Theological Pitfalls in Africa

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Theological Pitfalls

in Africa

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Theological Pitfalls

in Africa

Byang H. Kato B. D., Th. D.

Published by Evangel Publishing House

P.O. Box 1015 Kisum u, Kenya

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Copyright — Byang H. Kato — 1975

printed and published by

Evangel Publishing House P.O. Box 1016

Kisumu, Kenya

[Please note: Evangel Publishing House has granted special permission to include Theological

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FOREWORD

Paul, Peter and Jude would all have approved of the theme of this book, for they too were on guard against the

destructive effect of heretical ideas (Gal. 2:4, 2 Peter 2:1, and Jude 4). Dr. Kato provides us here an update in the perennial concern the Christian Church ought to have against what he calls "unhealthy trends in theology."

We are encouraged today by new doors opening to missions and evangelism all over the world. Certainly this is true in Africa. Yet if the door of opportunity is closed by a dilution of truth, or narrowed by a mixture of nationalism and contin-ued tribalism, then there is cause for alarm. There is a similar situation in America and other parts of the world— it is not limited to Africa.

Dr. Byang H. Kato is a young man with tremendous insights and wide experience. He writes in a vivid, concise and

penetrating way. His responsibility as General Secretary of the Association of Evangelicals of Africa and Madagascar (AEAM) reflects his wide leadership. Here in America, he has been a visiting instructor on the Dallas Theological Seminary faculty, and one of his continuing hopes is to establish graduate level seminaries in Africa. The Committee of the Lausanne Congress of 1974 was delighted to have him as one of the speakers, and this volume amplifies the new understanding of mission begun there.

The need for a book like this is everywhere apparent. Around the world, and specifically in Africa, there are growing dangers in theological deviations. Perhaps there has never been an age of such confusion over the meaning of salvation. The mood of some world religious leaders to produce unity at all costs militates against clear cut Christian teaching. And whenever doctrinal issues are played down, the Holy Spirit is hampered in His redemptive work. Unity then becomes perilous stagnation.

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Much of the world, including Africa, today still reveals entrenched idolatry. In addition, the awakening conscious-ness of nationalism provides the temptation of fabricating a faith to be embraced mainly because of what it can do for people materially. Dr. Kato properly suggests however that there should be no conflict between nationalistic loyalty and a Biblical faith. The Scripture teaches clearly that the believer is by definition — a citizen of two worlds.

What is needed is a concerted effort to train Africans in the Word of God. Once imbued with Biblical theology, they can withstand the temptations of humanism and rationalism. Dr.

Kato is right in decrying the undue time spent in the study of non-Christian religions. Christianity originated in the Afro-Asian Middle East. How fitting now that the focus again is on these lands — and how strategic is a book like this in establishing proper perspective — and sharing the Gospel of Christ in terms relevant to the African.

While Christianity is growing rapidly in Africa — from twenty million in 1945 to over seventy-five million in 1975, yet the evangelistic task is still formidable, but possible! Dr. Ralph Winter says, "The numbers of people yet to be won in Africa has more than doubled since 1900, and will be more than tripled by the end of the century."

While it is yet day and the opportunity is ours, we need Christian leadership that is spiritually and intellectually incisive. Dr. Kato's book is just that. As a maiden effort by an African theologian, it ought to encourage others also to bathe that Continent with the light of Christ.

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INTRODUCTION

The only person I know who could have written this book is the one who did. Dr. Byang Kato is uniquely qualified to say what is said in this important work. His background is in Africa; his training has been thorough; his theology is impeccable; and he has no cause to champion except that of the truth of the Scriptures.

The book is a theological and practical critique of some heretical trends in African Theology today. The author's case against syncretistic universalism is fully documented and well reasoned. He has issued a scholarly challenge to those who follow these false teachings.

Dr. Kato not only critically evaluates the theological problems but he also unmasks some of the practical ramificat-ions that are being promoted by liberal ecumenism in Africa

today. The lessons he cites and the warnings he sounds, are applicable on every continent.

But he does not conclude his discussion there. He also presents positive proposals for the survival of Biblical Christ-ianity in Africa, and to these proposals non-African members of the body of Christ can rally as well.

The author is General Secretary of the Association of Evangelicals of Africa and Madagascar, and he is well prepared for this important leadership role. His theological training includes the B.D. from the University of London and the doctorate in theology from the Dallas Theological Seminary. He is a voice that must be listened to, and this is a book that must be reckoned with. May the Lord use it to keep His Church strong and true to the faith.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The author wishes to express his gratitude to Dallas Theological Seminary for the kind permission to use his thesis for this book.

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1 RISING UNIVERSALISM

IN AFRICA

The challenge

The stage is well set for universalism in Africa. Universalism means the belief that all men will eventually be saved whether they believe in Christ now or not. Therefore, it is absolutely essential that a serious study be undertaken to reveal the trends already taking shape. Ten significant factors are en-couraging and fostering these trends.

The first factor is the prevailing wind of universalism in the homeland of the missionaries working in Africa. From William Carey in the nineteenth century, who is called the father of modern missions, to the mid-twentieth century, home churches and mission boards sending missionaries overseas held a firm belief in Jesus Christ as the only way of salvation.

Certainly the nineteenth century was the great century of missionary advance and even a most cursory glance at the missionary literature reveals that the forward movement in foreign missions was based upon an implicit conviction that those outside of Christ were perishing and that if they did not hear the gospel they were lost forever. In such a theological climate universalism was hardly welcomed.1

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This picture is definitely not true today. Many tions are cutting back drastically in their personnel and sources. For example, "The United Presbyterians recently announced a cut of over a million dollars in their missionary budget for 1972 and the enforced withdrawal of 220 aries due to a sharp drop in denominational income." One2

of the reasons for such an operation withdrawal is due to a growing belief in universalism. Lindsell explains, "Letters in the Crusader have expressed surprise that American Baptist missionaries should espouse universalist views, and opponents of the viewpoint have asked why such missionaries should continue serving on the mission fields." Since like produces3

like, modern apostles of universalism have sown the seed and it is now growing and yielding bitter fruit in Africa.

The second factor is the universal search for solidarity of the human race. The United Nations Organization has as its goal, unity and peace in the world among men of all faiths, ethnics, and political ideologies. It was "established for the maintenance of peace and promotion of international cooper-ation in social, economic, and cultural activities." In Africa4

the Organization of African Unity plays a similar role. Nations cooperating in the body would, undoubtedly, seek to nurture anything that brings universal unity. The Biblical doctrine that condemns people to hell because they do not believe in Christ would be unpopular. So the existence of the U.N. is also an incentive for a doctrine that calls for the same final destiny of all men.

