Vergina-Aigai: The Macedonian Tomb with Ionic Façade. Observations on the Form and Function of Macedonian Tombs - Stella Drougou

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(1)Vergina-Aigai: The Macedonian Tomb with Ionic Façade. Observations on the Form and Function of Macedonian Tombs Stella Drougou Aristotle University of Thessaloniki In the summer of 1987, the ruins of a large double-chamber Macedonian tomb were revealed1 on the east slope of the modern village of Vergina next to the old City-hall. The site forms part of the ancient cemetery located in close proximity to the Great Tumulus and to the northwest of the walls of the ancient city of Aigai.2 It was already during the first excavation season (when the nearly complete destruction of the burial structure and the extensive robbing of building material became obvious) that its best preserved part came to light: the Ionic façade of the tomb which defined the importance of the new find (Fig. 1a, b). The greatest damage is observed on the walls of the large main area B to such a degree that on certain places only the foundation bed has survived. By contrast, the walls of area A (the antechamber) have been preserved to a small height, enough to allow a description of the robbed out burial structure, by comparison with similar monuments, which will be mentioned later.3 As if in favour of modern archaeologists, big pieces of Ionic semi-columns, as well as part of the entrance-wall masonry, have been identified as coming from the tomb’s façade (Fig. 1). On its premises, scattered fragments of other stone architectural members, mostly from its superstructure, have also been found. The broad access-path to the tomb is particularly useful because its mixed fill was not heavily disturbed, as opposed to the slanting narrow passage used by clandestines on the tomb’s south side4(Fig. 1a, c). Despite its terrible state of preservation, the new burial structure was systematically studied, offering useful information on the group of Macedonian tombs with Ionic façade, with particular emphasis on the “prostasis of an Ionic temple” (Fig. 2), as it is depicted on similar above-ground monuments.5 Built of limestone blocks, the structure was divided into two relatively large rooms along an east/west axis, accessible from the east (Fig. 3). Four Ionic semicolumns formed its entrance (two on either side, placed 1.67 m apart). No traces of a casing (perithyroma) has been preserved nor anything alluding to a doorway, a rather familiar feature in Macedonian tombs.6 However, the larger chamber B presents a different picture, compared to the entrance. The existence of a big marble door is suggested by fragments of its frame, as ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝ 335.

(2) Stella Drougou. Figure 1a. Ground plan of the tomb “with Ionic façade” Figure 1b. Lengthwise section of the tomb “with (Drawing by N. Haddad). Ionic façade”(Drawing by N. Haddad).. Figure 1c. The court and “dromos” of the tomb (Drawing Figure 1d. Ionic capital of the tomb “with Ionic by N.Chatzidakis). façade” (Drawing by N. Haddad).. well as by foundation traces of the marble jambs and threshold (2.50 m long, including the jambs, and 0.50 m wide), evident on the structure’s floor.7 The total length of the building is about 10 m, with the façade reaching 6.30 m in width. On the inside, chamber A measures 3.55 m in length by 3.85 m in width, whereas the main chamber B is 4.30 m long and 3.85 m wide. The thickness of the walls ranges from 0.40 m to 0.50 m and, at several points, they must have abutted against the vertical sides of the foundation trench. At this point, it is worth noting that the elevation of the interior spaces, mainly that of B, is not perfectly square, as in most Macedonian tombs.8 The difference in width between the façade and chamber A (the antechamber) is considerable: even if the thickness of the lateral walls adds up to the overall width of the chamber, it still remains smaller than that of the façade’s. As a result, the façade is extended, with the two columns at its edge, beyond the lateral walls of the structure (Fig. 4). It comprises a characteristic feature of the Ionic façade, if compared to the tomb of “Rhomaios” in Aigai–Vergina, although their differences are obvious, but it contrasts the tomb of Palmettes in Mieza (modern Lefkadia, in Imathia), where the façade is just as wide as its two inner compartments.9 The attempt to achieve the elegance of an Ionic temple, as regards the vault, for example, causes several technical problems to the subterranean structure, which nonetheless were solved by various means, such as the ones noted above. 336 ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝ.

(3) Vergina-Aigai. Figure 2. Sketch of the tomb’s façade.. Figure 3. The tomb from the east (inside).. Another essential element was identified in the destroyed subterranean monument: the two chambers are almost similar in size, since their difference amounts to almost one meter in length, representing, according to Β. Schmidt-Dounas, a ratio of 1:21, the smallest known among Macedonian tombs.10 Immediately one wonders about the purpose of a double burial, which occurs rarely. One attested occasion is the tomb of Philip in the Great Tumulus in Vergina,11 where the purpose of two such big areas becomes obvious. The floor of both chambers is formed by a thick layer of red plaster (0.03 m–0.05 m) on top of compact earth. This manner of construction may be explained by the extremely loose consistency of the ground in this area.12 Along the preserved north and south walls of chamber A, a ledge is formed at the height of the pillars, up to 0.10 m wide and 0.50 m high (Fig. 5). The ledge is covered in black plaster, whereas higher up the wall was red.13. Pieces of plaster found in the lower layers of the earth-fill indicate the use of other colours, too, besides white, red and black, and one could suggest an arrangement in bands. Also, the small fragments of a moulding in plaster suggests dividing bands in relief (Fig. 6a), marking, for example, the base of the vault or the transition between coloured bands,14 while the surface of the vault may have been covered in white plaster. Based on other, better preserved similar monuments, such as the tomb at Lefkadia or Agios Athanasios in Thessaloniki, the same could be argued as regards polychromy and relief mouldings.15 The tomb’s façade with the Ionic semi-columns is the better preserved part offering information on its construction: the four engaged columns, with their characteristic bases, stand on a ledge-stylobate (0.15 m in visible height) of marble, which, inside chamber A, functions as the wall-base. The engaged semi-columns slightly exceed a hemicycle and stand on the surface of the entrance wall.16 The intercolumniation and interaxial space measure 0.70 m and 1.50 m respectively, while the intercolumniation at the entrance is 1.70 m (the interaxial distance between the two central semi-columns is 2.30 m). The first south engaged column ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝ 337.

