Looking into “Awéwé” and “Lalaki” in the Sundanese Magazine Manglé Local Wisdom and a Corpus Analysis of the Linguistic Construction of Gender

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Vol. 28, No. 8s, (2019), pp. 549-559

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Looking into “Awéwé” and “Lalaki” in the Sundanese Magazine Manglé

Local Wisdom and a Corpus Analysis of the Linguistic Construction of Gender

Susi Yuliawati Reiza D. Dienaputra Eva Tuckyta Sari Sujatna

Agus S. Suryadimulya Fahmy Luqman

English Department Universitas Padjadjaran

West Java, Indonesia History Department

Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Padjadjaran West Java, Indonesia

English Department

Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Padjadjaran West Java, Indonesia

Japanese Department

Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Padjadjaran West Java, Indonesia

Arabic Department

Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Padjadjaran West Java, Indonesia

Abstract

This study uses methods in corpus linguistics to examine the construction of gender, based on word usage patterns of awéwé ‘woman’ and lalaki ‘man’ in a 2.9 million-word corpus of Sundanese magazine Manglé. The linguistic construction of gender is discussed as empirical evidence of how Sundanese local wisdoms may give an impact on ways of speaking about man and woman. Using the corpus software WordSmith Tools, frequency analysis demonstrates that woman was more popular to talk about than man that is indicated by the higher frequency of awéwé than of lalaki. Following this, an analysis of the top 30 significant collocates of awéwé and lalaki discovers that the following semantic categories were referenced: kin, people, relationship, body and physical appeareance and age. Other semantic categories, however, were specific to particular gender terms, i.e.

general ethics found only in collocates of awéwé, while personal traits and power solely found in lalaki. A close examination of the concordances reveals that the usages of awéwé seem to represent that woman is weak and dependent on man, while the usages of lalaki tend to signify that man is strong and powerful. The result of corpus analyses is apparently in line with the Sundanese traditional knowledge that expects woman to be

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submissive to man. Thus, the present paper argues that corpus-based analysis can be used to investigate the manifestation of local wisdoms in language use.

Keywords: gender construction; corpus; Sundanese; collocates; local wisdom

1. Introduction

In Sundanese, the language of the second-largest ethnic group in Indonesia living in the western part of the island of Java, there have been well-known proverbs about the ideas of gender roles. One of the proverbs defining the relation between men and women is awéwé mah dulang tinandé [1]. The proverb suggests that a woman is customarily and is expected to be compliant with a man‟s request or demand, particularly her husband. Other proverbs that articulate the similar idea are babon kapurba ku jago [1], asserting that woman is obligied to be submissive to her husband, and sapi anut ka banteng [1] that firmly requires woman to serve her husband. The proverbs apparently attempt to put women in a position of under men‟s authority. In that case, the Sundanese traditional knowledge shows the tendency to construct women to be dependence on men. This is even more evident in the proverbs najan dibawa ka liang copet, moal burung nuturkeun [1], assuming that a woman will always be willing to come after her husband wherever he goes, and sawarga nunut naraka katut [1], which also says that a loyal woman commonly goes around with her husband. It would seem that the dependence of women on men is almost in every aspect, specifically in terms of finance, which is reflected in the proverb awewe mah tara cari ka Batawi, nya cari ka lalaki, stating that earning a living is not women‟s job because that is men‟s responsibility.

This local knowledge, which has long been transmitted from generation to generation within Sundanese communities, especially in the rural areas, ostensibly regards women to have secondary status in society. It appears that women lack of identity and do not exist on their own behalf; their existence tends to be defined by men. Such view of women‟s position, however, does not occur only in Sundanese, but also in other language, such as English. In the early development of language and gender research, Lakoff [2]

discussed evidence of many sorts throughout English that considers women as secondary beings not only from the point of view of men, but also women themselves. Ways of speaking about women suggested that women have an existence simply when defined by a man. The most compelling point to note in this case is that language is proven to contribute to the construction of gender roles. Moreover, in the later work on language and gender, which was greatly influenced by post-structuralism, language is considered to have a crucial role [3]. Gender is thought as a system of meaning, a mechanism for interpreting notions of male and female, and language, a highly structured systems of signs or unifications of form and meaning, is the principal means through which meanings are constructed, maintained or resisted [4]. In that case, both language and gender are socially constructed. As a consequence, neither language nor the concept of gender is static.

