichtheyterm‘strongenergypoverty’)thatlacksfacilitiesfor water heating,cooking, refrigeration,and entertainment; and a finally a group which lacks all of these services and also ade-quatespacecooling.Theauthorsconcludebyexploringsomeofthe publicpolicyimplicationsoftheirfindings,arguingthattargeted strategiesmaybedevelopedtomeetthespecificneedsofdifferent householdgroups.Furtherresearchisrequiredtohelpexplainthe underlyingcausesanddriversofthepatternsofdeprivationthey identify,aswellastherelativemeritsandchallengesassociated withdifferentmethodsofmeasuringandconceptualising‘energy poverty.’

Schiffer[55] evaluatesaseriesof measuresdesigned to pro-videaccesstodomesticenergyandtransportservicesforpeople livinginKartong,Gambia.Theservicesinvolvedconnectiontoa regionalelectricitygrid,andprovisionofanewbusservice con-nectingKartongtoBanjul.Herstudyfoundsignificantbenefitsfor residentsabletomakeuseofthenewservices,butthattherewere inequalitiesinpeople’sabilitytoaccessthem,withthoselivingat theedgeoftownbeyondtheelectricitygridexcluded.Suchissues werefurthercomplicatedastheprovisionofnewservicesreduced theviabilityofthepreviousformsoftransportanddomesticenergy provision,thus increasing the town’s dependence onresources fromoutsidethelocalarea.Thisissuealsoappearstoecho con-cernsinotherareasofdevelopmentstudies,especiallyinrelationto

landappropriationforinfrastructureorotherprojectswhichmight bringbroadsocialbenefitsbutwhichcancreatehardshipforthose whopreviouslyoccupiedtheland[52].

Finally, Chard and Walker [13] examine experiences of fuel povertyamongstolderpeopleinEngland.Utilisingin-depth qual-itativeinterviews,theyexplorehowhouseholderscopewith,and adaptto,difficultiesinaffordingspaceheating.Theyfindthatall participantsrecognisedtheimportanceofmaintainingahealthy bodily temperature, and identify fourdistinct forms of ‘coping strategies’ used byparticipantsto ensuretheyremained warm eveniftheywererestrictedintheiruseofspaceheating. How-ever,althoughsuchcopingmeasuresaretypicallyinterpretedas asignofdeprivationamongstfuelpovertyresearch(forexample, Refs.[4,12,61]),inChardandWalker’sstudytheparticipants them-selvesdidnotconsidertheiractionstobeproblematic–instead theysimplybelievedthemtobesensible.Theauthorsconcludeby pointingoutthatthisraisesdifficultquestionsforenergyjustice researchregardingwhatconstitutes‘acceptable’livingconditions and‘essential’energyservices,howandbywhomsuchjudgements canandshouldbemade,andhowassistancecanbeprovidedto householdswhodonotproblematizetheirownsituation. 2.2. Theunequalburdensoflowcarbonpolicies

Aswenotedearlierinthisarticle,effortstoalterpatternsand levelsofenergydemandanddecarboniseenergysystemsarevery likelytoimpactuponsomegroupsmorethanothers,withpotential justiceimplications[8].However,thisremainsarelativelynewarea forresearch,andseveralpapersinthisSpecialIssuefurtherour criticalunderstandingofthisimportantissue.

Chattertonetal.[14]provideanexploratoryanalysisoflargeUK datasetsofenergyconsumedfordomesticpurposesandcartravel, drawingonreadingsfromover70milliondomesticenergymeters andvehicleodometers.Theyfindthatenergyconsumptionvaries greatlyacrosstheUKandcorrelateswithlevelsofhouseholdwealth ordeprivationwithingeographiclocations,withaminorityof rela-tivelywealthyareasconsuminggreateramountsofenergyforboth cartravelanddomesticuses.Theyarguethatthispromptsconcerns abouttheequityofexistingpatternsofenergyconsumption,with consequentimplicationsforthefairnessofpoliciesthatfocuson loweringaggregateenergyconsumptionregardlessofquestionsof responsibilityandwhoshouldberequiredtomakereductions.The authorssuggestthatmoreequitablepolicieswouldplaceahigher priorityontargetingwealthierandhigh-consumingareas, espe-cially asthesehouseholds havegreaterresources(financialand others)thatwouldallowthemtomoreeasilytakemeasuresto reducetheirconsumption.

