Economic and Social Review, Vol 10, No. 3, April, 1979, pp. 209-229.
Social D e f i n i t i o n i n C h i l d Care i n the I r i s h
Republic: Models of the C h i l d and C h i l d
-care Intervention
D E N I S O ' S U L L I V A N University College, Cork
Precis: This paper developed from a case study of an Irish child-care institution and considers some fundamental definitions in child care in the Irish Republic. Three main aspects are explored: the transition from a social risk to a deprived model of the child under the influence of an emergent child-care movement; the evolution of a developmental model of child-child-care intervention in official reports of the 'sixties and 'seventies, in contrast to the segregation and training model obtaining since the inception of the Industrial School System; and the role of definitions of the child in care in boundary maintenance mechanisms. This paper argues for the analysis of the cognitive and evaluative bases of child-care thought and recommends a number of topics for socio-historical, conceptual and empirical research.
his paper urges t h a t we consider as w o r t h y o f a t t e n t i o n and research the A. i n t e r n a l logic o f child-care t h o u g h t and practice i n the Irish Republic, its emergence, persistence and change, and the social values and interests involved (cf. Y o u n g , 1 9 7 1 ) . B y way o f an i n i t i a l a t t e m p t at analysis i n this d i r e c t i o n , a n u m b e r o f concepts and practices i n Irish c h i l d care are explored i n terms o f t h e i r assumptions and social derivation, and a variety o f suggestions for further research are made.
B o t h the substance and thrust o f the argument developed here originated i n the course o f a case study o f an Irish child-care i n s t i t u t i o n (described at the t i m e as an I n d u s t r i a l School) carried o u t i n the early 1970s and referred t o here as the Research School. While the focus o f the study was o n the socialisation processes w i t h i n the Research School, i t became obvious that the manner i n w h i c h the school was organised, the nature o f staff-pupil relationships and staff roles c o u l d o n l y be f u l l y understood w h e n seen i n the
c o n t e x t o f changing definitions o f certain fundamental concepts i n c h i l d care. This had the effect o f w i d e n i n g the perspective o f the study t o a con sideration o f c h i l d care i n general i n the Irish Republic, b o t h i n its contem porary and historical states. I n this article the focus o n the Research School remains, t h o u g h i t is n o w seen w i t h i n the m a c r o - w o r l d o f national and i n t e r n a t i o n a l ideas o n c h i l d care and social and c u l t u r a l change. The data used are derived, i n the m a i n , f r o m official reports — Research School documents and observation and interviews w i t h i n the school — w h i l e the theoretical o r i e n t a t i o n is derived f r o m the Schutzian t r a d i t i o n o f sociology, p a r t i c u l a r l y as enunciated b y Berger and L u c k m a n n ( 1 9 7 1 ) .
I I S O C I A L M O D E L S I N C H I L D C A R E
Considered w i t h i n the sociology o f knowledge, our focus is m i d d l e range, falling somewhere between the classical approach o f i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y and the more recent c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n the social c o n s t r u c t i o n o f everyday realities (cf. H a m i l t o n , 1 9 7 4 ) .
Social Risk and Segregation and Training Models
failure t o appreciate either the p r e d i c t a b i l i t y o f a differentiated response among the p u p i l b o d y or its e t i o l o g y i n the i n d i v i d u a l i t y o f the p u p i l .