The linguistic construction of gender has been discussed in some previous studies. For instance, Eckert and McConnell-Ginet [5] and Holmes [6] claimed that the construction of gender identity can be achieved by the choice of particular linguistic variants. Holmes [7] also demonstrated that certain pragmatic particles and discourse strategies contributes to the construction of gender. Furthermore, Sigley and Holmes [8]

revealed that gender identities are even more noticeably constructed, constrained, and molded by imagery that depics women and men as objects (old bag, prick), animals (bitch, shark, wold), or food (peach, tart, studmuffin). The usages of such word clearly indicate speakers/writers attitudes toward gender roles.

One of the approaches to study language-gender relationship is corpus linguistics, which is claimed to be the most rapidly growing and most prevalent „new‟ methodology

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in linguistics [9]. The fast growing of this method is not merely caused by the widespread availability of large electronic corpora, but also by some distinctive analytical characterstics of this approach. Corpus methods are often associated as an empirical research investigating the actual patterns of use in natural texts; an analysis of a large body of data known as corpus; a study making extensive use of computers for analysis;

and an investigation using quantitave as well as qualitative analytical techniques. Hence, it brings about research findings that have much greater generalizability and validity than would otherwise be visible [10]. Additionally, the most important strength of corpus analysis is that it allows researchers‟ cognitive and social biases to be reduced due to the fact that none is impossible to claim to be absolutely objective about a piece of research [11].

According to Baker [11], corpus linguistics has given noteworthy contribution to studies on language-gender relatiohship in three aspects. First, it tells us not only differences and similarities between male and female language use, but also provides us much more nuanced of sex differences through an analysis of large spoken corpora. For example, Rayson, Leech, and Hodges [12] and Schmid and Fauth [13] compared lexical usage of male and female differences by using data from British National Corpus (BNC).

Furthermore, Harrington [14] compared the use frequency of reported speech that males and females involved in. Second, corpus linguistics helps us exploring how are men and women talked about or written about and how these representations change over time.

Baker [15], for instance, investigated gendered terms across four diachronic English corpora and found that men tend to be presented in contexts related to power and physical activeness, while women tend to be presented in terms of their physical attractiveness.

Third, corpus linguistics allows us to investigate language use like male bias, e.g. the approach can reveal whether male pronouns generally more frequent than female pronouns or what roles or jobs labeled as generic male or female (coalman vs. charlady) [15].

All of the previous research mentioned above use English as the object of study, yet related research in Sundanese is also found. Yuliawati and Hidayat [16] discussed the construction of woman in diachronic corpus of Sundanese magazine Manglé by investigating the uses of five nouns denoting woman in four different eras: the Guided Democracy, the New Order, the Transition to Democracy, and the Reform Era. Using corpus based analysis and Barthes semiotic study, the research demonstrated that the word wanoja was found to be the only sign used to signify women in Manglé with constantly increasing frequency. Additionally, the study revealed that women initially depicted as dependent with regard to their traditional roles were becoming increasingly portrayed as independent in terms of their existence in public sphere. This research only examined on they way women is talked about without comparing it to men.

In the present study, we examine usage patterns of the words awéwé „woman‟ and lalaki „man‟ in the corpus of Sundanese magazine Manglé with the purpose to gain empirical evidence on how Sundanese local wisdom may give an impact to the construction of gender. In the research carried out by Yuliawati dan Hidayat [16], the selected five words denoting woman, viz. geureuha, mojang, pamajikan, wanita, and wanoja, were determined on the basis of chi-square measurement. On the other hand, this study focuses on the word awéwé on account of the previous research finding [17] stating that awéwé was the most frequent word in the corpus of Manglè.