(4) Stella Drougou. Figure 4. The tomb’s façade, north part.. Figure 5a, b. The tomb’s façade, view of the inside from west.. is preserved to a height of almost 3 m, where the capital would have been. On the analogy of other examples, it would have reached a total height of 3.70-3.80 m. At that level, a drum of a double-column survives in second use. Part of it was embedded in the wall, in order to support both the capital and the engaged column on the surface of the entrance wall; a remarkable and rather unusual way of setting an engaged column, in relation to the wall.17 The other three columns of the same type do not survive at a similar height; therefore, a clear picture of the entire facade is not possible. The four engaged columns’ bases stand directly upon the stylobate, without a separate plinth. They can be ranked among the best examples of the Ionic order in the late 4th century Macedonian burial group, despite their fragmentary preservation: two unequal in diameter tori with a pronounced profile curve frame horizontally the characteristic scotia, which is distinguished by two narrow fillets. The bigger in diameter torus rests at the bottom, upon the stylobate, then comes the scotia and above it the smaller torus. From that point upwards, thirteen (or fifteen) flutes extend to the now-lost capital (Attic-Ionic order without its quadrilateral plinth).18 (Fig. 4). The distinct profile of the bases seems more advanced than the plain and restrained style of the bases of the engaged columns at the tomb 338 ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝ.

(5) Vergina-Aigai. Figure 6b. Fragment of pediment.. Figure 6a. Fragment of plaster cyma. Figure 6c. Fragment of the marble acroterion.. of “Rhomaios” or even those of the earlier façade of the “Eurydice” tomb.19 Only a big fragment of one of the capitals has been found, of soft sandstone, which unfortunately crumbled immediately after its revelation. Its large but low echinus was framed by two volutes and covered by an Ionic moulding of “three eggs” in high relief. This contrasts the capitals from the tomb of “Palmettes”, with a cyma rendered in painting. Each half cushion on the lateral sides of the capital (Fig. 7) bears in its middle two pairs of relief rings and the conical part that ends in the volute of the façade drawn around two centres. In the abacus, there is a lightly concave element with three pronounced flutes.20 As noted above, the preserved architectural elements that could offer a complete picture of the superstructure of the tomb’s façade are markedly few. One fragment confirms the existence of a pediment21 and other architectural fragments (Fig. 6b and Fig. 1d) originate from marble floral akroteria, as suggested by the fragment of a ridged tendril22 (Fig. 6c). As far as the entablature is concerned, no finds have been yielded. An entablature is bound to have been included in the façade, as we infer from analogous monuments, such as the tomb of “Palmettes” (Fig. 2). An Ionic façade recurs in several examples of Macedonian tombs, and most certainly elements in the Ionic order were adopted in almost all Macedonian burials, as attested in relevant monuments at Vergina.23 Having forerunners already in the previous century, the merging of characteristic features of both orders was widely established in the 4th century BC. This combination caused additional problems to the Macedonian tombs, due to their subterranean position and the construction materials employed (plaster and porous) resulting in the creation of distinct architectural compositions. ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝ 339.

(6) Stella Drougou. Figure 7. Fragment of the Ionic capital. Figure 9. The tomb’s façade and part of the dromos with enagismos, southern part.. Figure 8a. Clay lamp from the interior of the tomb.. Figure 8b. Fragment of a panathenaic amphora.. Figure 8c. Bronze lappets of a breastplate.. The excavated portable finds that can be directly linked with the burial structure itself are quite few. Concerning the always useful pottery, most sherds were discovered in the lower layers of earth-fill or on the floor. Noteworthy is an integral small clay lamp (Fig. 8a) which may be directly associated with the burial and is also dated to the end of 4th–early 3rd century BC A small sherd from a black-figure vase was discovered in the fill in front of the tomb’s façade. It may belong to a Panathenaic amphora (Fig. 8b), a fairly common find in 4th century BC graves, both in Aigai and elsewhere.24 The remaining portable finds connected with the burial are only a few. Among them a large fragment of an iron helmet and a small number of gold-plated bronze lappets (Fig. 8c), which may belong to a breastplate, are worthy of note.25 If all these observations are true, then all finds – including the care for the construction of this 340 ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝ.