W i t h those labelled as a social risk perceived as a group p r o b l e m , the s o l u t i o n o f segregation and t r a i n i n g is f o r m u l a t e d i n a global fashion, stress ing the overall experience o f the child-care i n s t i t u t i o n and its i m p a c t o n the f o r m a t i o n o f the c h i l d (cf. Jones, 1 9 6 8 ) . F r o m the Research School records, D e p a r t m e n t o f E d u c a t i o n annual reports and the Cussen R e p o r t (1936) o n the I n d u s t r i a l and R e f o r m a t o r y School system, i t w o u l d appear t h a t a t r i p a r t i t e programme o f physical care, l i t e r a r y and manual i n s t r u c t i o n and m o r a l f o r m a t i o n , u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d either w i t h i n the schools or, indeed, between i n d u s t r i a l and r e f o r m a t o r y schools, was considered t o be m u l t i
f u n c t i o n a l and t o constitute a suitable t r a i n i n g , n o t alone for those w h o had come i n t o care due t o p o v e r t y or desertion, b u t also for those w h o had c o m m i t t e d a variety o f offences. A n over-riding faith i n the efficacy o f this programme pervades the Research School records and is p a r t i c u l a r l y i n evidence i n commentaries o n the careers and fortunes o f ex-pupils. Such was the confidence i n school effects that a system o f vocational placement and foster-care does n o t appear t o have been considered before the p r o m p t ings o f the Cussen R e p o r t ( 1 9 3 6 ) . The impression is given t h a t vocational success and adjustment t o the outside w o r l d are t o be expected, and there is m o r e than a h i n t o f i n d i g n a t i o n i n the recording o f unfavourable reports o n ex-pupils, as for instance i n the case o f the p u p i l w h o was said t o be " n o t d o i n g w e l l " : " H e is selling papers o n the streets o f B a l l y h e a v e y1. " This view
o f the child-care i n s t i t u t i o n as an effective agent o f socialisation is itself a reflection o f a belief i n the critical role o f education i n social and p o l i t i c a l f o r m a t i o n w h i c h remained unchallenged up u n t i l the 1960s (O'Sullivan, 1 9 7 2 ) . Indeed, a central feature o f the segregation and t r a i n i n g m o d e l is a curious merging o f sociologistic and psychologistic faiths: the c h i l d once removed f r o m p o t e n t i a l l y c o r r u p t i n g circumstances w i l l develop w i t h i n the e n v i r o n m e n t o f the i n s t i t u t i o n such personality traits as w i l l insulate h i m against these and similar c o r r u p t i n g forces o n his release. The i m p a c t o f e n v i r o n m e n t o n personality and the resistance o f personality t o e n v i r o n m e n t are at once a f f i r m e d .
I n b o t h social risk and segregation and t r a i n i n g models the perspective is t h a t o f the system rather t h a n the c h i l d . The c h i l d is seen as a p o t e n t i a l threat t o society rather than someone w i t h needs and rights. The child-centred theme i n the organisation o f c h i l d care and the treatment o f c h i l d h o o d and adolescence as p a r t i c u l a r phases o f social, e m o t i o n a l and cognitive develop m e n t are scarcely i n evidence before the Cussen R e p o r t and had t o w a i t u n t i l the 1960s before t h e y were t o a t t a i n a fuller r e c o g n i t i o n . The suggestion t h a t the c h i l d i n care has been denied life circumstances t o w h i c h he c o u l d
j u s t i f i a b l y make claim is similarly rare i n the early years o f the system. T w o interesting instances i n w h i c h these ideas appear t o have been anticipated are w o r t h y o f m e n t i o n .
One instance emerges i n the defence o f the social risk m o d e l o f the c h i l d against the counter-model o f delinquency. The c o n t e n t i o n that i n d u s t r i a l schools were reformatories o f a m i l d e r k i n d , and corrective rather t h a n educational i n character, had existed almost f r o m the i n c e p t i o n o f the system ( H u n t e r , 1970). A n u m b e r o f structural features such as the p r o vision t h a t a c h i l d under 12 years charged w i t h a punishable offence c o u l d be sent t o an i n d u s t r i a l rather t h a n a r e f o r m a t o r y school, the similarity i n t h e i r programmes, and the administrative l i n k between the system and the prison service, n o t finally severed u n t i l 1928, had c o n t r i b u t e d t o this image. The transfer o f responsibility for the system t o the M i n i s t e r for E d u c a t i o n i n 1928 appears t o have been an instance o f attempts o n the part o f the n e w l y - f o r m e d Free State Government t o refute the d e l i n q u e n t m o d e l o f the i n d u s t r i a l school c h i l d . This is p a r t i c u l a r l y i n evidence i n the second annual report o f the Department o f E d u c a t i o n ( i n fact i t covered b o t h 1925/26 and 1 9 2 6 / 2 7 ) i n w h i c h there appeared a scathing attack (a unique p h e n o m e n o n i n such a r e p o r t ) o n the ideas o f the Inspector o f I n d u s t r i a l and R e f o r m a t o r y Schools w h o m i t considered responsible for the interpre
t a t i o n that i n d u s t r i a l schools were reformatories o f a m i l d e r k i n d :
. . . he criticised managers o f some o f the schools for n o t r e s t r i c t i n g the dietary o f the pupils t o w h a t was v i t a l l y necessary, i t being his o p i n i o n t h a t unless dietaries were so l i m i t e d t h e y " a f f o r d e d a p r e m i u m for the commission o f c r i m e " ! M a n y o f the prejudices w h i c h for several years p r o v e d injurious t o y o u n g people w h o had been i n I n d u s t r i a l Schools because t h e y had suffered f r o m w a n t o f f o o d and care i n early years, although t h e y had c o m m i t t e d no offence, m a y be a t t r i b u t e d t o the " c o m p l e t e l y changed" p o l i c y given t o the system ( D e p a r t m e n t o f E d u c a t i o n , 1925-27, p . 8 6 ) .
