Duetotheglobalfinancialcrisis,externalsovereigndebthasagainbecomeaprob-lemtoabroadrangeofcountries–fromEuropeanhigh-incomecountriestothe
pooreststatesonearth–evenaftertheyhadobtaineddebtreliefthroughexisting
multilateralinitiatives.
Despitelong-standingexperienceswithsovereigninsolvencies,however,nomecha-nismpresentlyexiststodealwiththecomplexdebtstructuresofmanycountriesin
acomprehensiveway.Existingdebtworkoutprocedures–suchastheParisClub,
HIPC/MDRI,orBrady-styledebtconversion–haveeitherbeenone-offexercisesnot
meanttobeappliedasapermanentmechanism,ortheyarereinforcingcollective
actionproblemsforbeingpiecemealincharacter.
Thisstudythereforearguestoapplyprinciplesandproceduresofdomesticinsolvency
tosovereigns,inordertoreachafairandsustainabledebtworkout.Itexplainsthe
principlesofanad-hocoraninstitutionalisedframework,anddescribesthepossi-bilitiestoobtainpoliticalsupportandtechnicaladviceforcountriesthatmayfind
themselvesinneedofanorderlydebtworkoutprocess.
Resolving Sovereign Debt Crises
TowardsaFairandTransparent
InternationalInsolvencyFramework
Secondrevisededition
JÜRGEN KAISER
Introduction: Greece and the Resurgence of Sovereign Debt . . . 3
1. The Persistence of Sovereign Debt as Systemic Problem in the Global South. . . . 4
2. Debt Management from the Crisis of the 1980s to the Debt Sustainability Framework. . . 5
2.1 TheParisandLondonClubs. . . 5
2.2 TheHeavilyIndebtedCountriesInitiativeandtheMultilateralDebtReliefInitiative. 6 2.3 Exceptionalandnon-negotiatedDebtReductions. . . 8
2.4 TheDebtSustainabilityFramework:PreventingFutureDebtCrisis?. . . 9
3. Shortcomings of Current Sovereign Debt Management: The Need for Reform. . . 11
3.1 PayingthePriceforInefficientCrisisResolution. . . 11
3.2 IncoherencebetweenVariousNegotiationFora. . . 12
3.3 ConflictsofInterestsontheCreditors’Side. . . 13
3.4 CreditorsasInsolvencyJudges. . . 16
4. Main Proposals for International Insolvency Procedures . . . 17
4.1 PrinciplesforSettlingSovereignDebtDisputes . . . 17
4.2 Ad-hocArbitrationProcess. . . 19
4.3 TheSovereignDebtRestructuringMechanismandItsImpactontheGlobalDebate 20 4.4 AnInternationalInsolvencyCourt. . . 22
4.5 ProsandConsoftheAboveOptions. . . 24
5. The Political Debate. . . 25
5.1 FromAdamSmithto»FinancingforDevelopment«:CallsforaSovereign InsolvencyFramework. . . 25
5.2 ExistingMultilateralandNationalPoliticalCommitments. . . 28
6. Practical Steps towards Resolving a Sovereign Debt Crisis . . . 30
6.1 PoliticalandLegalScopeforDebtorGovernments. . . 30
6.2 AStep-by-StepGuidetoaFairandTransparentDebtWorkoutProcedure. . . 31
6.3 PoliticalSupportforGovernmentsSeekingaFairandComprehensiveDebtWorkout33 6.4 DealingwithArgumentsagainstanInternationalInsolvencyFramework. . . 34
Selected bibliography and Internet links. . . 38
literature. . . 39
Glossary. . . 41
between the strong and the weak it is liberty that oppresses
and the law that liberates.
JeanBaptisteHenriLacordaire(1802–1861;
Frenchecclesiastic,preacher,journalist,andpoliticalactivist
Introduction:Greeceandthe
ResurgenceofSovereignDebt
OnMondaythe12thofJuly2010,GermanFinanceMin-isterWolfgangSchäubleproposedtohisfellowmembers oftheEUTaskForceontheStrengtheningoftheEuro-pean Monetary Union the creation of an international sovereigninsolvencyframework.SuchaninitiativebyEu- rope’smostpowerfuleconomywouldhavebeenunim-aginablejusthalfayearearlier.Thede-factoinsolvency oftheGreekstatehadnotonlyshatteredtheoldconti-nent’sfinancialandbankingsystem.Ithadalsobrought aboutimportantchangesinsomeofthekeyorientations ofpolicymakers.Strongdiscontentamongthepopulace aboutthebigbailoutsofstatesaswellasprivateinves- torspushedtheconservative/liberalgovernmentinGer- manytowardsthesearchforalternatives.Holdinginves-torstoaccountwhenofficialdebtorsrunintodifficulties isnotjustaninnovativeidea;itisbasicallyinlinewith thewayinsolventindividualsorcorporationsarebeing treatedwithinanyEuropeanlegalsystem. Still,ittookEuropeangovernmentsnearlyanothertwo yearstoagreeonapartialdebtwrite-offforGreece;a write-off that did not come in the form Schäuble had suggestedinJuly2010,butthroughaquitedisorderly andad-hocrestructuringenforceduponGreekandin-ternational holders of Greek bonds. Immediately after thewrite-offofabout109billioneuro,itbecameclear thatthereliefprovidedwouldnotbeenoughtorestore Greekdebtsustainability.Anothersmalldebtconversion followedattheendof2012,andasofthewritingofthe second edition of this paper,1 international experts in-creasinglyagreethatanothersubstantialdebtreduction willbenecessary.Politicians,however,aresayingexactly whattheyweresayingaheadoftheMarch2012write-off:nodebtreliefwilleveragainbenecessary,andeven ifitwere,itshouldnotbegrantedbecauseitwouldac-tuallyworkagainstthedebtor’sinterest.Moreover,next timeitwouldbetheofficialrescuefundsthatwouldhave to be reduced in value, because the remaining private claimshaveanoverlyseniorstatusafterthespring2012 operation. AnotherastonishingfeatureoftheEuropeandebateis thechangefromanattitudethatwouldhaveruledout anystatebankruptcyforcountriesontheoldcontinent 1. August2013. toanattitudethatassumesthatnobodyelsebutGreece and some other European countries (Portugal, Ireland, Italy,Spain)arereallyatrisk.Inrealitythefactthatstates canandeventuallywillgobankruptisneitheranewphe-nomenonnoronethatisconfinedtoEUmembers.The Europeancrisiscomesontheheelsofmajorsovereign debtcrisesinAsia,Africa,andLatinAmerica.Typically, developingstatesintheseregionshaveexperiencedthe samecycleofpoliticaltreatment,whichrunsfrom»no debtreliefinnecessary«,through»nodebtreliefispos-sible«,tothegrantingof»exceptional,single,andnever evertoberepeateddebtrelief«,beforefinallyreturning whereitstarted. Thispapertriestotracethereasonsforthisastonishing refusalofpolicymakerstoacknowledgetherealityofsov- ereigninsolvency.Itfindsthemlargelyinthepowerim-balancebetweensovereigndebtorsandtheircreditors, anditsuggestsreformingthissetupbytakingrecourseto veryfundamentalprinciplesoftheruleoflaw.