(7) Vergina-Aigai. sizable monument - indicate that the deceased was probably a military man. The lack of characteristic portable finds does not allow us to identify this military man with a specific historic person. The relative chronology of the burial could be our basic starting point, however, we would rather not rash into conclusions without taking some other factors into consideration.26 The dromos (access-path) to the large burial structure contains interesting features, quite useful for our understanding of the monument, its chronology and form. In the course of removing the earth-fill, it became clear that the tomb was intact in its greater part, except for the passage opened by looters and the stone robbing at its southern side and near its façade. It is estimated to have been more than 15-16 m long and 6.30- 6.50 m wide, at least in front of the tomb’s façade, that is, as wide as the structure (Fig. 1c). The space of the indispensable ‘yard’ (aula) in front of the entrance-wall and with a slightly slanted floor was usually protected along its side walls [essentially of the dromos/pathway] and conforming to the terrain in a variety of ways, as seen in several similar burial structures.27 In the case under examination, a rough wall built of large stones, has been preserved on the southern face of the pathway, ca. 10 m long and 2-3 m high, starting from the tomb’s façade eastwards. Actually the wall appears to have functioned as a retaining-wall to contain the soft earth of the area.28 The connection of the wall with the tomb’s façade and mainly the findings, such as sacrificial pottery distinct from tableware, discovered inside a cavity of this wall confirm the initial structural relation of the wall to the subterranean building itself29 (Fig. 9). Most remains of the sacrificial offerings (the enagismos) were found inside a cavity formed by the stones on the upper part of the southern wall of the pathway. In addition, a few fragments were discovered in the lower layers of the path’s earth-fill in front of the tomb’s façade carried away by earth. These include sherds of burnt clay vases, mainly fishplates as well as a small number of handless small bowls, also burnt30 (Fig. 10). The fire traces in the area of the sacrifice are so intense, that even the clay that covered the cavity had been baked. A similar wall on the north side of the wall has not been revealed and possibly never existed. This shows the care of the craftsmen to secure the safety of the area of the ‘yard’ from loose earth, rather than rendering a regular form. Still, the necessity of having a ‘yard’ in front of the entrance wall of the tomb is confirmed, obviously in order to accommodate the various construction stages, as well as the funeral procession. The plain clay vases discovered along and at the lower section of the north side of the path near the façade are characteristic for the above mentioned uses. They are made of various materials, in a variety of colours (ochre, red and white limestone? ). As has been already described, the space of the tomb’s ‘yard’ is formed in a particular way between the façade and the two faces of the dromos. In the east, at a distance of 12-15 m, the ruins of a transverse wall of poros stone, vertical to the path’s axis, were found. Excavation data allow the assumption that here was a structured stone access (?) to the aula (‘yard’) too, which has not survived like the remaining section of the path to the east.31 It is impressive that recent finds, such as the neighbouring deserted Macedonian grave with its ‘yard’ made of poros stone (floor and sidewalls) and three poros steps opposite its façade covering the width of the path create a truly monumental ‘yard’.32 These come in contrast to the - until now - known examples, which are defined by the tomb’s façade and the path’s faces in various simple ways (with a wall or a mere coating of plaster on top of the earth layer).33 It has been mentioned above that the non-alimentary sacrifice located on the south side ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝ 341.

(8) Stella Drougou. of the dromos (pathway), at the height of the façade capitals and in close proximity to it, are among the most interesting finds of the excavation. It included broken clay vases and some burnt within a lot of ash. Among them, fishplates prevail (Fig. 10). There are also a few blackglazed handless small bowls and sherds of one or two black-glazed pottery. All fishplates are medium-sized and share common features: the base ring is low and, on the interior, a very low but evident cone is formed by means of one or two painted circles in the centre. The rim of the plate is slightly askew defined in its periphery by a narrow clay-coloured band. The body (diameter 0.03-0.05 m) is marked by a similar round band, also clay-coloured.34 The common morphological and structural characteristics indicate a common production workshop. Their condition and particular use in a non-alimentary sacrifice suggest that they were not old items or heirlooms, so their date could be directly associated with the date of the burial monument.35 On the rounds of similar examples from Macedonia (Vergina, Pydna, Aeneia)36 and the Athenian Agora,37 they could be dated from the last decade of the 4th century to the early 3rd century BC. Ε. Simon notes that this 4th century BC popular vessel retained its shape throughout the century and only in the 3rd century did it undergo significant changes.38 Still, these small differences, impressions left by the potter rather than by time, allow the creation of certain morphological variations.39 The use of this type of plate in burial practices is not unusual. However, a more detailed observation raises certain questions. As testified by the relevant archaeological finds in private residences, sanctuaries etc., fishplates held a prominent place in everyday life activities. Yet, fishplates are very often identified among the contents of burial assemblages in the broader northern Greece, hence their presence in funerary practices apparently has a special meaning.40 They are frequently found in the kingdom of Macedonia, in Thrace and the rich lands of Crimea, where apparently they were charged with particular funerary symbolism beyond their use as table and symposium ware, evident in their inclusion in enagismos assemblages. It has been observed that in those areas black-glazed fishplates are regularly – almost as a rule - included inside graves. By contrast, the decorated or painted similar plates found in the same region are very few, compared to those discovered at sites in South Italy.41 The silver example, among other silverware not necessarily directly connected with the symposium, from the tomb of the “Prince” in the Great Tumulus reveals the strong preference for this specific shape.42 Within this context, an important find from the Mt. Ganos (Isiklarberg) in eastern Thrace-Turkey is worth noting. It concerns the marble furniture inside a 4th century monumental tomb where the images of vessels are rendered in relief on the marble table, a distinct reference to some essential procedure.43 There is no clear or definite view on the use of these particular plates. On account of their almost exclusive decoration theme, i.e. seafood (with exceptions), it has been thought that they were linked with particular food and/or special types of cooking.44 However, the shape may also reveal the vessel’s use; its presence on many occasions, both residential and burial, could indicate certain symbolism, like that shown by the non-alimentary sacrifices in famous funerary monuments, such as the tomb of “Persephone” in Vergina, with no allusion to a symposium. Their potential symbolic meaning, in the context of some funerary process, cannot become any clearer; yet, a rare plate from the University Collection of ancient Greek vases at Bochum is worth noting.45 On the lower surface of the coarse (unslipped) base, two small chests (λάρνακες) have been drawn in outline. 342 ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝ.