The third promoting factor is the relatively new political awareness in Africa. In 1885 at the Berlin Conference Euro-pean powers split up Africa and colonized the continent at will. But the wind of change has blown over Africa at a faster rate than anyone could imagine. Nations have been born overnight.

Ghana was the thin edge of the wedge that was to drive the colonial powers out of Africa. With what amounted to a wave of the hand, 30 new black states having a combined population of about 200 million, appeared. Apart from South Africa and Rhodesia, ruled by white settlers or their descendants, only three European colonies remain today south of the Sahara, all governed by Portugal.5

Africa has come of age, and is proud to let the world know it. Now the temptation is to magnify all that is African,

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especially in cultural and religious heritage. It is felt that as the West boasts of modem technology, Africa can boast of a long-standing history. It is even wrongly held that as Christian-ity is the religion of the West. Africa should be proud of her own religious heritage. This seems to be the thinking of some theologians, and it tends to universalism.

A similar reason to the foregoing political awareness is the search for political solidarity. The goal of African governments is to unify all ethnic groups into one nation. The recent civil wars in Nigeria and Zaire, as well as the massacres in the Sudan and Burundi, are all a part of the search for national solidarity. Universalism would be an excellent tool for uniting people of different faiths.

In Africa, man is searching for personal identity, and this makes the continent fertile soil for syncretism, which is the practice of more than one religion at the same time.

Many believe the black race has suffered the worst oppres-sion and exploitation of any race. No doubt political and

economic domination have been bad. But slavery has been the worst weapon because of its humiliation. Dr.Bengt Sundkler has stated, "It has been estimated that the total number of slaves sold to European colonies amounted to between 20 and 40 million.... It is claimed that as many perished en route as reached the plantations." Kenneth Latourette evaluates the6

grim situation:

Here was the most extensive selfish exploitation of one set of races by another which history has seen. ..

That this colossal evil was the work of people whose nominal faith was Christianity was an indictment of that religion which cannot be brushed aside.7

Admittedly Biblical Christianity does not favour this type of inhuman practice. In fact, it was Christians such as William Wilberforce who helped to abolish slave trade. However, the Western world is steeped in Christianity, so the two appear identical. Rising out of such a terrible background, the African is asking, Who am I? The question is rightly asked. But the reply from many theologians confuses the issue. A search for identity fails to appreciate the uniqueness of Christianity.

Furthermore, an emotional touch, out of genuine love for the ancestors who died without the knowledge of the way of salvation, is a big attraction of universalism. Many would say It is unthinkable and unkind, to hold that all these millions of

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Africans who died before the advent of modern missions will suffer eternally in hell. The emotive reason for univer-salism is that these very religious people will surely be saved

because of their zeal. Thinking like this overshadows any scriptural reasoning. Universalism is the balm in Gilead for such an emotional yearning.

The seventh factor is the reformation of African religions as practised today. Human sacrifice and ceremonial burial of living human beings are things of the past in many African countries, though some of the practices are still present today.

So when an Asanthene (An Ashanti chief in Ghana) dies, slaves, servants and minor chiefs are seized. Their tongues are skewered—so they won't pronounce some oaths on everyone concerned—and then they are beheaded, to form a ghostly escort for the Asanthene. In earlier times, up to 1000 persons were sacrificed. Two years ago after an Asanthene was gathered unto his ancestors, about a dozen people reportedly were sacrificed.8

Such practices on religious grounds are very scarce and where they are done, they have to be done in secret today. However, practices in a modernized fashion are present. Reed continues:

While such rites are extreme, witchcraft and other bizarre customs still dominate the lives of most Africans. In every marketplace in Africa, charms are sold openly—monkey skulls, dead birds, and potions. When one of Kenya's leading soccer clubs published its audited accounts recently, it was disclosed that the team had paid more than 3000 dollars to witch doctors to get forecasts of results.8

The new garb that African traditional religions are putting on promotes universalism. The respectability of these

religions make them appear to have equal standing with Christianity. They appear to give promise of a future life of happiness. Some people hold that God has spoken to the African priest in his own situation as He did with the Jews. Biblical ignorance in the churches in Africa today and inadequate emphasis on theological education on the part of missionaries is another factor for the growth of univer-salism. Many pastors have swallowed the pill of incipient universalism without knowing the premise nor the end result.

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While the work of interdenominational missions in Africa, which still makes up the core of evangelical Christianity, is highly commendable, nevertheless, it is a fact that most of the missionaries lack sound theological education. In some circles it has been felt that those candidates who could not qualify for higher level seminary studies could go to the mis-sion field instead. Fortunately, such thinking is largely a thing of the past. So a mammoth church has been established without the depth of theology that the church needs.

Christian leaders are now vulnerable to the tactics of ecumen-ism with its basic universalistic premise. Christianity must be expressed in such a way that Africans really understand and see themselves at home in Christianity. Superficiality of the Christianity of some members is the reason why many turn to their former way of life in an hour of crisis. That is why many are ending up with universalism.

As opposed to evangelical theological anaemia, the liberals, though not much better a few years ago, have now produced

theological scholarships that may be twenty years ahead of evangelicals. Worse still, they are going at double the pace of evangelicals in Africa. The massive support they get abroad enables them to outdo the conservative evangelicals who emphasize personal salvation and final just retribution.

Through indigenous universities and colleges, as well as liberal seminaries abroad, liberal Christianity is producing capable African scholars who will help advance the cause of univer-salism.

A further reason why Africa provides such a fertile ground for universalism is the gregarious nature of the African. The African likes to congregate with others. He likes to be heard, hence the loud noise. He likes large numbers, hence the large family, including polygamy. His nature, therefore, provides fertile ground for ecumenism which easily promotes univer-salism. That everyone is on his way to heaven would be palatable teaching regardless of what the scriptures say.

Because of these important factors, I am trying, in a meas-ure, to fulfill the prediction of Lindsell who says:

There is only a beginning realization of how high the tide of universalism has risen, and it is safe to predict

that, given time, many opponents of the new thrust will come forth to smite the foe with ball point broadsides which will be continued by proponents

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and opponents until one side wins a victory, or both of them fall back exhausted with nothing more to say.9

The primary purpose of this book is to sound an alarm and warn Christians on both sides of the argument concerning the dangers of universalism. These dangers are theological pitfalls indeed. To forewarn is to forearm. The noble desire to indigenize Christianity in Africa must not be forsaken. An indigenous theology is a necessity. But must one betray Scriptural principles of God and His dealing with man at the altar of any regional theology? Should human sympathy and

rationalism override what is clearly taught in the Scriptures? Many voices in Africa and outside the continent are answering these questions in the affirmative. Their number is increasing rapidly. That is why I wish here to alert Christians to these pertinent dangers.