Our intention is to guide governments, parliamentari-ans,andaninterestedpublicintoday’scriticallyindebted countriesinsideandoutsideEuropetopossiblealterna-tivecrisisresolutionmechanisms.Itpresentsandanalyses existingmechanisms,theirshortcomings,andtheresult-ingneedforreforminchapters2and3.Subsequently, itoutlinesthebasisprinciplesandoptionsforimplemen-tation of a sovereign insolvency framework in chapter 4 before highlighting the state of the political debate inchapter5.Giventhedynamicofthisreformdebate withinaswellasoutsideEurope,thepoliticallandscape mayindeedchangeveryquickly.Therefore,linkstosev-eralonlinemediaintheServicesectionattheendofthe reportcomplementthispart.Chapter6providesabrief, stylised agenda for a state insolvency process through internationalarbitration.This,inturn,isbeingcomple- mentedbylinksandcontactstopossiblesupportingin-ternational institutions, like-minded governments, and NGOsthatwouldbepreparedtolendahandtoanybody who tries to avoid the mistakes of the past, while ad-dressingthesovereigndebtproblemsoftoday. TheauthorwishestothanktheFriedrich-Ebert-Stiftung foritscooperationintheproductionofthisstudy,and personalthankstoHubertSchillinger,whohasprovided extensiveadviceonthestyleandsubstanceofthisstudy. Moreover,theauthoristhankfultoBenYoungandGail
Hurleyforhelpfuladviceregardingboththesubstance andlanguageofthispaper.
1.ThePersistenceofSovereignDebtas
SystemicProblemintheGlobalSouth
By mid-2008 sovereign debt problems, which had plaguedmanycountriesintheglobalSouthovermore thantwodecadessincetheoutbreakoftheLatinAmeri-candebtcrisisintheearly1980s,finallyseemedtobe athingofthepast.Afterthemultilateraldebtreliefini-tiativesHIPC/MDRI,2someextraordinarydebtreductions forselectedcountriesbeyondtheHIPCgroup,andafter sixyearsofnearlyunhamperedglobalgrowth,thedebt indicatorsofthevastmajorityofSoutherncountrieshad substantially improved. This does not necessarily imply thatallcountriescamesubstantiallyclosertothefulfil-mentoftheirdevelopmenttargets. Thisoverallpositivepicturechangedfundamentallywith therecentglobalfinancialcrisisandtheensuingglobal recessionin2008/2009. Whiletheoriginsofthiscrisisclearlylayintherichcoun-tries’domesticfinancialsystems,notablytheUShousing marketandthebreakneckexposureofEuropean,Japa-nese,andUSinvestorstowardsthosemarkets,thefallout of the world-wide recession onto developing countries and emerging markets has been substantial. Reduced export earnings because of sluggish global commodity demandandplummetingcommodityprices;dwindling remittances; stagnating development aid and reduced capital inflows from foreign direct investment (FDI); as wellaslowertaxincome–andpartlyalsoadditionalpub-licexpenditureforfiscalstimulus–startedtoposeanew threattothehard-wondebtsustainabilityinquiteafew countriesintheglobalSouth. Researchundertakenbytheinternationalfinancialinsti- tutions(IFIs)aswellasNGOsandacademicshasidenti-fiedvaryingnumbersofpoorcountriesunderthreatof reneweddebtdistress,thatis,asituationwherecountries are either entering into default, or where current debt serviceisupheldatirresponsiblyhighcostsintermsof socialdeprivationoroverexploitationofacountry’snatu-2. »HeavilyIndebtedPoorCountriesInitiative«(HIPC)and»Multilateral DebtReductionInitiative«(MDRI)(foracriticalassessmentofthesetwo initiatives,seechapter2.2). ralandhumanresourcesasthecrisiscontinues.Recent analysesinclude:
By mid-2009 erlassjahr.de and the
Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftunganalysedprospectsfor»postcompletionpoint« HIPCsandfoundthatoutof26countriesthathadjust obtaineddebtrelief,13suffered»high«risksofrenewed debtdistress(Kaiser,Knoke,andKowsky2009); InJune2013,theIMFupdateditsownoverviewof debtsustainabilityof76low-incomecountries.TheFund concludedthatfromthose76countries,17wereeither indebtdistressorfacedahighrisk.Only24seemedto bebeyondnewdebtproblems;theremainderwereat »moderate«risk.3 erlassjahr.delookedat108low-andmiddle-income countriesattheendof2011;65ofthemshowedeither debtindicatorsbeyondcriticalthresholdsorfacedhigh risksofdeteriorationintheimmediatefuture–orboth (erlassjahr.deandKindernothilfe2013). Inthiscriticalsituation,low-andmiddle-incomecoun-trieswereprovidedwithaccesstovastlyenhancednew financing. This included the support from multilateral lenders, such as the IMF, which countries obtain in or- dertostimulatetheireconomies.Italsoincludedanex-tendedaccesstonon-concessionaltrade-financingbythe export credit agencies (ECAs) of the major Western as wellasemergingeconomies.Whileinprinciplesupport iswelcomedintimesofcrisis,bothresourceflowsimply acrucialchoiceforgovernments,whichhavetobalance additionalinflowsagainsttheneedtomaintainasustain- ableexternaldebtburden.Withthethreatofa»double- dip«recessionnotyetpastandmanyotherfactorsbe-yondthecontrolofgovernments(e.g.,commodityprice developments,remittanceinflows,naturaldisasters),the likelihoodofnewsovereignover-indebtednessinmany poorcountriescontinuestobeveryhigh.Theneedfora newwaveofdebtrestructuringordebtreliefseemsto be virtually unavoidable despite all the efforts by debt managerstopreventasituationwherebythesecountries cannolongermeettheirobligationstotheirforeignand domesticcreditors.
3. Thelistisregularlyupdatedat:http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/FT/ dsa/dsalist.pdf.
However,byandlarge,nomechanismexiststhatcould summarilyaddressanewwaveofsovereignover-indebt-ednessinlow-andmiddle-incomecountries.Asweshall demonstrateinmoredetailinchapter3,theHIPC/MDRI initiatives for the poorest countries have been deliber-atelydesignedasone-offexercisesthatarenotavailable to any country helped by them before. Debt manage-ment in middle countries, in turn, has always suffered fromtheincoherenceofthevariousnegotiationforalike theLondonandPariscreditorclubsandtheinexistence ofwell-definedproceduresfornegotiatingpublicbonds. Allofthesedeficienciescombinedunderlinetheneedfor anewglobalframework.
2. DebtManagementfromtheCrisis
ofthe1980stotheDebtSustainability
Framework
In contemporary history, the public debate around the properwayofdealingwithdebtcrisesandthecallfor debtreliefforpoorcountriesgainedmomentuminreac-tiontotheLatinAmericandebtcrisesoftheearly1980s. Thefirstyearsaftertheoutbreakofthesovereigndebt crisisofthe1980sthataffectedfirstLatinAmericaand, later on, a large number of other low- and middle-in-comecountriesaroundtheworldwerecharacterisedby thewidespreadbeliefthat»statesnevergobankrupt«. Accordingly, debt re-scheduling and the swapping of debtinstrumentstowardslongermaturitieswerethein-strumentsofchoice.However,attheendofthe1980s, itbecameapparentthatsomeindebtedcountrieswere indeedalreadyindireneedofdebtrelief.
Creditorsorganisednegotiationsaboutindividualcoun-tries’ debt problem in several ad-hoc fora. These fora startedascreditor»clubs«thatdealtwithjustonepart ofacountry’stotalexternaldebt,forexample,debtowed tobilateralofficialcreditors.Onlyfrom1996onwardwas theattemptmadetoorganisemorecomprehensivepro-cesses.