School, the Irish Builder ( 1 8 8 6 ) reported t h a t the religious congregation responsible was acting " w i t h t h a t commendable zeal w h i c h had made t h e i r Order famous f o r its b r o a d c h a r i t y , and a desire t o benefit those 'waifs and strays' o f society, w h o , b u t for t h e m , w o u l d be f o r g o t t e n i n a busy w o r l d " . Similar hints o f a m o d i f i e d social risk m o d e l o f the c h i l d are also t o be f o u n d i n the l a u d a t o r y comments o f visitors t o industrial schools (cf. K n o x , 1894 and 1 9 0 3 ) . This tendency for l e g i t i m a t i n g mechanisms t o c o n t r i b u t e t o c u l t u r a l change has been recognised b y Berger and L u c k m a n n ( 1 9 7 1 , p . 125) i n the c o n t e x t o f religious t h o u g h t .
Deprived and Developmental Models
A fundamental change o f emphasis w i t h regard to neglected, orphaned and illegitimate c h i l d r e n is t o be f o u n d i n the Cussen R e p o r t o f 1936. T h r o u g h o u t its deliberations the possibility o f such children d r i f t i n g i n t o crime and thus posing a p o t e n t i a l threat t o society was n o t as e x p l i c i t as i t had been i n the nineteenth c e n t u r y . E x h o r t a t i o n s t o p r o t e c t society f r o m the c h i l d r e n o f the "perishing and dangerous classes" were conspicuously absent. While the obvious social benefits for society o f an adequate child-care system were n o t m i n i m i s e d , the i n d i v i d u a l child's welfare was recog nised more t h a n heretofore. The focusing o f a t t e n t i o n o n the c h i l d seems t o have coincided w i t h a similar t u r n i n g p o i n t i n the treatment o f y o u n g offenders i n England (cf. F o r d , 1 9 7 5 ) . This i n d i c a t i o n o f a change o f emphasis apart, however, the Cussen R e p o r t i n its acceptance b o t h o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s a t i o n and o f a n a r r o w d e f i n i t i o n o f adequate care failed t o anticipate t w o p r i m a r y features o f the developmental m o d e l o f i n t e r v e n t i o n .
t o adjust h i m s e l f satisfactorily t o . . . s o c i e t y " ( K e n n e d y , 1970, p . 12). I n its emphasis o n security and e m o t i o n a l attachment and i n its a n t i p a t h y t o i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s a t i o n , the developmental m o d e l o f i n t e r v e n t i o n reflects the climate o f t h o u g h t o n c h i l d care popularised b y B o w l b y ' s ( 1 9 5 3 ) Child Care
and the Growth of Love2 .
While the a d o p t i o n o f a developmental m o d e l o f child-care i n t e r v e n t i o n i n official reports indicated a r e c o g n i t i o n o f the multi-faceted needs o f the c h i l d i n care and served t o f i r m l y establish the c h i l d at the centre o f atten t i o n and concern, i t was the emerging child-care m o v e m e n t o f the early
'seventies w h i c h most successfully p r o c l a i m e d the failure t o cater for these developmental needs as c o n s t i t u t i n g d e p r i v a t i o n . A n u m b e r o f factors served t o enhance the legitimacy o f the emerging child-care movement — i n particular, associations such as C A R E (Campaign for the Care o f Deprived Children) established at the end o f 1970 ( C A R E , 1 9 7 2 ) . There was, for instance, the i n t e r n a t i o n a l concern for deprived c h i l d r e n w h i c h h a d m a n i fested itself i n the 1960s i n the massive i n f l u x o f m o n e y i n t o compensatory educational programmes i n the U n i t e d States and i n the P l o w d e n Report's (1967) concept o f "positive d i s c r i m i n a t i o n " and Educational P r i o r i t y Areas. There had also been m u c h a c t i v i t y i n c h i l d care i n Great B r i t a i n w i t h the K i l b r a n d o n Report ( 1 9 6 4 ) , i n particular, receiving considerable a t t e n t i o n i n Ireland. The professionalisation o f h u m a n caring had also been developing t o the extent that a significant n u m b e r o f social workers and,, t o a lesser extent, psychologists, attuned t o c o n t e m p o r a r y t h i n k i n g o n social justice and d e p r i v a t i o n , were available t o add t h e i r support t o child-care move ments. This a p p l i c a t i o n o f changing interpretations o f equality t o the life circumstances o f c h i l d r e n w h o come i n t o care, mediated t o the p u b l i c t h r o u g h conferences, publications and considerable media coverage, was t o be one o f the major sources o f the " d i s c o v e r y " o f the deprived c h i l d i n Ireland.