The second purpose is to bring to the attention of the pro-ponents of "African Theology," ecumenists, and all others with universalistic tendencies, the fact that there is another way of looking at the relationship between Christianity and African religions. It is not neo-colonialism to plead the uniqueness and finality of Jesus Christ. It is not arrogance to herald the fact that all who are not "in Christ" are lost. It is merely articulating what the Scriptures say.

Finally, the purpose of this book is to make a positive contribution to the discussion. It is appalling, and almost incredible, to realize that there is hardly any literature written by an African surfacing the evils of these theological pitfalls. If this contribution stirs further discussion on the subject which is patent in the works of most African theologians today, then the goal of the book will be achieved in some measure.

Delineation of the study

This book is not dealing with universalism in the world at large. Therefore, it is not needful to spend time on such men as Karl Barth, J.A.T. Robinson, Paul Tillich, John Pike, Nels Ferre, or the earlier classical advocates of universalism such as Origen, M. Steere, John Wesley Hanson, Matthew Smith, and Samuel Cox. Rather, it is on incipient universalism, "beginning to be or to be apparent." This is the stage10

Africa has so far reached. The dangerous weed should be nipped in the bud. Therefore, African theologians and Afri-can enthusiasts elsewhere who have made substantial

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butions along the line considered universalistic, will be investigated.

The study is limited to the view which relates to African traditional religions. African religions, as traditionally known, are breaking at the seams, and yet they are far from vanishing. Since they have been part and parcel of African culture, hence the name traditional African religions, they are not likely to be eliminated wholesale. Yet Christianity cannot incorporate any man-made religion. But some theologians are seeking recognition of the so-called "common ground" between Christianity and African traditional religions. This is where the battle is raging.

Most indigenous black African theologians have come from the tropical region of Africa and I will deal mostly with theo-logians from this region. However pertinent references will be made to other parts of the continent.

Harold Lindsell, "Universalism Today," Bibliotheca Sacra, CXXI1

(July, 1964), 210.

Warren W. Webster, "Why Cut Back?" Impact, XXIX (May-June,2

1972).

Lindsell, "Universalism Today," op cit p. 217.3

Dag Hammarskjold, "United Nations," The American People's4

Encyclopedia, 1964, XVIII, 375.

David Reed, "The Rocky Road to Freedom," Reader's Digest,5

January, 1973, p. 213.

Bengt Sundkler, The World of Mission, trans. by Eric J. Sharpe6

(Grand Rapids. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1966), p. 147. Kenneth Scott Latourette, A History of the Expansion of Christianity7

(Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1970), V, 320. Reed, "Rocky Road to Freedom," op cit p. 228. Reader's Digest,8

January, 1973.

Lindsell, "Universalism Today," op cit p. 210.9

10Webster's Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary (Springfield, Mass.:

G. and C. Merriam Company, Publishers, 1969), p. 423. 17

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2

AFRICAN

TRADITIONAL

RELIGIONS:

A BATTLE OE WORDS

"It is only a matter of semantics," one often hears today. Thus some important issues are beclouded. It is, therefore, important to clarify certain terms regarding African tradition-al religions.

Animism

This is probably the most commonly used term in reference to African traditional religions. Robert R. Marrett discusses the etymology of the word:

Animism is derived from "anima" breath, which in Latin came to have the secondary sense of soul, very much as did the equivalent word spiritus, whence our spirit Hence animism might stand for any doctrine having to do with soul or spirit and later, with souls or spirits.1

The British anthropologist, Edward B. Tylor, is credited for being the first one to use the term as a minimum tion of religion. Tylor states: "It seems best to back at once on this essential source, and simply to claim, as a minimum definition of religion the belief in Spiritual Beings.” He2

continues, "I propose here, under the name of Animism to investigate the deep lying doctrine of Spiritual Beings, which

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embodies the very essence of Spiritualistic as opposed to Materialistic philosophy."3

Tylor's use of animism has been challenged in contemporary writings. A fellow English social anthropologist, E.E. Pritchard, rejects the term in reference to the religion of Nuer people of Sudan. He writes, "In the light of the discussion it will be seen that the so-called animistic theory of religion, chiefly associated with the name of Tylor, cannot be sustained for the Nuer; since they are not animistic and there is no evidence that they ever have been."4

A leading African theologian. Professor John S. Mbiti, also rejects Tylor's description of African traditional religions in terms of animism. He contends "animism is not an adequate description of these religions and it is better for that term to be abandoned once and for all."5

In the first place, Tylor presupposes an evolution of gions. He says, "The argument for the natural evolution of religious ideas among mankind is not invalidated by the tion of an ally too weak at present to give effectual help. "6

Mbiti has rightly rejected the evolutionary theory of religion:

This type of argument and interpretation place African religions at the bottom of a supposed line of religious evolution. The theory fails to take to account the fact that another theory equally argues that man's religious development began with a monotheism and moved towards polytheism and animism.7

A second presupposition that must be rejected is Tylor's view that implies that one race is superior to the other. He uses such phrases repeatedly: "savages. .. and civilised men." Suffice it here to quote the words of the Apostle Paul as he addressed the religiously debased Athenians: "And He made from one, every nation of mankind to live on all the face of the earth, having determined their appointed times and the boundaries of their habitation" (Acts 17:26).8 Race equality is a necessary presupposition for the Bible-believing Christian since all mankind descended from the same factually historic Adam and Eve. Evidences of total depravity can be seen everywhere, and it affects the total human race (Psa. 14:3). The Inca Indians thought during their golden age that they were forever the highest race ever created. But history has proved that, "the Most High is ruler over the realms of

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kind, and bestows it on whom He wills and sets over it the lowliest of men" (Dan. 4:17).

Tylor also speaks of "higher culture" and "lower culture." Culture may be defined as simply the way of life of a social group. The question of superior/inferior relationship does not arise. Each culture should be looked upon introspectively. Certain appearances may be compared outside the culture, but to call a whole culture high or low is hardly justifiable.

The final reason for inadequacy of the term animism is that it limits African traditional religions to "the belief in spiritual beings." African traditional religions do have a belief in spiritual beings, but their religious system covers more. Complex practices cannot be said to be only a belief in spiritual beings. Animism may not be a bad word, but it is certainly inadequate as a description of African traditional religions.