2.1 TheParisandLondonClubs
The »Paris Club« was founded in 1956, when Argen-tinahadrepaymentdifficultiesandtheFrenchTreasuryhostedameetingofofficialcreditors.TheClubisanad-hoc negotiation forum with no legal status or rules of procedure.Itspermanentmembersare19high-income countries,mostofthemfoundingmembersoftheOECD. Additionalcreditorgovernmentsareinvitedtoparticipate iftheyhaverelevantclaimsonthedebtorinquestion. The Club’s »agreed minutes« need to be »translated« intobilateralarrangementsbetweenthedebtorandall ParisClubmembers.TheClub’sinformalcharacterhas beenusefulforflexiblesolutionstoindividualdebtorcas-es.4However,thisflexibilityhasalsomeantthatcountries were not treated in strict conformity with the various »terms«thattheParisClubhasdevelopedfordifferent types of countries and debt problems. Rather, political considerationshaveofteninfluencedtheoutcomeofne-gotiations–thusunderminingtheClub’sbasicrationale: thatcomparablecasesshouldbecomparablytreated. Liketheevenmoreinformal»LondonClub«(seebelow), theParisClubonlynegotiatesapartofacountry’sexter-naldebt;inthecaseoftheParisClubonlydebtowedto bilateralofficialcreditors,veryoftendebtfromconces-sionalloansprovidedaspartofdevelopmentaid.Whileit hasunilaterallytriedtoextenditsarrangementsthrough comparabilityoftreatmentclausestoclaimsfromnon- members,thisextensionhasearnedtheClubfiercecriti- cismfrombothprivateaswellasnon-Clubofficiallend-ers, who were not prepared to accept interference on theirclaimswithoutevenabasicrighttobeheard.5 TodaytheParisClubhasbecomearathermarginalforum fordebtnegotiations.Mostcountriesthataredealtwith intheClub’smonthlysessionsare»HeavilyIndebtedPoor Countries«orHIPCs,forwhichthetypeoftreatmentis alreadybroadlyagreedbeforethedelegationsarrivein theFrenchTreasury,duetothecalculationsintheHIPC decisionandcompletionpointdocuments.»Non-HIPCs« have over the last years often been small island states withverypeculiardebtproblemsandverysmallabsolute amountstonegotiate.
4. As late as 2003, the Paris Club started to communicate with the broader public through http://www.clubdeparis.org (last accessed on 20.8.2013).Untilthen,partofitssecretiveculturewasthatnoinforma-tionbeyondameagrepressreleasewaspublishedaboutitsnegotiations. Today,theabovementionedwebsitefeaturesbasicinformationaboutthe terms,participation,andoutcomeofeachnegotiation,butstillnotthe agreedminutes.ForacriticallookattheClubasaninstitutionseeKaiser (2000). 5. TheimpositionofPCtermsonothercreditorshasbeendescribedby aRussiancommentatoras»Gulag-sur-Seine«;see:ParisClubComesUn-derAttack,inEUROMONEY–IMF/WB Annual Meeting Issue 2000,pp. 56–61.
Even more than its counterpart in Paris, the »London Club« is an informal group of creditors who meet to negotiate individual countries’ needs for debt relief. In 1976,whenformerZairehadtorestructureitsexposure toitsprivatecreditors,thefirstofseveraladhoc»Bank AdvisoryCommittees«wasestablishedbyprivateinter-nationalbanks.TheCommitteesweresoonreferredtoas the»LondonClub«todistinguishthemfromthe»Paris Club«.Theyhavenodefinedmembershipbutserveto bring those private banks together that are relevant creditorstoaparticulardebtorcountrywhoseinterna-tionaldebtshavetoberestructured.Hence,the»London Club«doesnothavealegalstatusnorbylaws,either.It doesnotevennecessarilymeetinLondon.Itshostisreg-ularlythebankwiththehighestexposuretothecountry inthenegotiation. Bothclubshavelostsomeoftheirimportanceoverthe lastyears:Theyusedtobestronginstitutionswhenthe respectivepartsofthecountries’externaldebtstheycov-ered were the most relevant categories. Over the last years, most countries’ creditor profiles became more complex,eitherthroughthe»multilateralisation«oftheir externaldebt(seebelow)orthroughtheresurgenceof sovereignbondsreplacingsyndicatedbankloansasthe preferredinstrumentforofficialfinancinginthe1990s. Under the changed circumstances, intercreditor group coherencebecameamostcriticalissuethat»club«struc-turesbydefinitionareunabletoaddress.
2.2 TheHeavilyIndebtedCountriesInitiative
andtheMultilateralDebtReliefInitiative
Bythemid-1990screditorsfoundthemselvesforcedto address an important shift in many countries’ creditor structures: The continued re-financing of bilateral debt service by the multilateral institutions6 had turned the multilaterallendersfromrathermarginalplayersinmany poorcountriesintothemostimportantcreditorgroup. This change, however, conflicted with the dogma that multilateralclaims–differentfrombilateralones–could neverbere-scheduled,andevenlessreduced,because 6. ThemostprominentactorinthisprocesshasbeentheWorldBank’s concessionalwindow,theInternationalDevelopmentAssociation(IDA), alongwiththeIMFandtheconcessionalwindowsoftheAfricanDevelop- mentBank,theInter-AmericanDevelopmentBank,theAfricanDevelop-mentFund(AfDF),andtheFundforSpecialOperations(FSO)respectively. ofthemultilaterallenders’characterasalenderoflast resort.Skyrocketing debt indicators in some debtor countries thatwereheavilyexposedtotheWorldBank,theIMF, andtheregionaldevelopmentbanksrevealedaneedfor hugeadditionalre-financingefforts–withquestionable consequences–ortheabandoningofthedogma. In 1996 the G7 chose the abandonment option and started the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative. HIPCwasmeanttocomplementParisClubdebtreliefby additionally reducing remaining bilateral and persisting multilateral claims to an extent that brought the debt stock indicators below a pre-defined debt sustainabil-itythreshold.From1999onwardsHIPCdebtreliefwas conditioneduponcompliancewithaPovertyReduction StrategyPaper(PRSP),whichhadtobejointlyproduced bythecountries’authorities,theWorldBank,andcivil society.7HIPCallowedforthepartialreductionofsome countries’ debts to the IFIs in a complicated and pro-tractedprocess.Itwasbuiltonthefollowingpillars:
DebtreductionunderHIPCassumedthecancellation
of bilateral debts, in most cases through regular Paris Clubagreements(seeabove);thereductionofmultilat-eralclaimsonlycomessecondandgoesasfarasneeded inordertoreachapre-defined»sustainable«debtlevel; Defininga»sustainabledebtlevel«isthesoleprivilege oftheWorldBankandtheIMF;thisgoesforthecategor-icaldefinitionsaswellasfordeviationsinindividualcases andcircumstances; HIPCdebtreliefisprovidedinalengthyprocessthat atfirstrequireddebtorcountriestocomplyforthreeplus threeyearswithIMFstructuraladjustmentprogrammes before debt relief was actually granted; later this time framewasmademoreflexible,butcountriesstillhadto qualifyfortheinitiative’s»decisionpoint«andthenwait withonlylimitedreliefprovidedinthemeantime,until fullreliefwasgrantedatthedecisionpointdefinedby theBankandtheFund; Onlyaselectedgroupof39poorandrelativelysmall countriesqualifiedfortreatmentundertheinitiativein 7. AnHIPCoverviewandinformationonindividualaspectsofthecom-plexHIPCprogrammearetobefoundat:http://worldbank.org/hipc(last accessedon20.8.2013).