2. METHODOLOGY

A. Corpus of Sundanese Magazine Manglé

For the purpose of this study, the data is collected from the samples of texts in a Sundanese magazine, namely. Manglé. In the history of the development of Sundanese mass media, Manglé is the only magazine that has been in continuous publication since

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1957. Hence, the magazine is regarded monumental for the people of Sunda. The word manglé itself literally means flower garland for brides‟ bun accessories. For that reason, it would seem that manglé is somehow related to women. This can even more obviously be seen from Manglé magazine covers that mostly presented the images of female models in traditional outfit. Moreover, the magazine itself is often called Nyi Manglé which in Sundanese Nyi is a term for addressing young women. In spite of that, Manglé is not woman magazine; it is intended for readers of various ages. The magazine which contents consist of entertainment, human interests, news, history, culture, religion, and education has the main mission, i.e. to maintain and to preserve the Sundanese people‟s language, literature, and philosophy. Manglè has certainly undergone some changes along with social, political, and cultural development in the contexts of West Java as well as Indonesia. However, the most important thing to realize is the fact that Manglé is a magazine published in local language that survives, which not every region in Indonesia has it.

The present study utilizes the specialized corpus of Sundanese Manglé built by Yuliawati [18]. It is built from the collection of texts in Manglè that published between 1958 and 2013. It consists of four subset of corpus, constructed based on the political contexts in Indonesia, i.e. the Manglé corpus of Period 1 (the Guided Demoracry, 1958–

1965), Period 2 (the New Order, 1966–1998), Period 3 (the Transition to Democracy, 1999–2003), and Period 4 (the Reform Era, 2004–2013). Using calculator size sampling , the corpus was created from the samples of 92 editions of the magazine. Following that, to determine which number of the edition used to construct the corpus from Period 1 to Period 4, the technique of proportional systematic random sampling was employed. The size of Manglè corpus constructed is 2,940,537 words, consisting of 78,081 words from the corpus of Period 1; 1,897,777 words from the corpus of Period 2; 324,614 words from the corpus of Period 3; and 641,065 words from the corpus of Period 4. This research investigates the word usage patterns of awéwé and lalaki without using diachronic perspective. Therefore, we identify word frequency and meaning in the overall subsets of the Manglé corpus, instead of studying them in the individual subset of the corpus.

B. Mixed-method Research Design

To study the construction of gender in the Manglè corpus. The research makes use a- mixed method design, in which quantitative and qualitative approaches are combined to provide a more complete understanding of the research topic than either approach alone [19]. Three procedures of corpus analysis to investigate the usage patterns of the word awéwé and lalaki are (1) frequency analysis, to identify which word is more frequently occured compared to another; (2) collocation analysis, to measure the collocational strength or the association between two lexical items in the corpus using statistical test;

and (3) concordance contextual analysis, to examine closely the usages of the words in contexts.

The corpus of Manglé was uploaded to WordSmith Tools 6.0, a corpus tool developed by Mike Scott [20], to help us doing the corpus analyses. To generate significant collocates, the present study uses the statistical test of MI score of 3.00 or higher and the minimum frequency of 5 within an-8 collocational span (4 words to the left and 4 words to the right). Subsequently, The significant collocates of the word awéwé and lalaki are classified based on semantic categories. Concordance lines generated by WordSmith Tools, which can display recurring patternings of words surrounding the search items, are used to observe the actual uses of the words in contexts. Ways of speaking about men and women resulted from these corpus analyses are empirically linguistic evidence used to interpret the construction of men and women the corpus of Manglé and link it with the Sundanese local wisdoms on gender roles.

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3. RESULT AND DISCUSSION

To get the picture of the literal meaning of the words, we utilize three Sundanese dictionaries, which are KBS [21], KBS [22], and KUBS [23]. In these dictionaries, the word awéwé and lalaki are not only defined to be composed of the referentially based semantic features, i.e. awéwé: [+human+female] and lalaki: [+human+male], but also specified as a part of Kasar in the speech levels of Sundanese. Kasar is known as colloquial language or general conversation speech. It is the language level that is used when speaking to inferiors or intimate friends [24 and 25]. In Lemes (polite) level, the word for awéwé is istri, while for lalaki is pameget. What is interesting point found in the dictionaries is the additional information defining the words awéwé and lalaki.