Idolatry

Idolatry is evidently a part of African traditional religions, but it is inadequate to sum up the whole system in terms of idolatry. It is, on the other hand, unrealistic to deny that idol worship is part and parcel of African traditional religions. Some enthusiasts of African traditional religions have denied the charge of idolatry. Geoffrey Parrinder affirms, “It is known today that no 'heathen in his blindness bows down to wood and stone.' The 'heathen' worships a spiritual being, who may be approached through a material object.” While9

it is true that the worshipper looks beyond the wood and stone, the emptiness of his practice amounts to idolatry. He can be said to bow down to wood and stone.

Webster defines idolatry as "a representation or symbol of deity used as an object of worship." These representations10

abound in African traditional religions, though they are not the whole religious system. Other facets of religious practices form a part of African traditional religions.

While Idolatry forms a major part of these religions, it is inadequate to call African traditional religions only as idolatry.

Paganism and Heathenism

Parrinder's apt description of the origin and usage of these two terms is clear and conclusive. He says:

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The word comes from Latin paganus, "a countryman" used by Christians from the fourth century to indicate

the country people who had not accepted the new faith like town dwellers. The English word "heathen" perhaps an inhabitant of the heaths, suggests the same notion. In modern times both "Pagan" and "Heathen" have been used of believers in other religions or in none, but this is unfortunate since it appears to suggest that such people are ignorant or irreligious.11

The dictionary defines heathen as "1: an unconverted member of a people or nation that does not acknowledge the God of the Bible: Pagan 2: an uncivilized or irreligious person.”12

From the Biblical point of view all the people of the world are divided into two groups: the people of God, and the

people outside the covenant relationship with God. George Bertram explains, "ethni and laos also acquire a terminological character in the sense of Gentiles on the one side and the chosen people on the other side." Trench gives a similar13

explanation, "but where ethni is claimed for and restricted to the chosen people, while laos includes all mankind outside of the covenant. (Deut. 32:43; Isa. 65:1-2; 2 Sam. 7:23;

Acts 15:14)."14

Thus the Scriptures know of only two groups of people, the people of God and the people of the world (Luke 12:30). The terms pagan or heathen, if used at all in the scriptural sense, would refer to all unbelievers whether they are found in New York City, New Delhi, or Nairobi. The distinction is not cultural, but a covenant relationship with God. African traditional religions cannot be distinctively defined as heathenism or paganism. These terms are too broad to describe the religion of a particular people.

Fetishism

Parrinder rejects this term in reference to African traditional religions. He contends:

They saw Africans wearing charms and amulets, and they called them feticio. As Fowler says, "Though it has the air of a mysterious barbarian word, it is in reality the same as factitious and means (like an idol, 21

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the work of men's hands) a made thing. . ." If this word were only confined to magical charms that would not be unsuitable, but the trouble is that it is used for religious objects and practices far beyond these limits, and it also isolates African practices (as if they were purely negro and exotic) from similar ones, to be found all over the world.15

It is a fact that man-made objects are used by worshippers of African traditional religions. The term fetish appropriately describes certain outward practices of African traditional religions, but once again the description does not cover the whole system. It is only one aspect of it.

Witchcraft

Witchcraft is historically known to be universal. Parrinder writes that witchcraft:

has appeared in many parts of the world, in one form or another. It became particularly prominent and developed in Europe in the later Middle Ages and Renaissance periods. Still in modern Africa belief in witchcraft is a great tyranny spreading panic and death.16

The belief has to do with a theory that the witch devours the spiritual life of an individual which eventually causes physical death. Such a belief is prevalent in African traditional

religions, but the religions contain more than witchcraft. Magic

Magic may be defined as positive acts performed with a view toward manipulating supernatural power or supernatural beings. It is probably an overstatement to say:

No one can have dealings for long with Africans without coming in contact with magic and it is probably fair to say that an obstinate belief in magic is the greatest obstacle that the administrator has to face in imposing European ideas of justice, for magic is woven into the whole structure of African society and forms an essential part of the African's social heritage.17

But, nevertheless, it is a fact that magic plays a major part in African traditional religions. But there is more to the religions than magic; magic is only a facet of African traditional gions.

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Juju

This is another term used to describe African traditional religions. Parrinder defined the word, "it has been derived from the French Joujou, a 'toy' but the French do not use it in a religious or magical sense, preferring the term Gris-gris." He rightly dismisses the term from religious vocabulary in reference to Africa. "The term is vague and deprecatory, and the objects and powers described are worldwide and not confined to Africa."18

Primitive Religion

Here is another term used for the traditional religions. Paul Radin, writing on the subject, gives title to his book Primitive Religion. The term comes from the Latin word19

primus, meaning first, then it comes to mean elemental, natural, or relating to a relatively simple people or culture,

then self-taught, untutored. It is to be noted that two

weaknesses emerge from the use of primitive as a description of African traditional religions. It is assumed that these traditional religions are the original form of religion. But later development of this book will show that degeneration, rather than development or evolution, is the root cause of animism. Man began with his Creator, but through rebellion (Gen. 3:1-19), has rapidly gone down the ladder.

The second weakness is the assumption that these worshippers are irrational and simplistic. Mbiti convincingly argues the point, in these words:

Of course the word primitive in its root primus has not bad connotations as such, but the way it is applied to African religions shows a lack of respect and betrays derogatory undertones. It is extraordinary that even in our day, fellow man should continue to be described as "savage" and lacking in emotion or imagination. This approach to the study of African religions will not go very far, neither can it qualify as being scientifically or theologically adequate. Some traditional religions are extremely complex and tain elements which shed a lot of light on the study of other religious traditions of the world.20

However, Mbiti is optimistically claiming too much credit for the religions in saying that they would "shed a lot of light on the study of other religions." This is part of the evidence 23

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for the presuppositions of Mbiti's universalism. Biblical revelation alone can point out the way the Christian should go. Its message is equally valid for the Asian such as Paul, the European such as Luther, and the contemporary African. At any rate primitive religion is not an accurate description of African traditional religions. If any religion is primitive, it is Biblical monotheism going back to the Garden of Eden.

African traditional religions

This is the most comprehensive title for the religions of Africa. The religions are distinctively African, though similarities are traceable in the Carribean Islands and other Latin American countries. The religions are traditional as opposed to the new religions in the continent such as Islam and Christianity. Tradition is the "handing down of information, beliefs, and customs by word of mouth or by example from one generation to another without written instruction.” The definition very well fits the pattern ot21

African religions.