The fact t h a t child-care definitions i n official reports or social movements change is n o i n d i c a t i o n that child-care practices w i l l be h a r m o n i o u s l y m o d i f i e d . Indeed, the p h e n o m e n o n o f c u l t u r a l lag is relatively predictable i n essentially conservative organisations such as child-care i n s t i t u t i o n s . F r e q u e n t l y , aspects o f the schools' organisation, f o r m u l a t e d i n accordance w i t h a particular m o d e l , outlive the m o d e l itself. A n example o f this is p r o v i d e d i n the nature o f the i n f o r m a t i o n about pupils supplied t o the Research School b y the allocating agency for those pupils w h o f o r m e d
2. I t is h o p e d to deal w i t h r e c e n t t r e n d s i n this a r e a i n a f u t u r e a r t i c l e . B r i e f l y , s u c h r e c e n t initiatives
as the e l a b o r a t i o n o f a G o v e r n m e n t Y o u t h P o l i c y ( D e p a r t m e n t o f E d u c a t i o n , 1 9 7 7 ) , the establish m e n t o f N e i g h b o u r h o o d Y o u t h P r o j e c t s ( T a s k F o r c e o n C h i l d C a r e S e r v i c e s , 1 9 7 5 ) a n d C o m m u n i t y C a r e P r o g r a m m e s ( M c K i n s e y , 1 9 7 1 ) have served to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s e the d e v e l o p m e n t a l m o d e l s o f pre
the school p o p u l a t i o n as recently as June, 1 9 7 1 .3 This i n f o r m a t i o n falls i n t o
t w o p r i n c i p a l categories — t h a t o f home b a c k g r o u n d and i n s t i t u t i o n a l deviant career. I n f o r m a t i o n relating t o at least one aspect o f the home back ground was p r o v i d e d i n the case o f 47 per cent o f the pupils, and informa t i o n concerning at least one aspect o f the p u p i l ' s i n s t i t u t i o n a l / d e v i a n t career was made available i n 35 per cent o f the cases. I n a b r e a k d o w n o f the particular aspects o f home b a c k g r o u n d for w h i c h i n f o r m a t i o n was made available to the school, i t emerged that material characteristics were most frequently recorded, f a m i l y size, parental income and physical c o n d i t i o n s o f the home being recorded for about o n e - t h i r d o f the pupils. By contrast, i n f o r m a t i o n about other members o f the family was i n f r e q u e n t l y recorded, i n f o r m a t i o n concerning fathers, mothers and siblings having been made k n o w n i n 10 per cent, five per cent and six per cent o f the cases, respectively, This i n f o r m a t i o n consisted o f short comments such as "Father u n e m p l o y e d for health reasons", " M o t h e r idle and dissolute character" and " B o t h brothers have c r i m i n a l records". I n the case o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l deviant career, the nature and extent o f the damage involved i n the offence for w h i c h pupils have, been c o m m i t t e d t o the Research School were the most frequently recorded. "Spent m o n e y o n l u x u r i e s " , "Easter eggs (value: £ 6 . 0 2 ^ ) stolen f r o m supermarket; eaten or d e s t r o y e d " , and "Stole d r i n k , bicycle and clothes t o the value o f £ 3 4 . 1 9 p " are t y p i c a l examples.