Particularly in KBS [21] and KBS [21], it appears that the dictionaries tell us some insight into the way society construct gender roles by presenting a rather sexist definition.

For example, the word awéwé in KBS [21] is explained further with baréto sok katelah

“jelema nu heureut deuleu pondok lengkah”. It describes that in the past women were known as the people who were lack of knowledge because they had a limited mobility. It is reflected from the proverb “jelema nu heureut deuleu pondok lengkah”, which literaly means people who has limited sight and limited step. Additionally, another proverb that also used in the dictionary to define women is awéwé mah tara cari ka Batari, nya cari ngan ti lalaki, saying that women do not need to earn a living because they commonly get financial support from men. Furthermore, both KBS [21] and KBS [22] mention biwir awéwéeun as a part of the definition of awéwé. Biwir awéwéeun literaly means womanly lips, but it is an idiomatic expression to signify uncontrolled speech without considering the consequences or saying bad things. As can be seen, it is notable that the way the word awéwé used to describe women in the dictionaries is rather negative.

The word lalaki in KBS [22] and KUBS [23] is defined under the lexical entry laki which is a word referring to pestle, a traditional tool used by old Sundanese people for pounding rice. KBS [21], however, puts the word lalaki as an individual lexical entry.

Different from awéwé, further explanation used to define lalaki do not present men in a negative way. The word lalaki is explained with the sentence rata-rata lalaki gedé tanagana jeung nu mananggung kulawargana [21], meaning that most men are strong and support family financially. Additionally, men is defined by the idiomatic expression lalaki lalanang jagat [21 and 23] that is used to refer to men who are strong and powerful. In brief, based on the literal meaning it can be seen that men and women are depicted differently. Hence, it appeared that the dictionaries do not only tell us the literal meanings of the words, but also allow us to get some insight into the way man and woman are constructed by the word lalaki and awéwé.

A. The Frequency of “Awéwé” and “Lalaki”

The corpus analysis begins by focusing on the investigation into the word occurrences.

Figure 1 shows a direct comparison between the frequencies of the words awéwé and lalaki in the corpus of the Sundanese magazine Manglé in order for the higher/lower frequency word to be more easily recognized. It can be seen that the usage of the word awéwé is more frequent than lalaki, yet the frequencies of the word usages are not significantly different. The word awéwé occurred 604 times per million words, while lalaki occurred 571 times per million word. This can also mean that from the overall occurrences of both words, the frequency of awéwé is 51% and lalaki is 49%. The diachronic examination into the frequency of use of the word in the four subsets of the Manglé corpus (from Period 1 to Period 4) showed that the occurrence of awéwé was found to decrease over time although it was always to be the highest frequent word in every period, compared to the other two words referring to woman, i.e. mojang and wanoja [17]. Like awéwé, the frequency of lalaki in the Manglé corpus Period 1 to Period 4 also continued to decrease. On the whole, it obviously appears that women were more popularly talked about than men in the corpus of Manglé (1958–2013).

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Fig. 1. Frequencies of awéwé and lalaki in word per million.

B. Exploring the Meaning of “Awéwé” and “Lalaki” in Contexts

Another way of studying the usage patterns of words by corpus method is to look at collocational patterns. An investigation of the relationship between a word and its surrounding context, considering the fact that certain words are more likely to co-occur with other words in particular contexts [26], can help us to define the meaning of the word. This can provide interesting insight into the construction of meaning based on the actual language used data. Lists of significant collocates of the words awéwé and lalaki within the 4–4 window span which the collocational strength was measured by the minimum MI score of 3 and the minimum co-occurrence frequency of 5 were obtained using WordSmith Tools 6.0. The total number of signicant collocates is quite big, i.e. the word awéwé has 204 significant collocates and lalaki has 190 significant collocates.