J. Oliver Buswell, Jr., defines religion as that which "commonly means the set of beliefs, attitudes, and practices which indicate and express the feeling or conviction of a group of persons that they are bound fast to something which is supreme to them.”22

Charles Hodge is right in classifying "pagan" worship as a religion. He describes, "Commonly the word religion in its objective sense, means "Modus Deum Colendi, as when we speak of the Pagan, the Mohammedan or the Christian.”23

But African traditional religions must be spoken of in plural because of the numerous types of religious practices among different tribes. "We speak of African traditional religions in the plural because there are about one thousand African people (tribes) and each has its own religious system." Other terms such as animism and idolatry may24 24

be used provided that the limitation of these terms is

recognised. But African traditional religions gives the fullest meaning and it is the most comprehensible. Therefore, it is the most appropriate term to use.

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Robert Ranulph Marrett, "Animism," Encyclopaedia Britannica,1

1932, 1, 975.

Edward B. Tylor, Primitive Culture (New York: G.P. Putnam's2

Sons, 1920), I, 424. Ibid., p. 4253

E.E. Evans-Pritchard, Nuer Religion (Oxford: Clarendon Press,4

1956) p. 958.

John S. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy (New York:5

Frederick A. Praeger, 1969), p. 8.

Tylor, Primitive Culture, op cit p. 425.6

Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, op cit p. 7.7

All Scripture quotations are taken from the New American8

Standard Bible (1972) unless otherwise stated.

Geoffrey Parrinder, African Traditional Religions (London: Hutch-9

inson's University Library, 1954), p. 15.

Webster's Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary (Springfield, Mass.:

10

G. arid C. Merriam Company, Publishers, 1969), p. 414.

Geoffrey Parrinder, A Dictionary of Non-Christian Religions,11

Hulton Educational Publications (London: Cox and Wyman, Ltd., 1971), p. 211.

12Webster's Dictionary, p. 384.

George Bertram, "A People and Peoples in the LXX," Theological13

Dictionary of the New Testament, ed. by Gerhard Kittel, trans. by Geoffrey W. Bromiley (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1971), II, 365.

Richard C. Trench, Synonyms of the New Testament (Grand Rapids:14

Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1969), p. 367.

15Parrinder, African Traditional Religions, p. 15.

Geoffrey Parrinder, Witchcraft, European and African (New York:16

Barnes and Noble, 1963) p. 9.

C.G. Seligman and Brenda Z. Seligman, Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic17

Sudan (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, Ltd., 1965), p. 25. 18Parrinder, African Traditional Religions, p. 16

Paul Radin, Primitive Religion (New York: Dover Publications,19

Inc., 1957).

20Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, p. 8.

21Webster's Dictionary, p. 938.

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J. Oliver Buswell, Jr., A Systematic Theology of the Christian

22

Religion, (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1971), l, 13.

Charles Hodge, Systematic Theology (Grand Rapids; Wm. B.

23

Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1946), I, 20.

Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, p. I.

24

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AFRICAN

TRADITIONAL

RELIGIONS: A CASE STUDY

The "Hahm" or "Jaba" people

Differences abound between one cultural group and another in Africa, though some scholars have argued that "the resemblances are far more important than the differences."1

It is more realistic to make a closer study of one cultural group and note differences and similarities in other religions. Let us take a look at "Hahm" people of North Central State of Nigeria.

"Hahm" is the name by which the Jaba people of North Central State of Nigeria call themselves. Jaba is the name popularly known in Hausa. "Hausa is the second largest language next to Swahili of sub-Saharan Africa and is widely used as a second language beyond the bounds of its native-speaking population.” Although the people call2

themselves Hahm, it is preferable to use the Hausa name Jaba, for that is more popularly known.

In a personal interview with Professor Bolaji Idowu, the learned president of the Methodist Church of Nigeria sized the importance of having first hand knowledge of ever religion about which a scholar is writing. The author will be able to deal with the Jaba religion with a greater standing, having been born and brought up in it.

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The significance of Jaba people lies not in size but in historical context. They number only about 100,000. The people spread over an area of about 100 square miles in the North Central State of Nigeria. The largest town of the area is Kwoi, which is 90 miles west of Jos and 124 miles south of Kaduna. Kwoi has a population of about 20,000 people.

The famous archaeological findings of Nok culture were made in this area. Nok, which probably means "to start" in Jaba language, is the village where Nok terra-cotta excavations were started in 1936. Since then a great deal of ancient

pottery has been uncovered. The important influence of Nok culture over the whole Bantu world has been well evaluated: At about the time of Christ, Bantu-speaking peoples began a progressive diffusion, moving south and west from what is now eastern Nigeria into the Congo

River Basin of central Africa. . . . The earliest known iron in the Bantu homeland of western Africa is iated with the Nok culture in northern Nigeria. The use of iron in the Nok culture dates to approximately 400 B.C., and the Bantu in all probability learned their iron making skills from the Nok people.3

Although no scientific study has been undertaken to prove or disprove the connection of the present inhabitants of Nok area with the original inhabitants, we can assume that such a connection does exist. In the first place, the pottery found at Nok site bear striking similarities with Jaba pottery of today. Secondly, an investigation among the old men in Kwoi area as to the place of their origin has proved that they have no

myths of migration from any faraway place. Their common saying whether in singing or direct narrative is that they come from Bitaro, which is only four miles away. For their religion, they claim that it comes from Njeng, which is twelve miles away. Until evidence proves otherwise, it may be assumed that Jaba have lived at the archaeological Nok area for at least two thousand years. With that assumption lies the great significance of studying the religious concepts of the people of Jaba.

Another important reason for investigating Jaba religion is spiritual. Naturally, I am emotionally concerned for the survival of Biblical Christianity in Jaba land. In the first place, Jaba culture as such should be maintained; traditional religious aspirations should be recognized. But the recognition

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of the religious aspirations must not be taken for the

anti-scriptural view of accommodation. To say that Jaba have had some notions of the Supreme Being is not the same as saying that God has spoken to the priests of African tradition-al religions as He did to the Jewish prophets, which some African scholars maintain. The true gospel that has transform-ed the lives of some 50 per cent Jaba people must not be adulterated. While every effort should be made to make Christianity relevant to every people in their situations, this must be placed in its right perspective. The unique nature of Biblical Christianity must be maintained. What is desired for Jaba goes for the continent and the world. Christianity as a

uniquely revealed faith must not be compromised with any local religion.

Jaba Concept of a Supreme Being

Jaba do not have the fully-developed polytheism scholars sometimes claim for West Africa. But they do have the con-cept of a Supreme Being, a notion of future life, and some views of sacrifice. A concept of redemption and salvation is dimly conceived. The virtual nonexistence of written material would limit the sources for this section to interviews and personal observations.