What is most s t r i k i n g about the i n f o r m a t i o n supplied t o the school, apart f r o m its p a u c i t y , is the neglect o f the p u p i l as a developing i n d i v i d u a l w i t h social, cognitive and e m o t i o n a l needs and dispositions. There is, for instance, n o recorded instance o f a r e p o r t f r o m a psychologist or social w o r k e r i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h any o f these pupils, the i n f o r m a t i o n concerning home back g r o u n d provides l i t t l e insight i n t o the q u a l i t y o f family life i n the p u p i l s ' homes, and the d o c u m e n t a t i o n relating t o the i n s t i t u t i o n a l / d e v i a n t career o f the pupils appears m o r e concerned w i t h the damage done t o society t h a n w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l involved and the circumstances o f his actions. The fact, t h e n , t h a t at a t i m e w h e n , i n particular, official definitions i n c h i l d care stressed the c h i l d and his development, i n f o r m a t i o n about the c h i l d w h i c h is considered sufficiently i m p o r t a n t t o be officially recorded and made avail able t o the school reflects social risk and segregation and t r a i n i n g models, and acts as a salutary reminder t o those w h o fail t o appreciate the c o m p l e x nature o f the diffusion and a d o p t i o n o f official ideas and policies. A n d i n the same manner as the nature and c o n t e n t o f p u p i l records are m u c h more than mere anomalies, i n t h a t they reflect particular models i n c h i l d care, their c o n t i n u e d use can be seen as a meaningful p h e n o m e n o n , being i n the case o f the Research School related t o the b o u n d a r y maintenance problems o f the
school staff. As we shall see b e l o w , i t makes good organisational sense ( G a r f i n k e l , 1967) n o t t o k n o w t o o m u c h about pupils, and p a r t i c u l a r l y n o t t o have w h a t is k n o w n given a legitimacy, permanence, and transferability t h r o u g h official recording (Wheeler, 1 9 6 9 ) , i n that i t permits greater subjectivity i n the categorisation o f the p u p i l , w i t h its attendant f l e x i b i l i t y i n goal setting, d e f i n i t i o n o f school f u n c t i o n and i n the handling o f prescrip tions from external sources.
Normal/Pathological Models
Increasingly, i n the 'sixties and 'seventies, the staff o f the Research School were t o f i n d themselves the victims o f social and c u l t u r a l change. T h o u g h the professionalisation o f h u m a n caring had been expanding, resulting i n the o u t f l o w o f social workers, i n particular, from the universities, staff t r a i n i n g for those i n the I n d u s t r i a l and R e f o r m a t o r y School system lagged consider ably b e h i n d . Indeed, such was the situation that those w h o came nearest t o professional competence i n the area o f c h i l d care were, i n the m a i n , w o r k i n g outside o f the I n d u s t r i a l and R e f o r m a t o r y School system and vocal i n the child-care movement. Whereas regular school systems and their personnel can be, and frequently are, subjected t o demands and prescriptions f r o m external organisations and individuals (cf. Gross, 1 9 5 8 ) , the situation whereby professionalism i n the a c t i v i t y under discussion is more a feature o f the external pressure groups is quite unique and, w h e n i t occurs, is l i k e l y t o enhance the legitimacy o f these pressure groups t o c o m m e n t and prescribe. While the legitimacy o f external pressure groups was being enhanced i n this manner, t h a t o f the schools' staff, almost t o t a l l y religious, was being under m i n e d b y the questioning o f the role o f religious, b o t h i n education generally ( F I R E R e p o r t , 1973) and i n c h i l d care (cf. Stanislaus, 1 9 7 1 ) .
t h a t , i n the staff response, definitions o f the c h i l d came t o be an i m p o r t a n t facet o f b o u n d a r y maintenance mechanisms.
M e n t i o n has already been made o f the p a u c i t y o f i n f o r m a t i o n made available t o the Research School concerning the p u p i l s ' backgrounds and personalities and o f the absence o f professional reports and assessments f r o m psychologists and social workers. N o r was i t k n o w n h o w pupils came t o be categorised as " i n d i c t a b l e offenders", " l a c k i n g i n proper guardianship" and "school non-attenders"; our o w n analysis failed t o i d e n t i f y any meaning f u l differences between the categories i n terms o f age, socio-economic b a c k g r o u n d , f a m i l y size, s t a b i l i t y and structure, educational progress and previous c o u r t appearance ( O ' S u l l i v a n , 1 9 7 7 ) . I n short, there was n o t h i n g i n the i n f o r m a t i o n about pupils conveyed t o the Research School w h i c h demanded acceptance b y the staff as legitimated categorisation, be i t o n the basis o f professional or legislative a u t h o r i t y .