These collocates are rather hard to interpret because some function words are still included and several compound words are treated separately as two different significant collocates, e.g. tengah, which literaly means middle and tuwuh which means to grow, were found to be in two separate significant collocates, in fact tengah tuwuh is a compound word which meaning is middle age that often co-occurs with the word awéwé as well as lalaki. For that reason, the examination of meaning are focusing on the top 30 significant collocates ordered according to the statistical test of MI score.

Fig. 2. The top 30 significant collocates of awéwé and lalaki.

From the top 30 significant collocates of awéwé and lalaki, some of the words collocate exclusively with awéwé and the other words collocate only with lalaki.

Nontheless, the words awéwé and lalaki are also found to share the same significant

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collocates, as demonstrated in Figure 2. It indicates that certain words are strongly associated only with women and there are also particular words that are closely associated simply with men. On the other hand, the analysis also reveals that there are words strongly related with men as well as women. A close investigation into concordances, we discovered that the word awèwè and also lalaki predominantly function as modifier when they co-occur with the collocates they share. For example, we found the usage patters of the words in phrases such as besan awéwé:besan lalaki (son/daughter in-law‟s mother:

son/daughter in-law‟s mother), lanceuk awéwé: lanceuk lalaki (sister:brother), mitoha awéwé:mitoha lalaki (mother-in-law:father-in-law), budak awéwé: budak lalaki (girl:boy), panganten awéwé:panganten lalaki (bride:bridegroom), buukna awéwé: buukna lalaki (women‟s hair:men‟s hair), pangawak awéwé:pangawak lalaki (female figure:male figure), and pribumi awéwé:pribumi lalaki (female host:male host).

In the meantime, with the collocate kolot the words awéwé and lalaki co-occur in several different phrases because the word kolot itself has two different meanings, i.e as a noun referring to old people and also parents and as an adjective meaning old. The phrases we found, for example, are awéwé kolot:lalaki kolot ((old woman:old man), kolot awéwé:kolot lalaki ((woman‟s parents:man‟s parents), and kolot budak awewe lalaki (old people, children, women, and men). However, the most frequent phrase that is found is kolot budak awéwé lalaki, an expression used to refer to all kinds of people. Finally, the collocate tengah tuwuh „middle age‟ and umurna „his/her age‟ commonly co-occur with the words awéwé and lalaki in the corpus as modifier telling about the age dimension of women and men.

In spite of the fact that the occurrences of awéwé and lalaki in the corpus were accompanied by the same significant collocates, we bared evidence that ways of speaking about women and men through these co-occurrence patterns are rather different. It particularly can be seen in the co-occurrence of awéwé as well as lalaki with the collocate pangawak „figure‟. Observing the occurrences of the word awéwé in some concordances, it appears that the word tends to be used in contexts where women were presented to be dependent, as in example (2) and (2), and weak, seen in example (3) and (4).

(1) lain teu agul anak payu, laris, kawas hidep. Tapi kapan hidep teh pangawak awewe, kudu puguh tuturkeuneun.

„I‟m proud to have a girl that a lot of men adore like you. yet, since you are a woman, you must decide who you are going to follow.‟

(2) Karunya Akang mah, teu tega, pangawak awewe teu boga panyalindungan.”

„As a man, I feel pity of you, you‟re a woman who has no one to protect you‟

(3) Pira pangawak awewe, mana teuing bisa ngalawan lalaki nu keur dilimpudan ku napsu setan.

„You‟re simply a woman, how can you fight a furious man.‟

(4) Lina sadar kana kahengker diri, da puguh pangawak awewe. Pati-pati nepi ka tiwasna, hoyong ulah tragis. Hostes tea sok janten sasaran pameget nu bedas sagala- galana.

„Lina was aware of her strength considering she is indeed a woman,. She was expecting that her life would end tragically. Being a prostitute she knew that she always becomes the object for men who are powerful in many ways‟‟

On the contrary, the co-occurrences of the words lalaki and pangawak tend to depict men in contexts where men are strong, as shown in instances (5) and (7), and gentle, as in example (6).