The observation of a Roman Catholic priest cited by Samuel Zwemer is an accurate description of the religious and cultural situation of West Africa. He sums up five elements found among all the tribes in West Africa:

These five elements are: an organized family life, a name for a supreme unseen Power, sovereign and benevolent; a moral sense, namely of truth, justice, shame, and a knowledge that there is good and evil; the idea of soul in every African language and the universal belief that this soul does not die with the death of the body; and finally, communion with the unseen supreme Power by prayer and sacrificial rites.4

The fact that Jaba believe in the existence of a Supreme Being and even know of some of his attributes can be deduced from their use of names, pithy sayings, myths and legends, taking of oaths, and approaches to their shrines.

The name for a Being "greater than which" Jaba cannot conceive is "Nom." Perhaps this has some connection with one of the forms Parrinder suggests. "They call God

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'Nyame,' and this name in one form or another (Nyam, Nyonmo, Nyama) is found widely distributed in West Africa."5

The term cannot be used for any other object, except the dubious use in reference to the sun. The sun is called Nom, though it also has another name Ndardah. But Nom can never be called Ndardah. Several inquiries to clarify this confusion did not yield a satisfactory answer. On one occas-ion I spent some time with about a dozen older men on this issue but the men could not all agree on the origin of the use of Nom for both the Supreme Being and the sun. The majority explained that originally Nom was the name of the Supreme Being, and Ndarda was used as "tetra-grammata," that is, using a disguised name for the purpose of respect of the deity. Paul Gaiya Doh explained, "In our tradition, a woman is not supposed to call her husband by his name. She would address him only as the man. In a similar manner, Nom is considered so great that people choose rather to address him by the term Ndarda and reserve Nom for special occasions."6

Other members of the group insisted that Jaba did actually think that the sun was Nom as well as Ndarda. But even this group admitted that at the back of their mind Jaba still thought of another Power above physical objects. To this Power supreme attributes are predicated. Whatever the truth of the matter is, both Christians and non-Christians use the term Nom for the Supreme Being and Ndarda for the sun.

Further evidence of a knowledge of the Supreme Being is found in pithy sayings, some of which indicate the attributes of this Supreme Being. Don Mbri, a former priest in Jaba's religion, stated, "Through all generations, our people have never doubted the existence of Nom. In fact, when a person acts antisocially, our people say 'Oh Neri, (i.e. John Doe) you are not Nom!' When our people bow down before the shrine, they never fail to mention Nom."6

Infant mortality has been very high in Jaba as elsewhere in tropical Africa. After a mother has lost many babies, the baby girl is named "Nomdut," literally, "Nom has snatched away." Many such names are found among Jaba people. Funeral dirges and festive hymns are full of expressions about Nom.

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earth." Children have been taught not to make fun of the fool, the lame, and the blind because the handicapped are "shan Nom," that is, "God's building." A beautiful baby girl is named "san" - building, meaning that God built her that way. God's building has a tall thick wall at the end. If a boy is expected to be a powerful person, he is given the name "Gin-doh," meaning the final end of creation, after which is a great abyss.7

Nom's abode is in the sky. He can see everywhere but he is not said to be everywhere. There is a legend that two men in white apparel come down at night while people are asleep. But they disappear before dawn. They go back to the sky where Nom dwells. Oath taking is a very significant and awe-some event, as it has to do with life and death. If a person is accused of stealing, immorality, participating in witchcraft, or in the case of women eating secretly the meat or wine dedicated to "dodo", the main idol of Jaba people, the person is brought before the religious heads. A fruit shell of a few centimeters in diameter is placed in the middle, with all the religious heads of the village seated on their assigned seats according to their rank. The culprit walks around and then picks up the shell, a very sacred object, carefully wrapped. He points to the sky and looks up as he cautiously declares, "If I am guilty of this charge, Nom, you slay me tonight." After the ordeal, the person is escorted home by some official. He is not supposed to look back or sideways, nor to talk to anyone on his way home. In the morning a religious

official goes to see if the culprit survived. If nothing happen-ed, a celebration of some kind is held. Words of congratulat-ions begin to pour in. A baby born around this time is given a name such as Byang, meaning that it was a fraudulent accusation brought out of hatred, but the accused was inno-cent. In saluting the accused, friends say "Ai Nom ka bhulak,"-God does not sleep. In other words, He has seen you through the ordeal.

Jaba do not have many myths. A lengthy inquiry regard-ing any myth of creation did not yield much reliable informat-ion in this regard. One myth, however, has to do with the origin of death. There are various versions of the account, which is very similar to the universal story of the hare and the tortoise. One version of the myth is about the hare and the chameleon. Nom sent the hare to announce to mankind that there would be no death. Chameleon also set out to

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deliver the message. Of the two the swift hare naturally outran the chameleon. But then the hare stopped to rest and a heavy sleep came upon him. While he was sleeping, the chameleon reached the final destination first, and delivered Nom's message but stated rather that man should die. When the hare finally arrived, it was too late. Thus death came upon all men. Because of this sad episode, the chameleon is looked upon with much disfavour among Jaba people. If the graceful creature grips a person, it is claimed, only a thunder-ous noise, such as that of a bass drum will cause it to release a person. It is also claimed that the chameleon's bite is always

fatal.

African traditional religions are not as sympathetic as many scholars make them appear to be. The case with Jaba illust-rates this. The foregoing description is not the complete picture of Jaba's conception of God. Besides the confusion about his name, his attributes too are subject to scrutiny. As to why the sun may be called Nom, a name which is supposed to refer to only the Supreme Being, the convincing answer remains yet to be found. Although an accused taking an oath looks up and calls the name Nom, his eyes are turned to where the sun is. In fact, an oath cannot be taken before sunrise or after sunset. When a Jaba man says "Nomifoh," he thinks both of a visible sun and some invisible force. While Nom does not sleep, yet at sunset it is said "Nom-buu," that is, God has fallen asleep as a drunkard is taken by seizure. This is more than phenomenal language as the practice cited above shows. Some scholars have tried to justify some of this confusion. Parrinder explains:

An apparent identification of God with the sun has been thought to exist among peoples in the north of Gold Coast and Nigeria. However, although they use a word for the Supreme Being which means "the sun," they are not sun-worshippers whatever their ancestors might have been.8

Admittedly, Jaba are not sun-worshippers. However, the ambiguity of language and thought concerning the sun and God remains unsolved. This is an indication that to claim a clear and complete revelation of God clearly understood in traditional religions is not true to fact. With regard to God's attributes, although God is good, yet in an hour of sorrow He is accused of ignorance, lack of sympathy. At the death of a young person, the wailers scream and curse, "Nom ngu

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datharo”, - "God you don't consult." They charge him with all kinds of acts, demanding him to tell the world what the

bereaved had done against God. It should be remembered, however, that God's prophets acted in a similar manner occasionally (Jer. 20:7). But this is not he only problem with Jaba belief. One dubious statement often heard is that the leaders of the community are God. They claim that the united voice of rebuke by the religious leaders is the voice of Nom. In an interview, a key figure outlined the following court procedure. Three key men at Kwoi by the clan names Panta, Samu, and Ndalak, would speak, in that order. They would swear by their ancestors and conclude that what they said was the Word of Nom. "Nom wa kwa gan shu nyi ye?" "Is there any other God besides this our gathering?"