(9) Vergina-Aigai. Figure 10. Sherds of fishplates and other small vessels from the enagismos (sacrifice).. Even though Ν. Kunisch in his excellent book on fishplates considers these drafts as a game or exercise by some craftsman, they might suggest the funerary use of the particular vessel, precisely because of its constant presence in burial assemblages carrying no special symbolism other than being necessary, along with other vases, in the life beyond.46 Β. Schmidt-Dounas has remarked on the close morphological and chronological relation of the new Macedonian tomb with the Ionic façade at Vergina and the tomb of “Palmettes” at Mieza (Lefkadia) in the publication of this impressive monument. The study of the enagismos pottery from the south face of the pathway in the Vergina tomb has confirmed the chronology of the tomb of “Palmettes” – though they should be more accurately placed in the end of the 4th to the early 3rd century BC. A larger number of Macedonian burials have been dated to this period compared to those from the middle or the third quarter of the 4th century BC. Among them, many bear Ionic elements and a complete Ionic façade. They apparently follow standard 4th century BC architectural features; nonetheless, it seems that a stereotypical way of rendering the orders in those subterranean structures was formed. Already in the city of Aigai, the combination of both orders is identified in the palace while the Ionic composition is shown on a wall of the tomb of “Eurydice” dated after mid-4th century BC. Despite the similarities with the tomb of “Palmettes” in Lefkadia, the one from Vergina has larger compartments. The two chambers are big and the main one is proportionate to the narrow antechamber. The arrangement of the ‘yard’ constitutes another peculiarity that associates the monument with other similar ones located in the city of Aigai (e.g. the tomb of Philip, the new neighbouring Macedonian grave etc.). Besides, the variety of the architectural forms in this city except for the other important data, as for example the painted decoration, is quite remarkable indicating not only the religious but also the secular and social significance of the monuments.47 Based on the archaeological reports on the numerous burial structures recently revealed in the area of our monument, these are dated to the 5th and 4th centuries BC. Important historical persons of the kingdom of Macedonia have been associated with those graves. However, one should await more concrete evidence although the significance of the city of Aigai as production centre of all these works is evident.48 Certainly, all these monuments and their architecture, as well as the ideology manifested through the burial, mark the crucial period following the death of Alexander and the end of the house of the Temenids down to the dominance of the Antigonids and the final passage into the Hellenistic times.49. It should be understood, however, that historical events and historical people can offer only the context of an era whereas real changes and developments occur in art, daily life and the beliefs of a society. ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝ 343.

(10) Stella Drougou. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The architects N. Haddad and N. Hatzidakis made the architectural drawings, while the archaeologist A. Thanos those of the vases. The English translation was done by D. Dimitriadou. I owe them all my warmest thanks. For a refinement of the English language, I wish to thank the Editors of the present volume. NOTES 1. Drougou 1987, 89-100. Drougou 1987α, 50 ff. ; Andronikos 1987, 143 ff. ; Konstantoulas 1998, 10-11 ; Drougou, S. 2005a, 475-779 ; Drougou 2006, 76-70 ; Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, 64 ff. ; C. Huguenot, La tombe aux Erotes et la tombe d Amarynthos, Eretria XIX 1-2, 2008; Guimier-Sorbets, Morisot 2006 ; Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 120-124, 129-130 ; Von Mangoldt 2012, 294-296. 2. On the ancient necropolis of Aigai in Vergina, see Andronikos 1969, Athens ; Andronikos 1984, 23-37; Bräuning and Kilian-Dirlmeier 2013 (bibliography); Kottaridi 1991, 23-30; Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, 148-207 ; Kottaridi 2002, 75-81; Kottaridi 2004, 527-541; Kyriakou 2010, 260-261; S. Drougou, Ch. Kallini and L. Trakatelli, Βεργίνα. Οι τάφοι “Heuzey” και ο τάφος “του περιστεριού” (in print). 3. See below notes nr 5, 6. 4. See below and notes nr. 21 and 22. Also Drougou 2005a, 477-479 and Drougou 2006, 767-770. On other similar of grave robbing, see forthcoming S. Drougou, Ch. Kallini and L.Trakatelli, “Βεργίνα. Οι Τάφοι Ηeuzey και ο Tάφος του “περιστεριού” (in print ). 5. Rhomaios 1951, 20; Goessel 1980 ; Andronikos 1987, 15 ff.; For the Macedonian tombs with an Ionic facade – “prostasis” of a temple see, Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 129-130 (with collective lists of Macedonian tombs with Ionic façade and the temple “prostasis”).Also see the façade of the “Eurydike”-tomb in Aigai, Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, 183-186 ; Kottaridi 2011,146. 6. For analogous or similar examples, see Rhomiopoulou, Schmidt-Dounas 2010, pl. 1 Beil 1; Von Man goldt 2012, pl. 70-71; cf. Von Mangoldt 2012, 186-187, pl. 72 (Macedonian tomb VII at Lefkadia with an Ionic façade). Also at Vergina, double-chamber Macedonian tomb “Bellas” (of the “General” with a Doric facade): Andronikos 1984, 34, fig. 12; Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, 200-207 and Von Mangoldt 2012, 66-69, pl. 17. At Agios Athanasios, tomb Ι (with an Ionic façade): Von Mangoldt, H. 2012, 177-181, pl. 67. At Lefkadia, tomb ΙΙΙ (with a different solution regarding the Ionic facade): Von Mangoldt 2012,187. It is usually proposed a wooden door for such entrances without however having been able to support a solution as this in lack of certain evidence (notches or cavities etc.), see Haddad 1995, 66-68; Sismanidis 1986, 84 note 28 ( Makridy-tomb in Langada). No clear interpretation exists on this composition given that 4th century architectural elements were widely adopted in a variety of structures; see also Pantermalis 1976. 7. Already since the first excavation season (1987) numerous fragments of the marble door were col lected from the lower levels of the landfill and the cleaning of the tomb’s floor. On the largest surviving examples, see the large door in the single-chamber tomb “Bella”, of the “General”, (‘‘strategos’’) Andronikos 1984, 36, fig. 15; Haddad 1995, 68, 83; Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, 204. Cf. also Rhomiopoulou and SchmidtDounas 2010, 19-24. 8. On the geometry of Macedonian tombs, see Demakopoulos 2000, 125-159 mainly 86-88. Regarding the tomb “of the City-Hall” in question, the height dimension is missing hence no accurate “depiction” of its geometry is possible, as in the case of the tomb of “Palmettes”, and only a hypothesis on an analogous height (equal to the width?) can be made. 9. Rhomaios 1951, 20, fig. 5. Differently structured is the tomb “Bella II”, Andronikos 1984, Rhomiopoulou. 344 ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝ.