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(5) ...lalaki ngora, pangawak jangkung sembada, ukuran lalaki sajati. Sikepna tegep, pikaresepeun.

„…….a young man who is tall and burly, the body of a real man. His posture is so sturdy that many women adore him‟

(6) sono nu ngajanteng teh dirangkul diceungceurikan, pangawak lalaki ge teu kuat nahan cipanon ari kaayaan kieu mah.

„bacause of a very deep longing, he hugged the one standing in front of him and cried, in such situation even a man could not stand to cry‟

(7) Tapi sanajan pangawak lalaki oge ari barangdahar mah nya kudu da jelema.

„Even though he is a man, he still needs to eat as he is a human being‟

What is shown above actually provides us an indication that women and men are constructed differently in the corpus of Manglé. In order to get more evidence about this clue, we explore further the meanings of awéwé and lalaki by classifying each of their significant collocates based on semantic categories. The top 30 significant collocates of awéwé and lalaki, as displayed in Figure 2., are classified based on semantic categories.

We discovered four semantic categories that were referenced by the collocates of awéwé as well as lalaki, e.g. kin, people, body and appeareance, and age

• Kin

awéwé :besan „son or daughter-in-law‟s parents‟, lanceuk „older sibling‟, mitoha

„parent-in-law‟, adi „younger sibling‟, adina „her younger sibling‟, anak „child‟, anakna

„her/his child‟, dulur „sibling‟, sadulur „sibling‟

lalaki :besan „son or daughter-in-law‟s parents‟, lanceuk „older sibling‟, mitoha

„parent-in-law‟, orok „baby‟, orokna „her/his baby‟, cikal „oldest child‟

The word awéwé has more collocates relating to family members than the word lalaki.

It is likely that woman is more closely associated with family than man. Although lalaki strongly co-occurs with the word orok and orokna, its uses in contexts do not show that it talked about a baby that belongs to a man, but it talked about a baby which sex is male.

• People

awéwé :budak „juvenile‟, pribumi „host‟, kolot „old people‟, lalaki „man‟, panumpang „passangers‟, yatim „fatherless‟

lalaki :budak „juvenile‟, pribumi „host‟, kolot „old people‟, awéwé „woman‟, awéwéna „his woman‟

In the collocates grouped within the semantic category of people, it can be seen that awéwé and lalaki collocate strongly with each other, which demonstrates that the discussion about woman in the corpus of Manglè are often related with the discussion about man. It may also be reflected from the occurrence frequencies of awéwé and lalaki, as previously discussed, that are not significantly different.

• Body and appeareance

awéwé : buukna „her hair‟, pangawak „figure‟, geulis „beautiful‟, nyusuan

„breast feeding‟, pangawakan „figure‟

lalaki : buukna „his hair‟, pangawak „figure‟, borongongong „fierce look‟, gagah „strong‟, kasep „handsome‟, jangkung „tall‟, pendek „short‟, hideung „dark‟, ngajuru „give birth‟, dijubah „dressed in a robe‟

The most notable finding from the analysis of collocational patterns is the occurrences of awéwé and lalaki with words describing body and appeareance. Unlike Sigley and Holmes [8] who found collocates showing a notably greater emphasis on girl‟s than boy‟s

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appeareance in the corpus of LOB and Brown in their research on the use of girl(s) for adults in written English, the present study in fact reveals that man (lalaki) has more collocates relating to body and appeareace than woman (awéwé) has. The concordance contextual analysis shows that the appeareance of woman signified by awéwé is portrayed simply to be beautiful (geulis). On the other hand, the description of man‟s appeareance is lexically richer, e.g. man signified by lalaki is depicted to be strong (gagah), handsome (kasep), tall (jangkung), fierce-looking (borongongong), short (pendek), and to have dark skin (hideung). In this case, man is described not only positively, but also negatively. In brief, the collocates indicate that awéwé tends to construct woman in the corpus of Manglè as good-looking person, while lalaki tends construct man not only as a good- looking or fierceful person, but also most importantly as a strong person.