Even God's creation is challenged sometimes. Children usually gain the notion that Satan is the one who brought huge rocks into being. Man is believed to have created himself. For his birth, a person sits in the hollow of a tree and then chooses the womb he should go into without any help from Nom. While it is true that God takes away lives, witches, too have that liberty. In fact, the immediate cause of sickness, barrenness, and death are the activities of witches.

Jaba do not have anything close to the Yoruba pantheon claimed to number 1,700 divinities. But the chief object of their worship is not Nom the Supreme Being. Apart from verbal references, nothing in practice is done in connection with Nom. They do not worship Nom though they have him constantly in their language. Parrinder observes:

The Ashanti are unique in West Africa not in ing a Supreme Being, but in having temples, priest, and altars to Him. In fact, over the whole of tropical Africa the only other people who seem to give similar attention to God, are the Kikuyu of Kenya. 9

Parrinder further explains:

From the above sketch we have seen that there is a generally recognized head of gods and men, among the peoples of West Africa. He is the Supreme God, though differing attitudes are taken up towards his worship, and he is thought to be more remote from human affairs and needs than the gods which are his sons.10

Jaba's basic form of worship is humanistic. The whole 33

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thing revolves around man and the material benefits from the worship. The main idol of worship is called "boku" in Jaba language and "dodo" in Hausa. Two major articles used are a dry fruit shell, the size of a small apple, and a horn of about three and one-half feet long. The two instruments of worship are blown within the seclusion of the groves. A man behind the little dry shell speaks in a faraway tone, and another man interprets for the benefit of women and the uninitiated young male. The voice is supposed to be that of a deceased

ancestor. He rebukes the disobedient child, coerces the woman into complete submission, and orders plenty of locally brewed wine and demands cooked meat and beans. Only the initiated men are supposed to know that it is another man speaking. At the age of puberty a week-long ceremony marks the initiation of boys into the state of manhood. They, too, become cognizant of the secret of "dodo" worship. But they are not supposed to reveal the secret to women at the pains of death. The type of initiation being forced upon all people in Chad including Christians, is similar to this. Many Christians have been killed for rightly objecting to this unchristian practice.

The chief of Kagoro, M. Gwamna Awon, has made an accurate summation of 'dodo' worship which is practiced throughout Central Nigeria, though in slightly varied forms. "It seems to me 'dodo' worship has only two goals in mind.

1.) To keep women in subjection and, 2.) To keep children under discipline." The ultimate goal is neither the glory11

of the Supreme Being, or even of a lesser god, but that women and children may minister to man's need.

The account given so far is enough to show that Jaba's mind has not been tabula rasa, a clean slate in the matter of religion. J.N.D. Anderson has rightly observed:

In primitive religion there is always, I think, a nition of a High or Creator God, as we shall see in our next chapter; but man is much more intimately

concerned with a multitude of far more immanent spirits-good and bad, beneficent and malignant.12

A concept of a Supreme Being, indeed there is, but the worship of that Supreme Being is conspicuously absent. Some scholars have tried to identify this idolatrous practice with the germane conception of a Supreme Being. Laroche claims, "Today it is generally agreed that one can hardly find

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a tribe which has no cult of the Supreme Being, which is explicit and practised with greater or lesser frequency ing to the tribe." To call Jaba or any similar worship a cult13

of the Supreme Being is to give credit where credit is not due. It is true that the religious leaders of these idol practices would glibly say, "God gave us 'dodo' worship." They may even14

chant the name of God, but further questioning draws out a response to the contrary. A careful observation of the tice, and if possible, participation, leads to the conclusion that God is not worshipped.

Instances can be cited elsewhere of the confused situation where "They feared the Lord and served their own gods according to the custom of the nations from among whom they had been carried away into exile" (2 Kings 17:33). The Acholi people of northern Uganda have not given a clear view of "Jok". King relates, "For the Acholi the key word is jok but it does not mean God in anything like the Christian or

Muslim sense. Rather jok is said to be a generic word describ-ing certain phenomena in the meetdescrib-ing of the divine and the human." But jok is the final court of appeal only when15

all else has failed.

Even some tribes with a strong belief in the Supreme Being, such as the Yoruba people of Nigeria, do not have a clear concept of that Supreme Being nor do they worship Him. Fear and superstition dominate their whole approach to the so-called "cult of the Supreme Being." James Bolarin, himself a Yoruba man, described an experience he once had at a shrine of Yoruba worship. Bolarin and Harold Fuller tried to get the religious worshipper to smile, but the man would not smile. Fear and sorrow were written all over his face. When he was queried later, he replied, "Why should I smile, I have no confidence or joy in what I am doing. I am only fulfilling the tradition of the fathers."16

Another Yoruba man who had been deeply involved in idolatry joyfully declared, "We have left darkness and have come into light. We do not want to go back to it."17

One more example to show that "for even though they knew God, they did not honour Him as God, or give thanks, but they became futile in their speculations, and their foolish heart was darkened" (Rom. 1:21). Edwin Smith observes Kono people of Sierra Leone, "One has the impression, therefore, that God plays only a minor part in the everyday life of the Kono."18

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Jaba concepts of the spirit world

The basic belief of Jaba people appears to be dichotomic in nature. There is the material part and the immaterial. The material part is "linam" and the immaterial is "hyong" or "kyu". "Hyong" means life principle in man, or the nervous system. When a person is frightened it is said that he feels "hyong" probably the idea is that his nervousness is caused by some immaterial force.

"Kyu", which is used for the life principle at conception, is also the same term for the fleshly heart. It is used some-times proverbially to refer to a boy accused of being a witch. But the term for witchcraft is actually "byu".

The term "hyong" is quite a complex one, full of meanings. It is used in reference to the spirit primarily out to harm

people. Jaba believe that the whole world is full of spirits. The only good spirit is that which comes back to be born again. So the life of a Jaba person is dominated by fear. In fact, the same word "hyong" (spirit) is used for fear. The graveyard is believed to be filled with the spirits of the dead roaming about. Since Jaba people bury their dead inside their compound or the back yard, places of fear are numerous. Certain trees, such as silk cotton, baobab, and sycamore are believed to have spirits dwelling in them. At the beginning of harvest, the first-fruits are placed at the tomb, or the tree first, before human consumption. It is feared that an epidemic would break out if this sacrifice was not offered.