(11) Vergina-Aigai. and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 12-13. Similarly, the Lefkadia ΙΙΙ (the tomb of “Judgment”); Petsas 1966, 7374; Von Mangoldt 2012, 177- 180 (with bibliography), pl. 67-68. Cf. Demakopoulos 2000 ibid. where he ascertains that the façade of the tomb is essentially a square. 10. Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 128; Cf. same ratio of 1:21 in the built-in tomb at the Archon tiko in Giannitsa, Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 127 (3.75m – 4.56m). 11. Andronikos 1984, 97 ff.; Von Mangoldt 2012, 275-280. It is ascertained that among the surviving Mace donian tombs, those with the small or narrow ante-chambers are more in numbers (cf. the tomb of the “Prince” in the Great Tumulus of Vergina, Andronikos 1984, 198-199, Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999,168-171, or the tomb of “Judgment”, Petsas 1966, 44ff 12. In this particular area, the earth is mostly loose whereas it has been also observed that other digs for earlier burials may have been preceding in date, (see recent AEMTh presentations of the 17th EPCA=EFA Emathias). Same problematic ground is also seen in the big “peristeri” (dove) cist-grave (west of the Palatitsia village) in the eastern section of the necropolis in Aigai – Vergina. In most known examples, the foundation of the floor is supported by porosstone, like the tombs in the Great Tumulus in Vergina and Mieza (Lefkadia). 13. A similar formation is not observed in burial structures of this category as far as we know and wherever the plaster has been preserved, the use of which in these constructions is very prominent. 14. Cf. similar colour compositions and bands which are seen in several of the monuments, where most common are black, white, red and occasionally yellow - ochre, like in the tomb of “Palmettes”, Rhomiopoulou, Schmidt-Dounas 2010, pl. 15 (in a rich composition) and in the tomb of “Persephone” with the wide bands of red and white and the large-scale wall paintings, Μ. Andronikos, Βεργίνα ΙΙ. “Ο τάφος της Περσεφόνης”, Athens 1994, 42-44. See also other examples below note 15. On other examples, see H. Brecoulaki, « La Peinture Funeraire de Macedoine ». MΕΛΕΤΗΜΑΤΑ 48, Athens 2006. 15. The colours and the various narrow bands with relief cymatia and ultimately the general picture of the interior of certain graves appears to mark a distinct imagery or content in burial structures of this category. The architectural elements, their selective usage and the variety of decorative themes and colours may suggest an attempt to render a structure with a public or religious symbolism, such as a temple or even an important public secular building (palace?). On this issue cf. the tomb of “Palmettes”, the tomb of Agios Athanasios or Phoinikas in Thessaloniki, Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, passim. M. Tsimbidou-Avloniti, H. Brekoulaki, Χρώμα και χρωστικές ουσίες, ύλη και εικόνα σε δύο ταφικά μνημεία της Μακεδονίας, in M. Tiverios, D. Tsiafaki (edit.),”Color in ancient Greece”, Thessaloniki 2002,117-128, Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 19 pl.15, as well as the palace of Aigai based on its remains, Μ. Andronikos, Ch. Makaronas, Ν. Moutsopoulos, G. Bakalakis, Το Ανάκτορο της Βεργίνας, Athens 1961, 27; Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, 101-123. 16. Cf. the different formation of the engaged columns and the entrance wall of the tomb of “Rhomaios”, Rhomaios 1951, 20. Also, Makaronas and Giouri 1989, 56-57. It is difficult to explain the exact method of forming the engaged columns in the well-preserved monuments hence the destroyed tomb under study is very useful, since many of its elements are inevitably visible, see above note nr.1 and Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999 pl. 194. 17. The support method of the capital in relation to the semi-column is essentially unique while the stone has been eroded to such a degree that cannot allow further observations on this separated drum of the double-column. 18. Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999 pl.192-193. Cf. the Ionic capitals in the monuments of Aigai, Α. Kottaridi, Το Ανάκτορο των Αιγών 2007-2009 (Thessaloniki 2009) pl.176-177, 183, Palace, tomb of Eurydice, tomb of Romaios). Cf. with regards to the absence of plinth, see for example the tomb of “Eurydice” in Aigai, the tomb of “Palmettes”, Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, Beil. 11. Differently in the tomb of “Rhomaios”, Rhomaios 1951, 21. See also, Hoepfner 1996, 10-11. In general see. ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝ 345.