• Relationship

awéwé : panganten „newly-weds‟, dikawin „married by‟, kawin „to marry‟, ngawin „to marry‟, PIL „a woman‟s lover‟

lalaki : panganten „newly-weds‟, amprok „meet‟, papanggih „meet‟, calon „candidate‟

From the collocates under the semantic category of relationship, it is noticeable that woman is more closely associated with marriage than man. It is shown by the collocates of awéwé that refer to marriage, such as panganten „newly-weds‟, dikawin „married by‟, kawin „to marry‟, and ngawin „to marry‟. On the other hand, the collocates referring to marriage in lalaki are found only in panganten „newly-weds‟ and calon „candidate‟ used in the phrase calon panganten which means bride or bridegroom. Additionally, in terms of relationship woman is described rather negatively by the collocate PIL, which stands for pria idaman lain „a woman‟s lover‟. This collocational pattern implies that it is only woman that is talked about in relation to sexual unfaithfulness.

• Age

awéwé : tengah tuwuh „middle age‟, umur „age‟, umurna „her age‟

lalaki : tengah tuwuh „middle age‟, umurna „her age‟, dewasa „mature The occurrences of awèwè and lalaki with words relating to age show a slightly different meaning of woman and man. The description of age dimension for awéwé and lalaki is perhaps considered important in Sundansese because the words can be used to refer to woman and man from various ages. From the corpus of Manglè, it can be seen that the age dimension used to talk about man involves the stage of mental and emotional development characteristic of an adult which is indicated by the word dewasa „mature‟.

This word does not collocate with awéwé. It suggests that in this semantic category man is described posively, while woman in neurtral.

• General Ethics

awéwé : haram „forbidden by Islamic law‟, bangor „badly behaved typically because related to sex‟

• Power

lalaki : marebutkeun „fighting over‟, lalanang jagat „strong and powerful‟

The difference in meaning between awéwé and lalaki is evident in the semantic categories that are specific to particular gender terms. It is discovered that collocates relating to general ethics co-occur exclusively with awéwé, while collocates relating to power co-occur solely with lalaki. It also demonstrates that ways ot speaking about woman are closely associated with moral principle, indicated by the word haram and bangor. Moreover, woman is portrayed negatively through the co-occurrence of awéwé with the collocate bangor in the phrase awéwé bangor, a term referring to woman who

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behaved badly in terms of sexual relationship. Different from awéwé, the occurrence of lalaki with words relating to power clearly construct men in a positive way because they are presented in contexts where they are powerful, strong, indicated from the collocate lalanang jagat, and like to compete, shown from the collocate marebutkeun.

Based on the information shown above, corpus analyses indicate that women are more frequently talked about in the corpus of Sundanese magazine Manglé comparing to men. Furthermore, ways of speaking about women and women tend to be different that are reflected from the usage patterns of awéwé and lalaki investigated through collocation analysis. It apparently shows that the uses of awéwé tend to present that women are weak and dependent and on the other hand men are strong as well as powerful. The way women and men constructed by the word awéwé and lalaki is likely in accordance with the Sundanese local wisdoms found in some proverbs and idiomatic expression, which generally say that women are naturally submissive to men and dependent on men especially in relation to finance.

4. CONCLUSION

A large samples of the actual language used data known as corpus provides essential source of information on the frequencies and the phenomenon surrounding the facts that particular words tend to co-occur with certain words in certain contexts. The present study has proven that corpus methods can reveal which gender category is more popular to talk about in the corpus of the Sundanese magazine Manglè and how ways of speaking about men and women through the patterns of language use bare linguistic evidence on the construction of gender. On the other hand, local wisdom defined as local knowledge transmitted from generation to generation within a community is commonly faded along with the social, cultural, and political development. Thus, we argue that a corpus based study that allows us to provide empirical evidence on how meaning is constructed can be used to examine whether certain local wisdoms may still give an impact on the way people think or act regarding particular issues.

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