thefirstplace.ThroughoutHIPC’shistory,somecountries havebeenputoffthelistwhileotherhavebeenadded;
All debt relief under the HIPC initiative was
condi- tionedupontheimplementationofastructuraladjust-mentprogrammewiththeIMF;
Creditors beyond the Paris Club and the IFIs, such
as non-OECD bilateral creditors, commercial banks, or smallermultilateralinstitutions,werecalledupontopro-vide comparable relief; however, the debtor was ulti- matelychargedwithobtainingthisrelief,whichwases-sentialforreachingthe»sustainable«debtlevel. Duetotheveryhighsustainabilitythresholdsdefinedin 1996,onlysixcountriesreceivedsomelimitedbenefits throughtheinitiativeuntil1999.8 Therefore,itwasover-hauled at the 1999 G8 Summit in Cologne: more and faster relief under a more flexible framework was the result.However,by2002ithadalreadybecomeappar-entthatsomecountriesneededadditional»topping-up« ofmultilateraldebtreliefbeyondthe»Cologne«frame-work,whichwasthenagreeduponattheG8Summitin Kananaskis,Canada. Butevenwiththoseamendments,twomajorproblems ofthedebtreliefprocessbecameapparentwhentheG8 metinGleneagles,Scotland,in2005. Somecountriessufferedfromreneweddebtdistress post-HIPCdueinparttoextensivenewlending,andin part to adverse external conditions that had not been properlyfactoredintothedebtreliefcalculations.
Administeringrelativelysmallamountsofoldclaims
insomecasesmeantadisproportionateeffortrelativeto theamountsatstake.
So, rather than addressing new debt distress in some countries individually, the G8 decided to wipe all HIPC slates clean and provide all countries that had passed throughthefullHIPCprocesswithafullcancellationof alltheirdebttotheInternationalDevelopmentAssocia-tion(IDA),theIMF,andtheAfricanDevelopmentFund 8. Bolivia,BurkinaFaso,Guyana,Mali,Mozambique,andUgandare-ceivedacombinedassuranceofdebtrelieftothetuneof3.4billionUS dollars.Asundertheenhancedframework,thesecommitmentscontinue tobeimplementedasoftoday.
(AfDF). This additional relief scheme was labelled the MultilateralDebtReliefInitiative(MDRI). Shortlythereafter,theInter-AmericanDevelopmentBank (IDB)followedsuitandgrantedcomparablereliefondebt owedtoitssoft-loanwindow,theFundforSpecialOp- erations(FSO).Thiswasmeanttoprovideforequaltreat-menttothefour(laterwiththeinclusionofHaiti:five) LatinAmericanHIPCs,relativetothereliefallotherHIPCs locatedinAfricareceivedfromtheAfDF.
At first sight, the »full« cancellation under the MDRI seemedtohaveendedalongjourneytowardsdebtre-lief,whichhadstartedin1989withthedefinitionofthe ParisClub’sfirstdebtflowreliefunder»TorontoTerms«. Asamatteroffact,however,thedebtcancellationun- derMDRIwasanythingbut»full«,becausetheIFIsap-pliedcut-offdatesoftheendof2003(themultilateral developmentbanks)orendof2004(theIMF).Onlydebt contractedbeforethesedatesisbeingcancelledunder theinitiative. AstheIFIscannotlegallywriteoffanyclaimfromtheir bookslikeacommercialbank,»financing«theinevita-bledebtreliefhasbeenaproblemthroughouttheHIPC andMDRIprocesses.RegardingMDRI,participantsatthe Gleneagles summit agreed to a complicated system of »nettingout«thedebtrelieffromcommitmentsalready made or foreseen under the IFI’s performance-based lendingschemes.ThismeansinthecaseoftheIDAthat thedebtserviceforegonewillbeannuallydeductedfrom acountry’sallocations,sothatatfirstcountrieshaveto payfortheirowndebtrelief.Onlyinasecondstepwill rich countries then provide additional resources in the sameamounts,whichcanthenbedistributedamongall IDArecipientsaccordingtoitsperformance-basedalloca-tion(PBA)9scheme.Thispracticehasledtosubstantial reductionsintheresourcessomecountrieshaveavailable forfinancingdevelopment(CFPIR2009).Themostfragile HIPC’sarethemostaffectedbythiseffect.10
9. PBA is the regular resource allocation scheme of IDA, which takes notonlythecountries’financialneedsbutalsotheirperformanceunder previousallocations(asaproxyforcountries’absorptioncapacities)into account. 10.WhetherMDRIreliefunderthesecircumstancescanbeconsideredas »additional«astheG8hadpromisedinGleneaglesremainscontrover-sial.ThenewresourcesthatarethendistributedthroughthePBAscheme regularlycomefromrichcountries’developmentbudgets,thatis,absent MDRItheywouldhavebeenallocatedtootherdevelopment-relatedpur-poses.
DebtreliefunderHIPC-1(starting1996),HIPC-2(starting 1999), and MDRI (starting 2005) has definitely helped toreduceunsustainabledebtburdensofcountriesthat havebeenincludedintheinitiative.Twomajorproblems, however,stillremain: Compliancewiththedebtrelieftargetsthroughthe creditorcommunityisuneven:whiletheauthorsofthe initiative (Paris Club members, World Bank, IMF, AfDB, andIDB)unsurprisinglyprovidethedebtrelieftheyhave defined themselves, other creditors are less inclined to do the same. Non-OECD creditor governments have providedupto45percentpercentoftheforeseenre-lief11;commercialcreditors’participationratecouldonly beliftedabove20percentthroughbigmultilaterallyfi- nancedbuybackoperationsforNicaraguaandMozam-bique; and even among smaller multilateral creditors, complianceisbelow100percent(IDA2011); HIPChasbeendeliberatelydefinedasaone-offopera- tion.Itwasnevermeanttobecomeanongoingmecha- nism.Thisisbasedontheimplicitassumptionthatover-indebtednesswasatemporaryexceptionalproblemthat couldbeovercomeonceandforall.Thissurprisingas-sumption by the authors of the initiative was proven wrongasearlyastheendof2008,thatis,beforethe lastcountryonthelistwouldevenhaveenteredtheHIPC process.Initsstatusofimplementationreport2008,the IDAandIMFidentifiedfourpost-completionpointHIPCs asfacingahighriskofdebtdistressduetotheglobal financialcrisisfallout,amongotherfactors.Calculations astohowmanycountrieswouldfacenewdebtdistress havegoneupanddowneversince(seeliteraturerefer-encedinchapter1.12ThefactthatHIPC/MDRIhavenot »solved«theproblemofpoorcountries’debtforgood isundeniable.