(12) Stella Drougou. also, the Ionic elements on secular buildings, like the palace in Vergina or the big residences-houses in Pella, Makaronas and Giouri 1989, 63-83. 19. On architectural features in general, see Gossel 1980 passim, Miller 1972, 228-233 (“conclusions”); Miller 1973, 88, 189 ff. Other examples of Ionic burials, Konstantoulas 1998, passim. 20. See note nr.16. Also cf. capitals (but also the entire column) from the House of Dionysus in Pella bearing several similarities, Makaronas and Yiouri 1989, or the tomb of “Eurydice” in Vergina, see above note 18. Other capitals with a simpler plain echinus as well as similar design like those in the tomb of “Romaios”, see Rhomaios 1951, 21, or the Palace in Aigai. 21. Cf. Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 17-18. Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, 20-21, 111-114 (Agios Athanasios and Phoinikas). 22. Cf. Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 18. Beil 12-13. Other examples of marble acroteria are not reported in connection with burials as opposed to surviving temples. 23. Konstantoulas 1998, 35 ff.; Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 35-36; Miller 1972, 22-24. 24. Late example of the ΠΛ5 type, S. Drougou, Ανασκαφή Πέλλας 1957-1964. Οι Πήλινοι λύχνοι. Athens 1992, 49-51. Panathenaic amphoras or their fragments have been found in several burials in 4th century BC Macedonia which raises a quite an interesting issue; cf. finds from the tomb of “Eurydice”, see Kottaridi 2011, 149; Tiverios 1991,38-40; Μ. Tiverios, Μακεδόνες και Παναθήναια. Παναθηναϊκοί αμφορείς από τον βορειοελλαδικό χώρο, Athens 2000, passim. 25. On the iron helmet, cf. the iron helmet from the tomb of Philip in the Great Tumulus in the cemetery of Aigai, see Andronikos 1984, 140-144; the iron helmet in Thesprotia, see A. Choremis, ‘Μετάλλινος οπλισμός από τον τάφο στο Προδρόμι Θεσπρωτίας’, AAA 13 ,1980: 15 as well as the fragments of a helmet in Aiani, see G. Karamitrou-Mentesidi, Από την ανασκαφική έρευνα στην Αιανή, ΑΕΜTh 3, 1989, 49, fig. 8. Also see, P. Dintsis, Hellenistische Helme, Rome 1986; A. Bottini et. al., Antike Helme, Handbuch mit Katalog. Sammlung Lipperheide und andere Bestaende des Antikenmuseums Berlin, Mainz 1988, 151 ff. The rendering of sheets in a breastplate, linen or metal, is a reasonable hypothesis given that other similar examples are not known, though linen breastplates have been reported from, for example, the tomb of Philip (see the unpublished Work of P. Faklaris for the weapons in the Macedonian tombs in Great Tumulus in Aigai - Diss. Thessaloniki 1994 ). 26. This could be possibly argued when the results of the excavation research undertaken in the area around the tomb with the numerous other burial structures are made public (according to the excavator A. Kottaridi, the tombs belong to members of the House of the Temenids!). 27. On the covering of the pathway’s sides with walls, cf. “Bella” Tomb ΙΙI in Vergina, Andronikos 1984, 3435. Walls made of unbaked plinths, cf. Tomb of Philip, Andronikos 1984, 98-99, Κ. Zambas, Αποκατάσταση αναλημματικού τοίχου στο προαύλιο του τάφου του Φιλίππου Β, ΑΕΜTh 13, 1999: 553-565; tomb in Agia Paraskevi, Thessaloniki, Sismanidis 1986, 91-92; tomb of Korinos-Heuzey (by Pydna), Von Mangoldt 2012, 154-158 (Β61, with relevant bibliography). On covering the earth with mud or plaster, see tomb with free-standing columns in the Great Tumulus, Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, 180181. Recent findings in the area of the tomb of the City-Hall show impressive examples concerning the “yard” (unpublished). The relevant finds in the monumental tomb in Kastas, Amphipolis appear to exhibit a development on the initial idea regarding the entrance and the pathway. 28. See above notes nr. 20-21. The picture in the “pathway” is more complex and vague as a result of the big destruction. There are more indications for not only a distinct arrangement of the “court” but also for further protection measures that were taken even in antiquity, cf. Sismanidis 1986, 91 (Agia Paraskevi Thessaloniki). 29. Cf. the unique enagismos on top of the vault of the tomb of the “Prince’ or the many more in the landfill of the tumulus of the tomb of Philip, see Drougou 2005, 49-61. The pottery finds in pyres in tombs. 346 ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝ.