Davies ( 1 9 7 3 ) has p o i n t e d o u t t h a t " i n the absence o f sufficient agreed objective i n f o r m a t i o n about their (children's) attributes, and the attributes o f knowledge and effective learning situations, beliefs or values about all o f these things assume a greatly magnified i m p o r t a n c e " . I n their everyday characterisation o f the pupils, the staff, apparently quite unconsciously and w i t h o u t u l t e r i o r m o t i v e , alternate i n their appeal t o models — one n o r m a l , the other pathological. O n the one hand, the c h i l d is seen as someone w h o has been removed f r o m an unfavourable environment. I f he has been charged w i t h an indictable offence, the parents and the environment t h e y created are b l a m e d ; he is seen as lacking i n c u l p a b i l i t y , having reacted i n a predictable manner t o his environment. A b o v e a l l , he is considered t o have suffered n o psychological damage; he is a " n o r m a l c h i l d " , no different f r o m any other except i n r e l a t i o n t o the background f r o m w h i c h he has been re m o v e d . O n the other hand, the c h i l d is seen i n d i s t i n c t l y pathological terms. Whatever their origin — the role o f parents is n o t highlighted — the c h i l d is considered t o possess d i s t i n c t l y deviant traits t h a t must be guarded against. He is seen as a b n o r m a l l y self-protective and t o this end is devious, cunning and u n t r u s t w o r t h y . A feature o f the use o f these models is the reluctance b y the staff t o differentiate within the p u p i l b o d y i n these terms. Whatever m o d e l is appealed t o i n i n t e r a c t i o n is applied t o the pupils as a group, t h o u g h i n d i v i d u a l pupils m a y be used t o explain or substantiate particular facets o f the m o d e l .
o p e r a t i o n being p e r f o r m e d b y a staff awaiting a f o r m a l declaration o n the future o f the school. Some relevant variables are listed i n Table 1. These relate t o the perceptions o f the staff concerning government and congrega t i o n a l plans for the Research School, the role o f the congregation i n c h i l d care, and t h e i r attitudes and response t o the prescriptions o f pressure groups w i t h i n the child-care m o v e m e n t . The nature o f these perceptions and attitudes was q u i t e variable and complex and can o n l y be represented i n global terms i n Table 1 . Perceptions o f government and congregational plans for the school are presented as anticipating either closure or development. Perceptions o f the role o f the congregation i n c h i l d care y i e l d three possi b i l i t i e s : p r o v i s i o n for non-offenders o n l y , the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n o f delinquents or a w i t h d r a w a l f r o m c h i l d care e n t i r e l y . The categorisation used t o describe reactions t o pressure groups was devised b y setting L i t w a k and Meyer's ( 1 9 6 5 ) open, swinging and l o c k e d door approaches t o c o m m u n i t y linkages i n the c o n t e x t o f Berger and L u c k m a n n ' s (1971) analysis o f social responses t o alternative d e f i n i t i o n s o f r e a l i t y . A central and r e c u r r i n g theme t h r o u g h o u t these variables was t h a t o f b o u n d a r y maintenance, b o t h i n r e l a t i o n t o congregation and school — the relationship between the v o c a t i o n o f the staff and the nature o f c h i l d care, the implications o f government investment i n school redevelopment for congregational c o n t r o l , and the i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f having t o incorporate other t h a n congregational members i n the w o r k o f the school i f the recommendations o f the child-care m o v e m e n t , p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h regard t o specialised staff, were t o be acceded t o . Discussions w i t h members o f the congregation and a consideration o f its h i s t o r y suggested t h a t these b o u n d a r y maintenance problems were part o f a w i d e r concern for the i d e n t i t y o f the congregation at a t i m e o f considerable educational change i n Ireland (cf. E r i k s o n , 1 9 6 6 ) .
T a b l e 1: Variables relevant to staff adoption of normal/pathological models of pupils.