2.3 Exceptionalandnon-negotiated
DebtReductions
Not all debt relief agreements have followed the strict linesoftheprocessesdescribedabove. 11.ThepublicationofregularandcomprehensiveHIPC/MDRIUpdatere-portswasdiscontinuedafterthe2011annualreport.Thislastavailable figurewastakenfromIMF:HIPCandMDRIStatisticalUpdate,April2, 2013,table15.Nonewerdataonprivatesectorparticipationhavebeen published. 12.Kaiser,Knoke,andKowsky(2009),IMF(2009),erlassjahr.de/Kinder-nothilfe(2013). First,therehavebeenconsiderabledeviationsfromthe terms, which would in principle have been applicable toanyindividualdebtorcountry.Thiscouldhavebeen forbetterorforworse,dependinginmostcasesonthe politicalstandingthecountryhadwithimportantParis Clubmembers.AprominentcaseisthatofNigeria.The countryhadbeenpartoftheoriginalHIPClist,butwas thenremovedunderapretextin2000,whenthelong- standingmilitarydictatorshipcametoanendandcredi-torsfearedthattheywouldnolongerbeabletodeny HIPCrelieftoNigeriaonthegroundsofthecountry’sno-toriouslybadgovernance.Butin2005,Nigeriareceived a two-thirds debt stock reduction from the Paris Club underaspecialarrangement.Another positive deviation was the case of the former YugoslaviaafterthefalloftheMilosevicregimeinNA-TO’swaragainstSerbiain1999.Thenewlyestablished pro-WesternSerbiangovernmentreceivedatwo-thirds debtreductionfromtheParisClubunderconditionsthat werenormallylimitedtolow-incomecountries(»Naples Terms«).13 Atits2003summitinEvian,theG8theninstitutionalised the more flexible treatment by establishing the »Evian Approach«,14 which in essence meant that regardless of other »terms«, Paris Club members could treat any country as they pleased. This flexibility was certainly a stepforwardformanycountries,whichotherwisecould not have been properly treated under existing terms. However,itimpairsanessentialpartoftheClub’sraison d’être,namelytheprincipleofcomparabletreatmentof comparablecases. MoreinterestingthancertainflexibilitiesintheParisClub orHIPCschemesarecaseswherecountrieshaveeither helpedthemselvestodebtrelieforhavereceivedexcep-tionaltreatmentfromabroadergroupofcreditors. AnexampleforthelatteristheParisClub’sreliefforIn-donesiain1969,basedonanindependentassessment ofthecountry’scapacitytopay(seebox2onpage55). 13.InfacttheParisClubinsistedthatthetreatmentwasnotinaccord-ancewithfullNaplesTermsasdebtreliefwaslessthanafullpercentage pointlowerthannormalunderNaples. 14.http://www.clubdeparis.org/sections/types-traitement/reechelonne-ment/approche-d-evian.(lastaccessedon13.9.2010).
Prominentcasesofdebtreliefmadebythedebtorare theArgentinedebtswapafterthestatebankruptcyat theendof2001,andtheoneorchestratedbytheEcua-doreanadministrationunderPresidentRafaelCorreaat theendof2008.Inbothcases,newlyelectedgovern-mentsenforced: afarreachingreductioninthenetpresentvalue ofanimportantsectionofthecountriesexternaldebt throughunilateralaction withapoliticalbutneverlegallyenforcedreferenceto thequestionablelegitimacyoftheclaimsunderquestion. In both cases, the exchange of old debt owed to pri-vatecreditorsimplieda»haircut«15intherangeof70 percentofitsfacevalue.Acceptanceamongcreditors rosetoover90percentuntil2013,whichwasconsid-eredafairlygoodresponse.However,itmeantthatboth countrieswereconfrontedwithholdoutswhocommand nearly10percentoftheoldexchangeddebttitles.Asof thiswriting,Argentinaisengagedinaprotractedlegal battle with a leading vulture fund (NML Capital), who wasentitledtoreceivepro-ratapaymentsfromArgenti- na’strustee,theBankofNewYorkMellon,wheneverAr-gentinausedtheinstitutiontomakeregularpaymentsto theholdersofitsconverteddebt.Thecaseisstillpending asofthiswriting.Observersfromallcornersagreethat the case has the potential to disrupt the existing debt renegotiation procedures as they have been described above.ShouldArgentinainfactbeforcedtopayNML Capital based on the standardpari passu clause in its bondcontracts,thiswouldconstituteanoverwhelming disincentiveforanycreditortoengageingood-willand voluntaryrestructuring,becauseaco-operatingcreditor would have to assume that his concessions would not serve to restore the debtor’s debt sustainability, but to paycompetinginvestors.16
15.»Haircut«isacommonexpressionforthereductionofacreditor’s claim,eitherthroughareductionofthenominalvalueorasofteningof interestandrepaymentterms.
16.Outofthisfear,somegovernmentshavefiledamicus curiae briefsin supportofArgentina.Forthelatestonesee:BRIEFFORTHEREPUBLIC OFFRANCEASAMICUSCURIAEINSUPPORTOFTHEREPUBLICOFAR-GENTINA’SPETITIONFORAWRITOFCERTIORARI.SupremeCourtofthe UnitedStatesJuly26,2013.
Despite the fact that the enforced debt reduction was inbothcaseshelpfulinprovidingthedebtorcountries withimmediateandessentialresourcesfordevelopment finance,theconfrontationalnatureofthedebtexchange notonlyimpairedbothcountries’externalfinancialrela-tions.Italsohamperedtheirre-accesstocapitalmarkets. In that sense unilateral actions are no substitute for a fair,transparent,andbroadlyacceptablenegotiatedsolu-tions,asdescribedbelow.
2.4 TheDebtSustainabilityFramework:
PreventingFutureDebtCrisis?
After MDRI, creditors started to claim that new debt problemswouldbeprevented,oratleastmitigated,bya post-HIPCinstrument,whichinthehandsoftheWorld Bankwouldservetodeterdebtorcountriesfromexces-sivefutureborrowing,inparticularonnon-concessional terms.TheWorldBank’sDebtSustainabilityFramework (DSF)17forlow-incomecountrieswassupposedtomake surethatnopost-HIPCcountrywouldtakeoutnewloans beyonditscapacitytorepay. TheDSFconsistsoftwoelements: Itdefinesanupperceilingforthesustainabledebtof
each low-income country, taking into consideration its economicprospectsandthequalityofitsgovernance,as expressedintheBank’sCountryPolicyandInstitutional Assessment(CPIA)indicator;18 Itthreatenscountrieswithcutsintheirhighlyconces-sionalfinancingfromIDAandotherconcessionallending windowsiftheytakeoutloans,which,intheviewofthe WorldBank,putdebtsustainabilityatrisk.
This sanctioning mechanism is the essential difference between the DSF and the debt sustainability analyses (DSAs),whichtheBrettonWoodsInstitutions(BWIs)reg-ularly provide for their low- and middle-income mem-bers.
17.Foranoverviewandlinkstoindividualdebtsustainabilityanalysesin low-income countries, see: Factsheet: The Joint World Bank–IMF Debt SustainabilityFrameworkforLow-IncomeCountries,http://www.imf.org/ external/np/exr/facts/jdsf.htm(lastaccessedon13.9.2010).
18.ForadetaileddescriptionoftheCPIAmethodologysee:http://sitere-sources.worldbank.org/IDA/Resources/CPIA2007Questionnaire.pdf (last accessedon13.9.2010).
ThetechnicalitiesoftheDSFhavebeenamplydiscussed and criticised (erlassjahr.de and EURODAD 2006). The focusofthiscritiquehasbeenonthequestionabledefi- nitionoftheupperceilingsandontheone-sidedcharac- teroftheframework,whichexertspressureonthebor-rower without even considering questions about lend-ers’behaviour.Theframeworkalsofocusesexclusivelyon thequantityofnewborrowingtakenonbylow-income countrieswithoutanyconsiderationofthequalityorrel-evanceofthosesameloanstocountries’development programmes.19 AtaveryearlystageoftheDSF’sdevelopment,theBank haddraftedguidelines20thatwentsomewayintaking into consideration recent critiques of the then current DSApractice.