(13) Vergina-Aigai. are usually same, cf. for example Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 84-86. K. Rhomiopoulou, “Ελληνιστικό νεκροταφείο Αμφιπόλεως. ΒΑ τομέας. Ανασκαφή 1956», ArchEph. 152, 2013: 242-244. 30. See finds from the“pyre” in the tomb of “Palmettes” bearing distinct similarities, Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 84-85. Cf. also the remains of the great pyre of the deceased in the tomb of Philip, Drougou 2005, 49-61. See above note 29. 31. The existence of the transverse wall of the pathway is certain despite the fact that only very few porous cornerstones survive. In close proximity, it seems there was another transverse wall of rough stones following the terrace wall of the southern side of the path. 32. See above note nr. 27 ( Kottaridi) 33. See above notes nr 29,30. 34. On red-figure and black-glazed fishplates, see K. Schefold, Untersuchungen zu Kertscher Vasen (Berlin 1934); D. M .Robinson, Olynthus XIII (1950) 124 ; S. Rotroff, Three Cistern System on the Kolonos Agoraios, Hesperia 52, 1983: 268-269, Rotroff 1997, 147-148, pl. 37; Kunisch 1989,39-61; Drougou 2005, 26, 59-61, 163; Lindner 1985, 251 ff. ; McPhee and Trendall 1987. Lately, Simon 2010, 145-146. Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 84-85. 35. See, examples of burial assemblages containing fishplates that do not always reflect the symposium as in Tomb of “Persephone”, Drougou 2005, ibid.(no attic); Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, ibid. Tomb of “Heuzey α”, gold-plated clay fishplate (in press). Tombs at Derveni Α (Α37), Β (Β53, Β54), Γ (Γ3γ) and Δ (Δ24), Themelis and Touratsoglou 1994, 40-41 (Α37). In Aeneia, Tomb ΑΙΙΙ, 10, Vokotopoulou 1990, 58, pl. 34c. Μ. Lilimbaki-Akamati, Λαξευτοί θαλαμωτοί τάφοι της Πέλλας (Athens 1994), pl. 143α and Appendix 12 (from the tomb in Marina, Imathia, end of 4th – early 3rd century BC). For silver plates, see Zimi 2011,262. 36. See above note nr 29-30. 37. Finds from residential complexes, like in the Athenian Agora, private houses or sanctuaries, see Rotroff 1997, 147-148, J. E. Jones et al., “An Attic Country House”, BSA 68, 1973, 380, 418. Olynthos, D. M. Robinson, Olynthus V (1933 ), 253-255, pl. 191-191, (no. 1044-1055, 1057-105 (; Drougou and Touratsoglou 1989, 76 (Veroia, an example from a central building with the stratigraphy, end of 4th – early 3rd century BC). 38. Simon 2010, 146-147, 157, fig. 6-7. 39. In the Hellenistic period (3rd and 2nd century BC), this shape of the fishplate is withdrawn and the char acteristic cavity in its bottom is found in lekanes or lekane-shaped open vessels, cf. Rotroff 1997, 148ff.; Sparkes and Talcott 1970,147 ff. 40. See above, notes nr. 30 and 31. 41. Kunisch 1989; McPhee and Trendall, 1987 ibid. 42. Andronikos 1984, 201, fig. 162, 163; Zimi 2011, 92, 262, no. 134. 43. J. Delemen, An Unplundered Chamber Tomb on Ganos Mountain in southeastern Thrace, AJA 110, 2006: 251-278. 44. See Rotroff 1997, 148 (with bibliography); Kunisch 1989,43. 45. Kunisch 1989, 19 note 8, 89. 46. The symbolic significance of funerary offerings on the basis of religious beliefs and social reality; It is not easy, especially in this period, to clearly distinguish whether a vase was used for the liquids (water, wine etc.) it contained or indirectly indicated some event such as the symposium, sacrifice etc. Cf. for example, Tsimbidou-Auloniti 2005, 106-171, 134-140. 47. The iconography of these funerary structures is indicative because it contains symbolisms, imagery and representations that render the social identity of the deceased. Cf. the wall-painting of the hunting scene on the façade of the tomb of Philip II in the Great Tumulus; cf. Ch. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, Βεργίνα.. ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝ 347.

(14) Stella Drougou. Ο τάφος του Φιλίππου, Η τοιχογραφία με το κυνήγι. Athens 2004,164-169. Chr.Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, “The Arts at Vergina-Aegae”, in R. J. L.ane Fox(edit.), Brill`s Companion to Ancient Macedonia, Leiden 2011; 282-284. Cf. D. Ignatiadou, “Royal identities and hidden symbolism in the painting of royal hunt in Aegae”, Archaeol. Deltion 57, 2002A ; 119-154. 48. The importance of the city of Aigai is confirmed by many data and finds though the study of the resi dential section has been proved to be very limited compared to that of the cemetery. However, historical information and archaeological data gradually reveal her significance of this settlement for the kingdom of Macedonia, cf. the palace complex, the sanctuaries in the city as well as the traditions of the Temenids and their association with Aigai; Andronikos 1984, 227-235. More general yet pertinent remarks, see Touratsoglou 2010,112-123. 49. Cf. Hammond 1982, 64-82. G. J. Shipley, The Greek World after Alexander: 323-30 BC ,Oxford 2000, 7376, 86 ff. ; Touratsoglou 2010, 106-107.. BIBLIOGRAPHY Ανδρόνικος, M. 1969. Βεργίνα Ι, Το νεκροταφείον των τύμβων. Athens. ―. 1984. Βεργίνα. Βασιλικοί τάφοι και άλλες αρχαιότητες. Athens. ―. 1987. «Some Reflections on the Macedonian Tombs”. BSA 82:1-16. Blonde, F. 2007. « Les ceramiques d`usage quotidien a Thasos au IVe siecle av. Ch. » In Etudes Thasiennes XX. Paris. Brӓuning, A. and Ι. Kilian-Dirlmeier 2013. Die eisenzeitlichen Grabhügel von Vergina. Die Ausgrabung von Ph.Petsas 1960-1961. Mainz. Δημακόπουλος, Ι. 2000. « Ο κύκλος και το τετράγωνο στη γεωμετρία, την πρόσοψη και την έδραση των Μακεδονικών τάφων ». Αρχαιολογική Εφημερίς 139:125-59. Δρούγου, Σ. 1987. «Νέος Μακεδονικός Τάφος με ιωνική πρόσοψη στη Βεργίνα». AEMTh 1:89-94. ―. 2005. Βεργίνα, Τα πήλινα αγγεία της Μεγάλης Τούμπας. Athens. ―. 2005a. «Βεργίνα 2005. Νέο φως στην παλιά ανασκαφική έρευνα». AEMTh 19:477-80. ―. 2006. «Βεργίνα 2006. Ο Μακεδονικός τάφος με την ιωνική πρόσοψη. Συμπληρωματικές εργασίες». AEMTh 20:767-71. Δρούγου, Σ. και Χ. Σαατσόγλου-Παλιαδέλη 1999. Βεργίνα. Περιδιαβάζοντας τον αρχαιολογικό χώρο. Athens. Δρούγου, Σ. και Ι. Τουράτσογλου 1990. “Ελληνιστική κεραμική από την αρχαία Βέροια. Η περίπτωση του οικ. Χαρωνιτάκη.” In Γ΄ Επιστημονική Συνάντηση για την Ελληνιστική Κεραμική , Ρόδος 1989, 74-91. Athens. Δρούγου, Σ. 2011. «Αλατιέρες» από ταφικά σύνολα της Νεκρόπολης των Αιγών». In Έπαινος Luigi Beschi, Α. Δεληβορριάς, Γ. Δεσπίνης, Α. Ζαρκάδας (επιμ.) 107-116. Mουσείο Μπενάκη. G�ssel, Β. 1980. Makedonische Kammergrӓber. München. Guimier-Sorbets, A. M. and Y. Morizot 2006. « Construire l` identite du mort. L`architecture funeraire en Macedoine. » In Rois, Cites, Necropoles. Institutions, rites et monuments en Macedoine, edited by A. Guimier-Sorbets, M. B. Hatzopoulos and Y. Morizot, 117-130. Athens. MELETHMATA 45. Haddad, N.A. 1995. Θύρες και παράθυρα στην Ελληνιστική και Ρωμαϊκή Αρχιτεκτονική στον ελλαδικό χώρο (unpublished MPhil. Thesis Aristotle University of Thessaloniki) . Ηoepfner, W. 1996. “Zum Typus der Basileia und der k�niglichen Andrones”. In Basileia, Die Palaeste der Hellenistischen K�nige, edited by W. Hoepfner and G. Brands, 1-41. Mainz am Rhein. Hammond, N.G.L. 1982. «Ίδρυση και εδραίωση του μακεδονικού βασιλείου (πολιτική ιστορίακοινωνικοί και πολιτικοί θεσμοί)» Ιn 4000 χρόνια ελληνικής ιστορίας και πολιτισμού, edited by M. Sakellariou, 64-88. Athens. 348 ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝ.