Perception of Congregation's most
likely decision on the future of the Research School Perception of government's plans for Research School Perception of Congregation's role
in child care
Reactions to pressure groups
prescriptions
Closure i n the n e a r future
Closure i n the n e a r future
N o n - o f f e n d e r o n l y O p e n n e s s
R e d e v e l o p m e n t w i t h the a i d o f g o v e r n m e n t i n v e s t m e n t
I n v e s t m e n t a n d r e d e v e l o p m e n t
D e l i q u e n c y t r e a t m e n t o n l y
N o role i n either area
F i l t r a t i o n
N i h i l a t i o n
T a b l e 2 : Clusters of variables associated with staff adoption of normal/pathological models of pupils
Perception of Perception of Congregation's most government's plans
likely decision on for Research
the future of the School Research School
Perception of Congregation's role
in child care
Reactions to pressure group's
prescriptions
N o r m a l p e r c e p t i o n of pupils
A . R e d e v e l o p m e n t R e d e v e l o p m e n t B. R e d e v e l o p m e n t C l o s u r e
C . Closure R e d e v e l o p m e n t
N o n - o f f e n d e r o n l y N o n - o f f e n d e r o n l y N o n - o f f e n d e r o n l y
N i h i l a t i o n F i l t r a t i o n F i l t r a t i o n
Pathological p e r c e p t i o n o f
p u p i l s
D . Closure C l o s u r e
E . Closure R e d e v e l o p m e n t F . R e d e v e l o p m e n t R e d e v e l o p m e n t
N o n - o f f e n d e r o n l y N o n - o f f e n d e r o n l y D e l i n q u e n c y
' T r e a t m e n t : u
n i h i l a t i o n ; the v a l i d i t y o f the prescriptions was challenged b y p o i n t i n g t o their n o n - p r a c t i t i o n e r o r i g i n ("well-meaning do-gooders"; " t h e o r e t i c a l psychologists"; "people w h o have n o knowledge o f w h a t it's really l i k e here", ^ t c ) , t h o u g h they c o u l d be used w i t h v a r y i n g degrees o f f i l t r a t i o n and openness t o handle undesired discrepancies between perceived congrega t i o n a l and governmental plans for the school. Generally, w h e n closure rather t h a n redevelopment was desired, as i n p a t t e r n E , the v a l i d i t y o f external prescriptions was accepted and marshalled i n support, whereas w h e n the opposite was desired, as i n patterns B and C, staff use o f external prescrip tions was more guarded and selective. A very frequent instance o f n i h i l a t i o n as a response was the dismissing o f the "failure t o segregate 'offenders' and ' n o n - o f f e n d e r s ' " criticism o f the child-care m o v e m e n t b y p r o c l a i m i n g the homogeneity o f the p u p i l p o p u l a t i o n . The actual d e f i n i t i o n e m p l o y e d , be i t n o r m a l or pathological, depended o n the accompanying c r i t i c i s m , the p u p i l s ' " n o r m a l i t y " being stressed i n d e n y i n g the need for specialised psychological/ psychiatric staff, w h i l e their pathological nature was emphasised t o h i g h l i g h t the naivety o f arguing for the e m p l o y m e n t o f house-mothers or a sexually-m i x e d p u p i l p o p u l a t i o n .
I t seemed l i k e l y t h a t w i t h m o r e intensive study o f staff orientations i t w o u l d have been possible t o i d e n t i f y sub-varieties o f these t w o models, as w e l l as v a r y i n g degrees o f c o m m i t m e n t t o t h e m , i n association w i t h c o m plexes o f external and i n t e r n a l c o n d i t i o n s p e r t a i n i n g t o b o u n d a r y maintenance. What our findings suggest, and t h e i r suggestive rather t h a n conclusive nature m u s t be stressed, is the existence o f an ambivalence, subject t o situational f l u c t u a t i o n s , among staff i n the d e f i n i t i o n and explana t i o n o f the personalities and behaviour o f the pupils i n the school.