More realistic projections should be the result of a
closerlookatthecountries’historicalrecords(ratherthan globalgrowthassumptions). Deviationsofhistoricalrecordsfromearlierprojections shouldbeexplainedandtakenintoaccountinthepro-cessofnewprojections. Assumptionsregardingexceptionallypositivedevelop- ment(notoriousinthepastformakinghigherdebtsap-pearsustainable)needtobeexplicitlyjustified. Whileeffortstomakeprojectionsmorerealisticareclearly discernibleinrecentDSAs,thegoodintentionslooklike theyarebeingimplementedinasomewhatvagueman-ner(Rehbein2010). ThemostastonishingelementoftheDSF,however,does notlieinitsfunctioning,butintheimplicitassumption that it could prevent the recurrence of sovereign over-indebtednessinthefuture,andthusmakeanyworkon sovereigndebtworkoutschemesredundant. 19.TheseconsiderationsareoccasionallymadewhentheBankdecides onthegrantingofwaiversfornon-observanceinindividualcases.How-ever,thisrelatesonlytothelimitedscopeofBank/Fundconditionalities, whichmayormaynotbehelpfulforthecountry’sfiscalandmonetary sustainability.Itissuggestedherethatconsiderationshouldbebasedon abroadersetofcriteriafordebtillegitimacy,andthatdecision-making shouldbeentrustedtoanindependentinstitution,becausetheBank’s ownlendingcanbeoflowqualitylikeanybodyelse’s. 20.IMFandWorldBank(2007). Asarguedinchapter1,itiscompletelyunrealistictoas- sumethatcompliancewiththeDSFwillsparethedevel-opingworldfromfuturedebtcrisesandthustheneedto improvesovereigninsolvencyprocedures.Therenewed debtrisks,analysedbytheBWIsthemselvesinrelation tothecrisisfalloutonlow-incomecountries(seechapter 1 above), demonstrate this clearly. Moreover, develop-mentsintheG20processseemedtoindicate–atleast temporarily–apolicyshiftfromastrongfocusofmain-taining debt below sustainability thresholds to giving moreleewaytoenhancedborrowinginordertostimu-lategrowthinlow-andmiddle-incomecountries,too.So theG20decidedattheirLondonsummitinApril2009, »[...] to review the flexibility of the Debt Sustainability FrameworkandcallontheIMFandWorldBanktoreport totheInternationalMonetaryandFinancialCommittee (IMFC)andDevelopmentCommitteeattheWorldBank/ IMFAnnualMeetings.«21
Accordingly, the IMF/WB 2009 Spring Meetings’ Fi-nal Communiqué foresaw the »[...] review of options toenhancetheflexibilitywithintheDebtSustainability Framework.«22 Staffrespondedtothiscallbyintroduc-ing several proposals how to put the principles of en-hancedflexibilityintopractice(IMF/WorldBank2012). Essentially,thelogicbehind»enhancedflexibility«isthat theframework’snarrowlimits,whichputdebtsustain-abilityabovetheneedforexpansionaryfiscalpolicy,have become obsolete, at least in the context of economic crises.Theyallowedforindividuallytailoredtreatments, whileformallykeepingthegeneralisedrulesandcriteria intact. Forfutureloan-takingbyHIPCs,thismeansthat(a)the limits,whichprovidedsomeformofequaltreatmentbe-tweencountries,willberaisedenoughtoallowforthe inflow of fresh money that comes the way of an indi- vidualHIPCfromofficialsources;(b)incaseswherecoun-tries have already engaged in new borrowing to some criticallevelfromothersources,theIFIswillhavetode-cide:WilltheyusetheDSFtopreventcountries’access tomultilateralresources–whichwilleventuallybebadly neededinordertosafeguardnationalbudgetbalances– orsecuresocialspendingoragrowth-inducingmonetary 21.G20,FinalCommuniqué,pt.25. 22.http://www.imf.org/external/np/cm/2009/042509.htm(lastaccessed on13.9.2010).
policy? It is certainly a welcome development that the IFIshave(a)setuptransparentrulesfortheirownloan-making, and done their utmost to improve the quality oftheirlendinginlinewiththoserules;and(b)applied those ruleswithsome flexibility. Whatcontinuesto be problematicistheBank’sde-factorules-settingcapacity regardingtheoverallborrowingportfolio–giventhepos-sibleconflictofinterestsbetweenitsroleasalenderand the(assumed)fiduciaryresponsibilityastheexpertforthe country’soveralldebtsustainability.
3. ShortcomingsofCurrentSovereign
DebtManagement:TheNeedforReform
AsoneconsequenceoftheEurozonecrisisandthefutile effortstoresolveitintime,theIMF(2013)hasunder-takenanextraordinarilycriticallookatitsownroleand trackrecordaspartofthetroika.Withunprecedented franknessitconsidereddebtrestructuring–particularly butnotexclusivelyintheEurozonecrisis–asproviding regularly »too little (debt relief) too late«. Some – but notall–oftheshortcomingsidentifiedbytheauthorbe-low,aresharedbytheFund’sanalysis,which,however, refrainsfrommakinganyconcreteproposalsforremedy.3.1 PayingthePricefor
InefficientCrisisResolution
Aswehaveseeninchapter2.1,thepracticeofdealing withsovereigndebtproblemsanddebtdefaultsstarted fromtheerroneousassumptionthat»statesdonotgo bankrupt«.Untiltheendofthe1980s,thisassumption guided policymakers’ decisions to finance and re-schedule current debt service, rather than provide the haircutstocreditors’claims,whichareanormalelement ofanyindividualorcorporateinsolvencyregime. Whenitbecameapparentattheendofthatdecadethat continuous re-financing would only contribute to the ongoing pileup of ultimately unpayable external debt, creditors decided to enter into an incremental process ofgrantingpiecemealdebtservice–andfrom1994on-wardslimiteddebtstock–alleviation,ratherthansharp cuts into the stock of creditors’ claims. Both types of treatment functioned on the basis of pre-defined (and fairlylimited)debtreliefquotas,ratherthanonanindi-vidualassessmentoftheneedfordebtreliefinorderto restore debt sustainability. This quota-based system oftheParisClubwasinitiatedwiththe»TorontoTerms«of 1989,whichallowedthepoorestcountriestoobtaina reductionof33percentofdebtservicefallingdueina limitedtimeframe.Thosequotasturnedouttobeinsuf-ficientinrestoringdebtsustainability–onaverageevery 2.5years–andwererevisedandraised.Thishadthecon-sequenceofcountrieshavingtocomebacktotheParis Clubandhavingtorenegotiatedebtreliefagreements, whichoccasionallyhadnotevenbeenfullyimplemented throughthenecessarybilateralagreementswithallClub members.Senegalholdstherecord,with13roundsof negotiationsintheParisCub. Fromtheverybeginningofthisprocess,observersand experts had been calling for one-off sharp reductions instead of piecemeal alleviation (e.g., Raffer 1990 and Raffer 1993), arguing that the orderly insolvency of a state would ultimately be less costly and painful for everybody.Later,theBankofEnglandandtheBankof Canadaarguedinajointcommentaryontheemerging proposalforaSovereignDebtRestructuringMechanism (SDRM) in 2001: »A better approach would recognize that default is a natural feature of the market mecha- nism,notsomethingtobeavoidedatallcost.«Asacon-sequence,authorsHaldaneandKruger(2001)strongly arguedfororderlydebtstandstillsinsteadofdisorderly defaults. Even from the private sector, calls for institu-tionssuchasa»sovereigndebtforum«wereraised.23 Atthetimeofthereorganisationoftheglobaleconomy in1944,nosuchmechanismforanyorderlydebtwork-outhadbeencreated,despiteamplepre-warexperiences ofsovereigndefaultsandtheenormouspoliticalandso-cialconsequencesofde-factostatebankruptciesinthe 1920sand1930s.Thisdoesnotmeanthatanincremen- taldevelopmenttowardsaworkingframework–aswit-nessedsincethe1980s–isnecessarilyabadthing.The historyofdebtreliefschemessincetheoutbreakofthe Mexicocrisisin1982showsthat,despitefiercerhetoric tothecontrary,initsearlystage24ampledebtrelief–at 23.See:Gitlin(2002);atthetime,RichardA.Gitlinwasthenapartnerat theBostonLawFirmBinghamDana. 24.Prominentamongfavouriteargumentsagainstanydebtreliefforsov-ereignswastheallegationthatastatewhosedebtwasreducedwould thusexcludeitselfforgoodfrominternationalcapitalmarkets.Although historicallyandeconomicallyoutrightnonsense,thisargumentgainedan astonishingdegreeofsupportamongcreditorswhowishedtostemthe tideofunavoidabledebtreductionsforeseeableattheendofthe1980s. Whenbilateralcreditorswerealreadyprovidingreliefforseveralyears,a variantofthisargumentwasusedforrear-guardbattles,justifyingthat thereliefofmultilateraldebtwouldstillhavethisdevastatingeffecton borrowers–whilebilateralreliefforsomeunknownreasonwouldnot.