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(16) Stella Drougou. ABSTRACT VERGINA-AIGAI: THE MACEDONIAN TOMB WITH THE IONIC FAÇADE. OBSERVATIONS ON THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF MACEDONIAN TOMBS The large Macedonian tomb with the Ionic façade was discovered in 1984 in the area of the old City-hall in Vergina and was excavated during short campaigns until 2010. Despite its extensive damage, the burial monument offers significant information on Macedonian tombs.The scarce movable finds from the initial phase of the structure indicate the identity of the deceased, being apparently that of a military man. The subterranean building consists of two big chambers communicating via a marble door. By contrast, the entrance to the tomb had no door and was protected by simple limestone cornerstones. The façade of the tomb was formed by four tall Ionic semi-columns. Both the interior of the chambers and the “dromos’ leading to them show distinct morphological and structural elements. On the basis of pottery finds from the undisturbed sections of the “dromos”, the tomb can be dated to the end of the 4th century BC. The Ionic features, as well as other special characteristics of the burial, strongly indicate the variety in conception of this architectural composition of the 4th century and the subsequent Hellenistic times.. ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ ΒΕΡΓΊΝΑ-ΑΙΓΑΊ: Ο ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΚΌΣ ΤΆΦΟΣ ΜΕ ΤΗΝ ΙΩΝΙΚΉ ΠΡΌΣΟΨΗ. ΠΑΡΑΤΗΡΉΣΕΙΣ ΣΤΗ ΜΟΡΦΟΛΟΓΊΑ ΚΑΙ ΛΕΙΤΟΥΡΓΊΑ ΤΩΝ ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΚΏΝ ΤΆΦΩΝ Ο μεγάλος μακεδονικός τάφος με την ιωνική πρόσοψη εντοπίστηκε το 1984 στην περιοχή του παλιού Δημαρχείου της Βεργίνας και ερευνήθηκε στη διάρκεια σύντομων ανασκαφικών περιόδων έως και το 2010. Παρά την εκτεταμένη καταστροφή, το ταφικό μνημείο προσφέρει αξιόλογες πληροφορίες για την κατηγορία των μακεδονικών τάφων. Τα ελάχιστα κινητά ευρήματα από την αρχική φάση του οικοδομήματος προδίδουν την ταυτότητα του νεκρού, ο οποίος φαίνεται ότι ήταν κάποιος στρατιωτικός άνδρας. Το υπόγειο οικοδόμημα αποτελείται από δύο μεγάλους θαλάμους, οι οποίοι επικοινωνούσαν μεταξύ τους με μαρμάρινη θύρα. Αντίθετα, η είσοδος στον τάφο δεν διέθετε θύρα και προστατευόταν από απλούς πώρινους γωνιόλιθους. Η πρόσοψη του τάφου διαμορφώνεται από τέσσερις υψηλούς ιωνικούς ημικίονες. Τόσο ο εσωτερικός χώρος των θαλάμων, όσο και εξωτερικά ο «δρόμος» εμφανίζουν ιδιαίτερα μορφολογικά και δομικά στοιχεία. Με βάση τα ευρήματα κυρίως της κεραμικής από αδιατάρακτα τμήματα του «δρόμου», ο τάφος μπορεί να χρονολογηθεί στο τέλος του 4ου αιώνα π. Χ. Τα ιωνικά στοιχεία αλλά και άλλα ιδιαίτερα χαρακτηριστικά του ταφικού κτηρίου αποδίδουν έντονα την ποικιλία αυτής της αρχιτεκτονικής σύνθεσης του 4ου αιώνα και των επόμενων ελληνιστικών χρόνων. 350 ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝ.

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