The spirits bring not only harm to the community. They possess certain ladies in the society and enable them to dict good things to come. When a lady is possessed, she speaks in tongues, prophesies, and performs miracles. Gwamna Awon has related that a possessed woman predicted several years earlier that some white people would come to Kagoro and tell them about Gwaza, the Supreme Being. This predict-ion was of course fulfilled. Kagoro today is about 60 per cent "Christian" because of active missionary effort. The same lady consoled the bereaved mother of the chief of Kagoro with this prophecy, "Do not weep. You will bring forth another son who will become a chief." Awon has been a19

chief for 28 years and has been one of the best chiefs in the Northern States of Nigeria.

Women possessed with evil spirits pour fire on their bodies without being burned, jump over high walls, fall down from

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roofs about 15 feet high and other such feats. When they are in a state of seizure, they drink filthy water from ponds, eat human waste, and possess such power that it takes several strong men to hold a woman.

Exorcism is part of Jaba belief and practice. Certain medicine men specialize in this ministry. The instruments used include a drum, a calabash, and a locally made guitar. A date is set for exorcising or, at least, calming down the spirits bothering the possessed. The chief exorcist sings, calling the names of the spirits in the person and the loud orchestra accompanies the singing. The high volume of music attracts, not only the current possessor into dancing, but also neighboring women. After dancing for about two hours, the possessed falls down as if dead, apparently from exhaustion. She lies for a while, then gets up, renewed in strength. From that time on the spirits either leave her or remain in her, but no further hardship would be inflicted on her. If she feels troubled again, another service of exorcism is organized. The spirits are always associated with "Kuno," Satan. Jaba have never doubted the existence or activities of Satan.

He is a real person to them. Iron smelting is an old trade in Jaba land. Evidences of hearths built generations ago can be

seen all over the area. Legends are told of the hearths being old mansions of Satan. Before the advent of missions, it was a taboo to dig up any of the furnace hearths. People firmly believed that if a person dug out the hearth, he would become mad. When the Sudan Interior Mission built their station near one of the forbidden sites, and later had the occasion to dig up "Satan's house," the local people at Kwoi expected them to become mad. As this did not happen, the backbone of the superstition was broken. Very few people still believe in this "Satan's house." But the belief in Satan as a person persists.

Jaba's belief in the supernatural forces should be cultivated. This is an indication that the Supernatural has not totally abandoned man. The "Clues" Arthur Glasser talks about are there and should be exploited. Glasser writes:

Every society has some sort of religion, since every society is made up of human beings, created in the image and likeness of God. . . .Ultimately they seek relationship with whatever is regarded as Ultimate, the super-human power which man believes in and depends on for meaning and security. 20

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Glasser adds, "We conclude then, by calling for a serious search for those relevant clues."21

Clues, weak clues at that, are the supernatural vestiges in the unbeliever; only the faint steps that man is more than flesh and blood. They are indications that the Supernatural has been here, and that at one time men "heard the sound of the Lord God walking in the garden in the cool of the day” (Genesis 3:8a). This call for recognition of "clues” must be distinguished from the call for "an integral Christianity.” J. B Schuyler's view is universalistic and unacceptable to the Bible-believing Christian. He has unfairly criticized the missionary:

By destroying a religion-cultural integrity, without persuading Africans to accept an integral Christianity in its place, the missionaries introduced anomie on a wide scale into the lives of persons, families, and societies. Unwilling to work patiently and ically for the peaceful evolution of Africans from pagan to Christian beliefs and ways, it stirred up antagonisms within and among families, villages, and tribes.22

For anyone who has been involved in "pagan" religion the suggestion for "integral Christianity" or 'evolution of African from pagan to Christian beliefs" is like telling an ex-cancer patient that it was a mistake that he received a complete cure. The dominating fears and superstitions concerning the spirit world are so dreadful that an eous and complete cure is what Jaba people need. In the course of this research, a false report leaked out that I was advocating a return to the traditional religions. The old men in the Church who have had the experience of both worlds became worried. I had to clarify the issue in the church on Sunday. They were all happy to know that all I can see in Jaba religion is a recognition of the craving after the Supreme Being, a search for reality in life, but at the same time a flight from God the Creator and Redeemer. The beliefs of African traditional religions only locate the problem; the practices point away from the solution; the Incarnate risen Christ alone is the answer. Christianity is a radical faith and it must transform sinners radically.

Traditionally, Jaba believe that death is not the end of life. Life is too important to exist just for here and now. The account about life may sound as if there is only a cycle of

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birth-death-birth as reincarnation would suggest. But there is a "city of the death," to be discussed later. Reincarnation is a firm belief for Jaba. When a person dies, his "kyu" which is the immaterial part of man goes to stay in the hollow of a tree temporarily. After the proper rituals have been ed for three to six months, the person then selects the womb to which he will go for rebirth. The movement of an ordinary person is quiet and uneventful. But for an important person such as a chief, the moment of transfer from the tree to a womb is marked with a big flash over the sky at night. That is why when the meteorite flashes, the whole village resorts to drumming and whistling; the drumming and singing is done to attract the "V.I.P." into some womb in the town.

But besides the idea of reincarnation of the soul, there is a strong belief that the dead go to a faraway land called "Kasongbe." "Kasongbe" has now been discovered to be a small village 20 miles away from Kwoi. Traditionally, it is lieved that the dead at "Kasongbe," the city of the dead, live very much the same way they did before. They live in actual bodies. Those who die honorably would enjoy the ity of the members of that glorious city. Others who die of such a dreadful disease as smallpox, which attacks only witches, are lonely and sad. The community of the dead isolate them. They have to beg for their food.

People's methods of burial very much reflect their belief in life after death. Jaba are not known to bury the dead with valuables such as the Ibo people and the Yoruba people do. But they have other practices which show their belief in afterlife.

A neighboring tribe of Jaba, Koro, have four strong men go into the ten-foot-deep grave carrying the dead body. As they go down, they chant the words,

"Ushe Je mu Ngu Ushe Je mu Ngu." This literally means:

"May God lead you safely May God lead you safely."

Others looking on from the outside respond, "Go ahead, we are coming. " Everyone is sure that the dead is going to the23

country of the dead somewhere. He will come back to be born again, but, on the other hand, he will be in the land of

Theological Pitfalls in Africa

Theological Pitfalls

in Africa

Theological Pitfalls

in Africa

Byang H. Kato B. D., Th. D.

FOREWORD

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

CONTENTS

1

RISING UNIVERSALISM

IN AFRICA