Focussingongender,Wang[73]drawsoninsightsfromsocial practicetheorytoexaminetheimpactsofsustainableconsumption policiesinTaiwanthataimedtoalterhouseholdbehavioursand individualchoices.Shearguesthatalthoughthepoliciesarewell intentioned,theyfailtofullyaccountforthecomplexityofdaily lifeand thestructuralimpedimentsonhouseholder’s consump-tion.Assuch,theyexacerbategenderinequalitiesandasymmetric powerrelationsbetweenmenandwomen,forexampleby increas-ingwomen’sworkloadandcreatingfeelingsofguilt andshame whentheidealisedrecommendationsofthenationalgovernment cannotbeachieved.Aswellasthesedistributiveinjustices,shealso arguesthatwomeninTaiwansufferfromalackof‘recognition’and respect[22].Sheconcludesbysuggestingthatgreaterprocedural justice[78],intheformofwomen’sparticipationinthedesignof sustainabilitypolicies,isnecessarytoavoidtheirdiscrimination.

Oppenheim[44]examinesoflow-carbonpoliciesintheUnited States(US),andtheirimpactonenergypricesandenergypoverty. Hebeginsbyoutliningthelonghistoryofregulationaroundenergy pricesinthecountry,arguingthatinnumerousUSstatesenergyhas

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longbeenconsiderednotmerelyacommoditybuta‘publicgood’, thusjustifyingpriceregulationandpoliciestosupportlow-income consumers.However,henotesthatinthecurrentregulatory envi-ronment‘distributed’formsofrenewableenergygeneration(such asdomesticsolarPV)producehigher billsforlow-income con-sumersbyreducing utilitysalesbut notutility fixedcosts,and throughsubsidiesappliedasleviesonenergybills.Hearguesthat thisisunjust,bothbecauseitcontributestoenergypoverty,and alsobecausethosewhoareleftreliantonincreasinglyexpensive utilityelectricityarethoseonlow-incomeswhoareleastableto afforddistributedgenerationtechnologies–potentiallyleadingto thedevelopmentofwhatWalker[70]termsan‘energyunderclass’. Toavoidsuchinjustices,Oppenheimarguesthatnewformsof reg-ulatoryprotectionarerequiredandconcludesbysuggestingwhat suchmeasuresmightinvolve.

2.3. Reducingenergydemandandthegoodsociety

ThefinalsetofarticlesintheSpecialIssueallapproachadifficult tensionwithinenergyjustice.Ontheonehand,manywouldargue thatthereisanurgentneedtodramaticallyreduceenergydemand aspartofcombatingthemanysevereinjusticesassociatedwith climatechange;ontheotherhand,energyformobilityand domes-ticservicesiswidelyseenasacrucialpartofanygoodandjust society,enablingpeopletoescapedeprivation,meetbasicneeds, andleadflourishingandfulfillinglives.Isitpossibleforsocieties toreduceenergydemandonthescalerequiredwithoutsacrificing humanwell-being?ThefinalfivepapersintheSpecialIssuetake ondifferenttheoreticalandpracticaldimensionsofthisquestion, andbegintoproposehowthetensionmightberesolved.