leastforsomecountries–canbeagreedbythecreditors. However,thepoorestpeopleintheindebtedcountries havepaidaveryhighpriceforthe20-year-longhistory oftoolittlereliefbeingprovidedtoolate.Thus,thechal-lenge in the current situation of the possible re-emer-genceofabroadersovereigndebtcrisisiswhetherthe internationalcommunitywillbeabletodrawtheright conclusions from the existing mechanisms’ shortcom-ings,andwhethertheycanbedrawninaspeedyand efficientprocess.Orwilldebtreliefagainbewithheldfor years and years because of individual creditors’ desires tomaintaintheirhegemonyoveranydebtrestructuring process?
The following paragraphs will look at those shortcom-ingsintheexistingframeworksandwilldraftfromthis analysistheelementsofareform,whichisattheheart ofthisstudy.
3.2 Incoherencebetween
VariousNegotiationFora
Duetothelackofanagreedglobalforum,negotiations aboutdebtrestructuringbetweensovereigndebtorsand theircreditorsstartedinanad-hocandpiecemealfash-ionastheneedforrestructuringcameup.From1956 onward,officialbilateralcreditorsofferedtheirdebtors theParisClubasavenuefordiscussingdebtproblems. London Club negotiations became a prominent instru-ment after 1982, when debtors started to default on theirprivatebankloans.Debtorcountriestendedtobe exposedprimarilytoonesinglegroupof(bilateral)credi-tors in the 1980s. So this individual group – in some countriesprivatebanks,inothersgovernments–sought to restructure their claims on the debtor at the lowest possiblecost,notcaringtoomuchaboutthebehaviour offellowcreditorsfromothersectors,whotendedtobe ofmarginalinfluenceanyway. Fromthemid-1980sonward,however,thingsstartedto becomelessclear-cut:middle-incomecountriesinLatin Americawerestillmostheavilyexposedtoprivatebanks; however, official sector lending was not negligible any more in countries like Brazil and Argentina. This was, among other factors, due to the fact that the govern-mentsincreditorcountriestriedtokeepexportstothe Southern hemisphere going through official financing, while private banks had exhibited reluctance after the1982 defaults. The growing official flows of financ-ing, moreover, consisted primarily of non-concessional financing, and only to a smaller degree official devel-opment aid (ODA). Terms of non-concessional official financing are broadly comparable to those offered by commerciallenders.
With some regional deviations, the following typical creditor profiles emerged and persisted well into the 21st century: low-income countries – without real ac-cesstointernationalcapitalmarkets–usuallyweremost indebtedtoofficialcreditorswithagrowingmultilateral (asopposedtobilateral)share;middle-incomecountries continued to be attractive for private lenders after the BradyPlanhadhelpedtoaccommodatethespectacular defaults of the early 1980s. However, among the pri-vatelenders,theemphasisshiftedfromsyndicatedbank lending to bonds as the preferred instruments, and in partbacktosyndicatedloansaftersomecountriesunder pressurefromofficialcreditorsincludedbondsintodebt restructurings. Inthissetup,creditorcoherencestartedtobecomeacriti-calissueininternationalsovereigndebtmanagement.It showedthatthesystemofmutuallyindependentpiece-meal negotiations implied a strong incentive for hold-outs, that is, each group of creditors could gain from waitingforanotheronetorestorethedebtor’scapacity topaybyforgoingapartofitsownclaims.Whatresulted were delays in negotiating an obviously unsustainable debtproblem,mutualaccusationsbetweenofficialand privatecreditors,and–worstofall–theemergingindus-tryofholdoutcreditorsandvulturefunds.25
Official creditors have tried to meet that challenge by inserting»comparabilityoftreatment«clausesintotheir Paris Club agreements; that is, they oblige the debtor to seek a restructuring with any non-participating bi-lateralcreditor,whichwasatleastasfavourableasthe oneagreedwiththeParisClub.Whilecomparabletreat-25.Avulturefundisaninvestmentfundthatbuysdistresseddebtwitha hugediscountonthesecondarymarket.Aftertheindebtedsovereign’s abilitytoservicedebthasbeenrestoredthroughdebtreliefbyothercredi-tors,thevulturesuesforfullpaymentplusinterest,compoundinterest, andeventually,penalties.Insomecasesvulturesprofitshavebeenbeyond 200 per cent of the invested capital. In others they have been unable toattachanydebtorassets.However,themajorofproblemsconsistof thedisruptionofthedebtortobecomeanormalparticipantininterna-tionalfinancialmarkets.InMay2010,vulturefundswerepreventedfrom seekinglegalrecoursefromUKcourtsthrougha»privatemembers«bill passedimmediatelybeforethe2010electionsandinitiallyvalidforone year.InMay2011,thelawfinallybecamepermanent.
mentwascertainlytheorderoftheday,theinstrument ofthoseclauseswasnotappropriate.Itputtheburden toaccomplishsuchtreatment(evenunderthethreatof ParisClubreliefbeingwithheld),upontheshouldersof thedebtor.Thedebtor,however,hadverylittleleverage to actually enforce the clause on creditors, which nor- mallywerenon-ParisClubcountries,banks,orbondhold-ers – sometimes entities on whose future cooperation the debtor was dependent, economically or politically. Thosecreditorswereoftenrightlyappalledbyhavinga third party intervene into their claims without even al-lowingthemtobeheardaboutthecase.Socompliance tendedtobelow,andproblemswithholdoutswerethe consequenceratherthananorderlyandcomprehensive reductiontoadebtlevelthattheClub–basedonthe analysesoftheIMFandtheWordBank–wouldconsider sustainable.
When the »comparative treatment model« was en- shrinedintothesubsequentHIPCinitiativeaswell,com-pliancerateswereextremelylow:lessthan50percent among non-Paris Club official creditors, and below 20 percentamongcommercialcreditors(seeabove). Theconsequencesofthereformareobvious.