MullenandMarsden[42]identifypotentialissues for mobil-ityjusticecreatedbymeasuresdesignedtodealwiththeinjustice ofpollutionfromtransport.Usingacasestudyofpolicyon elec-tricvehicles,theyfindthatattemptstoreduceemissionsthrough theuseofsuchvehiclescanperpetuateotherformsofinjustice associatedwithhighlevelsofcaruse.Theyarguethatamorejust approachtoreducingpollutionwouldbetoreducetheoveralluse ofprivateautomobiles.Significantly,theyfurthersuggestthatthe changesrequiredwouldimpactnotjustonthetransportchoices availabletopeople,butonthesortsof activitiesthattransport andmobilitypolicieswouldsupportandenable.Pursuingsuchan agenda,theauthorssuggest,wouldrequireareconsiderationofthe liberal‘choice-based’conceptualisationsofjusticethatare promi-nentinmuchofthemobilityandenergyjusticeliterature.Drawing on‘communitarian’justicetheoristssuchasSandel[50]and Mac-Intyre[36],theyconcludebysuggestinganeedtothinkbeyond choiceandconsiderwhatsortofsocialarrangementsandactivities shouldbesupportedinajustsociety.

Mattioli[37]approachesthedifficultproblemofhowtoensure allhouseholdscanaccessthetransportnecessaryforthemtomeet their‘basicneeds’, whilst simultaneouslyreducing energy con-sumptionand emissions fromtransport –particularly when in manycontextsmuchtravel(includingforthesatisfactionofbasic needs)hasbecomedependentoncarbon-intensivemodessuchas themotor-carandairtravel.Toreconcilethistension,he devel-opsasophisticatedandnovelconceptualframeworkthatmakes animportantdistinctionbetween‘fundamentalneeds’and‘need satisfiers’–whilsttheformerrefertoabstract‘statesofbeing’and areanthropologicalinvariants,thelatterarethematerialgoodsand servicesthroughwhichfundamentalneedsaremetandare histori-callyandcontextuallycontingent.DrawingontheworkofGiddens

[24],hesuggeststhatneedsatisfiershavebecomemorecarbon intensivethrough progressivestructuration processes.Although somedegreeofmobility willalwaysberequiredforhumansto securebasicmeansoflivingtheformsandamountsthatare nec-essaryarecontingent,andmodesoftravelshouldbeunderstood

asthemeanstosatisfyfundamentalneedsratherthanreifiedas normativeendsinthemselves.Inthisway,Mattioliargues,justice tensionsmightbereconciled.Heconcludesbycallingforfurther researchtoexaminehowneedsatisfactionhaschangedovertime, andhowitmightbetransformedinmoresustainabledirectionsin thefuture.

Followingasimilarthemebutwithamoreempiricalapproach, Walkeretal. [72] examinewhich domestic energy-usesshould beconsidered‘basicnecessities’withinthecontextoftheUnited Kingdom(UK).Drawingonasetoflongitudinalsecondarydata

[18],theyfindthatadiverserangeofenergy-consumingitemsand technologiesareconsideredbymembersofthepublictobebasic necessitiesforparticipationincontemporaryUKsociety.Tosome degreetheprofileofthesenecessitieshasevolvedsince2008,with informationandcommunicationtechnologiesinparticular becom-ingprogressivelymore‘essential’overthisperiod.Theyarguethat whilstthesefindingssuggestthatUKgovernmentpolicyshould supportpeople’sabilitytoaccessandaffordtheseenergyservicesas partofmitigatingfuelpoverty,escalatingnormsofenergy depen-dencymaybeproblematicwhentheUKneedstoradicallyreduce itsenergydemandonclimatejusticegrounds.Alongsimilarlines toMattioli,theyarguethatonewaytoovercomethis‘tension’,at leastataconceptuallevel,istoemphasisethatenergyservicesare onlyinstrumentalmeanstosatisfythemorefundamentally valu-ableendofhumanflourishing.Throughstructuralchange,‘basic necessities’mayevolvetobecomelesscarbonintensivewithout producinginjusticeaslongaseveryoneisabletoachievea rea-sonablelevelofwell-beingandparticipateinsociety.Theauthors concludebyrecognisingthecomplexitiesandpoliticalchallenges involvedinsuchreconciliation,andbycallingforsimilarresearch inotherculturalcontexts.

CheyneandImran[15]thenexaminethepotentialforshared transporttoactasameansofreducingtheoveralluseofmotorised transport whilst also contributing to social justice goals such asinclusion in economicand educational activity.Theydo this throughanempiricalstudyinNewZealand,usingboth qualita-tiveandquantitativemethodstoexploretravelpractices,transport need,andaffordability,aswellasattitudestopublictransport.Their datacomesfromplaceswherethereisapaucityofpublictransport, resultinginmultipleformsofsocialexclusionor‘forcedcar own-ership’whichinturnhascreatedfinancialhardship(seealsoRef.

[38]).Theyarguethatsharedtransportcouldprovidean afford-ableandlow-emissionalternativemeansforpeopletofulfilbasic socialneeds.Whilstsharedtransporthasgainedattentioninpolicy discourse,theauthorsdescribehowitremainsmarginalinpolicy implementationandpractice,suggestingthatthereisalackofthe politicalwillnecessaryforittobecomemorewidespread.

Finally,andalsofocussingontheNewZealandcontext,Smith

[59]utilisesadiscourseanalysisapproachtoexaminetheextent towhichsocialjusticeissues areincorporatedinto‘sustainable’ transportpolicies.Shebeginsbyarguingthatcycling isa trans-portmodethatcancontributetoaddressingmanyofthejustice concernsraised inthetransport and social exclusionliterature. However,policyattemptstoincreasetheuptakeincyclingoften fail,withcyclingmakinguponlyasmallproportionofjourneysin NewZealand.Thepaperthenexaminesthereasonsforthis disjunc-ture.Smitharguesthat,despiteambitiousrhetoric,cyclinghasbeen generallymarginalisedinNewZealandtransportpolicy.Instead, theuseandmeaningoftheterm‘sustainable’hasbecomefocussed onaneo-liberalisedagendaofensuringeconomicgrowthoverand aboveotherobjectives,thereforenarrowingtheaimsoftransport policyandsystematicallyprivilegingmotorvehicleswhichare por-trayedascontributingtogrowth.Overall,Smith’sfindingsprovide empiricalsupportforCookandSwyngedouw’s[16]suggestionthat whilstsocialjusticeisnominallyincludedasthe‘thirdpillar’of

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sustainability,inpracticetheeconomicpillartakesprecedentand socialissuesareeitheranafterthoughtordisregardedcompletely.

3. Futureresearchdirections

ThepapersinthisSpecialIssuehelpextendtheliteratureon energyjusticeinrelationtodomesticconsumptionandeveryday mobility.Theyalsopromptnewquestionsacrossarangeofareas, and we hereconcludeby proposingsomedirections for future research.

Thefirstrelatestotheidentificationandstudyoflow-energy practicesandarrangementsthatnonethelessachievehigh-levels ofhumanwell-beingandcontributetosocialjustice.Severalofthe papersinthisSpecialIssuehavesuggestedthatitistheoretically possibletohavea societyinwhich allpeoplecan‘flourish’and participatewithouthighlevelsofenergyconsumption.Previous studiesatthescaleofnation-statesdemonstrateempiricallythat countriescan,onaggregate,tohavehigh-levelsofHuman Develop-mentwithrelativelylowcarbonemissions[30,64].However,such argumentsremainsomewhatabstractedfromeverydaylife,and moreworkisrequiredtoidentifythespecificpractices,and mate-rial,socialandpoliticalarrangements,thatcontributetoequitable, low-carbonwell-being.Inthisrespect,mobilityresearchis per-hapsaheadofthatcentredondomesticenergy,withmodessuchas flexiblesharedtransportandcycling(bothdiscussedinthisissue) identifiedasmeanstobothreduceemissionsandimprovesocial justice,butmoreremainstobedone.In-depth,ethnographic stud-iesofsocialpracticesincountriesthathavelow-levelsofenergy consumption but high-levels of equality and well-being is one exampleofthevaluableresearchthatcouldbeundertaken.