Onceacountryhastorenegotiateanunsustainable
debt,negotiations shouldtake place in one single coher-ent forum,whereeverybodywhoholdsaclaimonthe debtormustparticipate,oratleasthavetherighttobe heard.
In principleall creditors need to be treated equally.
Therecanbenopreferredorevenexemptcreditorsta-tusotherthanbymutualconsent.Suchaconsentcould be based, for instance, on some creditors’ willingness tosupportarecoveryprocesswithfreshmoney,onan agreeduponcut-offdate,orade-minimisthreshold.26
Comparability of treatment can only be achieved if
decisionsarebeingmadebyaneutral decision-making body,orbyacreditor mandated to negotiate on behalf of all other creditors.
26.»Deminimis«describesaminimumlevelofclaimsonadebtor.Only claimsthatexceedthisthresholdareincludedinthenegotiatedre-sched-ulingagreement,whileclaimsbelowthethresholdaretobeservicedin full.Thepurposeofdefiningademinimisthresholdistoavoidtheneces-sityofnegotiatingandtoseekagreementonclaimsthat,ineffect,have no measurable influence on the restoration of debt sustainability. The ParisClubtraditionallyworkswithde-minimisthresholdsof500000or1 millionUSdollars.
Justasinsolvencylawisbindinginnationallaw, credi-tors must be able to rely on the compliance with – and, if necessary, the enforcement of – the negotiated solution. Whiledebtarbitrationcanpotentiallytakeplace»inthe shadowofthelaw«,likeexistingproceduresdo,itshould ideallybesupportedbyaninternationaltreatythathelps toenforcecomplianceinnationalcourts,whereneces-sary. Beyondthesegeneralfeatures,aspecialchallengetoa coherentprocessexiststhroughthefactthatsomeclaims onthesovereigndebtoraredomesticincharacterand thus fallunder national law, while externalclaimsnor-mallydonot.Inprincipleagain,comparabletreatment betweendomesticandexternalcreditorsshouldbethe order of the day. However, considering the sovereign’s opportunitiestointervenewithorevenmanipulatedo-mesticclaims,someflexibilityregardingthedefinitionof comparabilitywillbenecessary.Oneneedstotakeinto considerationthatdomesticcreditorscanrepresentthe fullrangefromnationalpensionfunds–obligedtobuy statebondsbylaw–tofraudulentstateofficialsandout-rightcriminalsplunderingstatecoffersandtransferring theirfortunesabroad.
3.3 ConflictsofInterests
ontheCreditors’Side
Anydebtrestructuringneedstobebasedonanassump-tionregardingthedebtor’sfuturecapacitytorepay–ifa newover-indebtednesspost-reliefistobeavoided.The creditors developed their negotiation fora and proce-dures as described above. As processes became more and more standardised, and as more countries had to negotiate,itbecameobviousthatalsomorestandardised proceduresregardingthoseassessmentswereneeded– notleastintheinterestoffairnessandequaltreatment. Theresultwastheregularassignmentoftheroleasanin-dependentexpertduringsuchnegotiationstotheWorld Bank and the IMF. This was regulated in the standard proceduresoftheParisClub.There,bothinstitutionspro-videtheirassessmentsattheearlystageoftheprocess, andwhileothersliketheUnitedNationsConferenceon TradeandDevelopment(UNCTAD)mayalsocontribute theiranalysisandsuggestionsforadebttreatmentasob-servers,theClub’sdeliberationsregularlystartfromthe opinionsprovidedbythetwoBrettonWoodsInstitutions.WhenParisClubdebtreliefwascomplementedbythe HIPCandMDRIinitiatives,thisstrongpositionofthetwo institutionswasdrivenevenfurther:theycontrolledthe wholeprocess,andtheirboardsevendecideduponHIPC/ MDRIreliefbasedsolelyontheirstaff’sownassessments. Thissetupiscriticalfromtwoperspectives: First,itisalwaysproblematicifinstitutionshaveamo-nopolyonexpertiseandultimatelyondecision-making. Whileindomesticfinanciallaw,judgesarefreetoselect fromavarietyofindependentexpertsoncetheyrequire expertiseforagivencase;thisBWImonopolyincasesof sovereigndebtrestructuringhasneverbeenchallenged. Second,wearenotonlydealingwithamonopolybut onerunbyacarteloftwoinstitutions,whicharecredi-tors themselves. Particularly in the case of the poorest countries,WorldBankGroupmembersandtheIMFof- tenarethesinglemostimportantcreditors.Astheiras-sessmentshaveadirectinfluenceontherecoverabilityof theirownclaims,thereisaclassicconflictofinterest.In ParisClubnegotiationsoutsideHIPC,whichdonotimply areductionofIFIclaims,theydohaveanincentivetoen-forceasmuchreliefaspossibleontoClubmembersand evenmoresoonnon-Clubmembers,whichdonothave aseatatthetable,inordertosafeguardtheirownrepay-ments.Whilethissetupcaninsomecasesevenworkto theadvantageofthedebtorcountries,itisbynomeans aninstrumentforachievingafairburden-sharinganda sustainablesolutionwiththehighestpossibledegreeof acceptanceamongcreditors. ResearchbyNGOs,independentacademics,andsome- timestheBrettonWoodsInstitutionsthemselveshaspro-vidednumerousanecdotalevidencethatthisconflictof interesthasresultedinskewedanalysis,insufficientdebt
Box1:CollectiveActionClausesasaSubstituteforaComprehensiveProcess?
AfterthefailureoftheGermaninitiativetosetupa Europeansovereigninsolvencyframework,referred to at the beginning of this paper, a kind of face-saving,fallbackpositionwasthecommitmenttoa broaduseofCollectiveActionClausesinbondcon-tracts.Withthisposition,theGermangovernment of2010/11repeatedtheexperienceoftheIMFstaff afterthefailureoftheSDRMproposal(seebelow). CollectiveActionClauses(CACs)allowtheamend-mentofcontracttermsifasupermajorityofholders of that particular paper consents. CACs therefore areindeedausefulinstrumenttoovercomecollec-tiveactionproblemsonthebondholders’side.They do,howeverhavetheirlimitations: Theynormallyreferonlytooneindividualbond, andonlywith(additional)aggregationclauseswill theyallowforarrangementsacrossvariousbonds. Theyarestillfarfrombeingstandardinissuances worldwide,andevenwheretheyhavetraditionally beenstandard–suchasunderEnglishlaw–theyare notevenfullyincluded.1 They cannot, of course, provide for the
coordi-nationACROSSassetclasses–i.e.,bondholdersvs. syndicatedbankclaimsandclaimsbyofficialcredi-torsofsorts.Thishowever,iswhere,forexamplein theimplementationoftheHIPCinitiative,essential coordinationproblemsoriginated. WhatCACscancontributetotheresolutionofsov-ereigndebtproblems,isthusvaluable,butlimited. Theyshouldconsequentlybeintroducedasbroadly as possible into bond contracts, in order to ease theco-ordinationwithregardtotheirspecificasset class.Nevertheless,theymustnotbemisunderstood as a substitute for a coherent and comprehensive framework to restructure the entire debt stock of an over-indebted sovereign. Unfortunately, this is exactlyhowbothIMFstaff(afterMarch2003)and theGermangovernment(since2011)haveconsid-eredthem.
1. TheBritishTreasuryisoftheviewthatthestandardinclusion under English law mandates CACs only in issuances offoreign emittents.