Second,thereisaneedtoconsiderissuesofexcessconsumption inenergyandtransport justicedebates.Muchresearchinthese fieldscurrentlyfocusesonpovertyanddeprivation,i.e.whether households are ableto meet their‘basicneeds’ of energy con-sumption,andtheimpactonpeople’swell-beingiftheyfailtodo so.However,itisalsooccasionallyimpliedthat‘excessive’ con-sumption of energy (andother resources [5,48]), or the useof ‘excessive’formsofenergyservice,areunjustandshouldbe cur-tailed[17,53,67].Butcanandshould‘excess’beunderstoodasan issueof(in)justice,and,ifso,whattheoriesdoweneedtodrawon toconceptualisethisphenomenon?Theverynotionispotentially problematicformanyliberaltheoriesofjustice,whichattemptto remainneutralonthesubstantivevalueofdifferentgoodsor activ-itiesandinsteadarguethatjusticeinvolvesallowingallpeoplethe freedomtochoosetheirownvisionofthe‘goodlife’[49,51]. More-over,howdowedefinewhatconstitutes‘excessive’consumption? Shouldthisbebasedonsomenotionofa‘finiteplanet’orecological limits,orsomeothermeasure?Inthisissue,Mattioli’sframework goessomewaytomakingassessmentsofexcess,butthereisplenty ofscopeforfurtherconsiderationandwebelievethisshouldmark thebeginningofawiderdebatewithintheenergyjusticeliterature. Thirdandfinally,athemeemergingacrossthepapersinthis SpecialIssueistheimportanceofconsideringelementsofenergy inequalitiesintheirwidersocial,economic,andpoliticalcontext. Attempting to tackle single issues, suchas access to domestic energyortransport,withoutreferencetothepotentialforwider impactsrunstheriskofexacerbatingotherinjustices.The complex-ityinvolvedinthinkingabouthowtomitigateinjusticeswithout creatingothersraisespressingquestionsofhowsocietyand politi-ciansmightbeabletorespond.Addressingthesequestionswill requiremeansoftrackinginequalitiesandmakingassessmentsof interventions(suchasthatdevelopedbyBerryetal.,Chatterton etal.andMattioli).Itmayalsoinvolvemoreconsiderationof meth-odsofcollectingknowledgeabouttheimpactsofenergyconsuming activitiesandalackofaccesstoenergy.Coupledwiththis,thereare

manypossible’just’waysoflivingandofconsumingenergy.For democraticsocieties,thesearequestionsthatneedtobenegotiated throughdebate–howmightdemocraticstructuresandpractices developtoaccommodateinclusivedecision-makingaboutenergy systems?

Toconclude,thisarticlebeganbyoutliningsomeofthemultiple justiceimplicationsoftheconsumptionofenergyforboth mobil-ityanddomesticuse.Wethensummarisedthemanyinteresting papersthatmakeuptheSpecialIssue,beforehighlightingsome directionsforfutureresearch.Asguesteditors,wehopethat read-ersoftheIssuefindittobeausefulcontributiontotheexpanding energyandtransportjusticedebates,andthatthepapersstimulate newresearchthattacklessomeoftheunansweredquestionswe highlighthere.

Acknowledgements

WewouldliketothankBenjaminSovacoolandPascaleBlyth, and the team at Elsevier, for their help and guidance dur-ing thedevelopmentofthis Special Issue. Manythanksalso to the reviewers of this and other articles within the issue, and to all of the authors for their time and dedication in putting together their papers. This article, and the Special Issue as a whole,arisesfromworkfortheDEMANDCentre(www.demand. ac.uk),whichreceivesfundingfromUKResearchCouncils(EPSRC EP/K011723/1),ECLEER(EDFR&D),TransportforLondonandthe InternationalEnergyAgency.

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