I l l R E S E A R C H O N S O C I A L D E F I N I T I O N I N C H I L D C A R E
seen as end-products o f social processes. Y e t the rights o f c h i l d r e n are subject t o considerable historical and c u l t u r a l variations (Mead and Wolfen-stein, 1955, and de Mause, 1 9 7 4 ) . Child care ( H e y w o o d , 1959, and F o r d , 1975) and child-rearing (Ryerson, 1 9 6 1 , and Weiss, 1978) have seen a succession o f wisdoms, and even such an apparently " o b j e c t i v e " area o f knowledge as e m p i r i c a l research findings, generated, i t m i g h t be argued, b y Mannheim's socially neutral intellectuals, is influenced b y prevailing interests among research and f u n d i n g bodies and, as mediated t o l a y m e n and para-professionals, b y mass media, publishing interests and membership and reference groups. I n e v i t a b l y , therefore, certain fundamentals i n Irish child-care t h o u g h t have remained u n e x p l o r e d . There has been l i t t l e semblance o f a "deprived/depraved" (Sparks, 1969) debate, t h o u g h the d i s t i n c t i o n is central t o a l l o c a t i o n and placement and t o the controversy o n the m i x i n g o f " o f f e n d e r s " and "non-offenders". N o r does there appear t o be any recog n i t i o n t h a t the needs o f c h i l d r e n as i d e n t i f i e d via the developmental m o d e l are " c u l t u r e - b o u n d " i n terms o f current Irish social reality (see also Bernstein and Davies, 1 9 6 9 ) ; the Kennedy Report's ( 1 9 7 0 , p . 12) exhorta t i o n t h a t the i n d u s t r i a l school p u p i l should be helped t o "adjust himself satisfactorily t o the society i n w h i c h he lives", for instance, begs a series o f questions relating t o " s o c i e t y " and "satisfactory adjustment" t o i t . T w o b r o a d areas o f research are i n d i c a t e d : socio-historical studies o f child-care definitions and the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f models t h r o u g h conceptual and empirical elaboration.
Socio-Historical Research
educational i n n o v a t i o n (albeit i n t h e o r y ) i n the early years o f the State t h a t was n o t p u r e l y nationalistic i n m o t i v a t i o n . M o r e generally, i t should prove useful t o examine the f u n c t i o n o f official reports, the i m p a c t and uptake o f their ideas, and their c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the f o r m a t i o n o f social p o l i c y and legislation (May and S m i t h , 1 9 7 0 ) .
Research o f this nature can also be extended i n terms o f the differential diffusion and a d o p t i o n o f child-care ideas i n Irish society. Certain individuals and groups anticipate ideas before t h e y become mainstream i n acceptance and ideas are maintained b y some after they have lost this status. I t is interesting t o n o t e , for instance, that a very rare example o f support for the integration o f "offenders" and "non-offenders" i n Irish child-care i n s t i t u t i o n s is t o be f o u n d i n Some of Our Children ( T u a i r i m , 1 9 6 6 ) , c o m p i l e d b y the L o n d o n branch o f T u a i r i m at a t i m e w h e n such a suggestion was being debated i n England. Y e t i t was the K i l b r a n d o n R e p o r t and p a r t i c u l a r l y the Scottish system o f f a m i l y courts w h i c h has most influenced the ideas o f the child-care m o v e m e n t i n the Irish Republic ( C A R E , 1 9 7 4 ) .
Considering t h e i r near-total m o n o p o l y o f I r i s h child-care i n s t i t u t i o n s , the role o f religious congregations i n the h i s t o r y o f child-care ideas is c r i t i c a l . Religious developments such as the R e f o r m a t i o n ( B l y t h , 1967) and the emergence o f religious teaching orders (Aries, 1962) have i n the past been identified w i t h changing definitions o f c h i l d h o o d . M a n y questions arise i n the Irish c o n t e x t . D i d the religious congregations anticipate the deprived m o d e l o f the c h i l d i n the last century w h e n t h e y , rather t h a n the local authorities, assumed responsibility for c h i l d care? Or were t h e y , t o o , influenced b y the social risk m o d e l w i t h , perhaps, a strong m o r a l loading? W o u l d a concern about a m o r a l risk for girls explain the fact t h a t i n 1869, for instance, w h e n Irish i n d u s t r i a l schools were first certified, o n l y t w o o f the t w e n t y - o n e schools certified catered for boys?
de-r e i f i c a t i o n o f t de-r a d i t i o n a l conceptions o f the female de-role. I n pade-rticulade-r, one wonders i f the p h e n o m e n o n o f "independent w o m a n " , whose f u l f i l m e n t w i t h i n marriage is n o t seen t o demand child-bearing or child-rearing, creates the need f o r c h i l d r e n t o have their rights established more definitively than w h e n normative controls stemming f r o m the " g o o d m o t h e r " role were considered sufficient. A n d i n the same manner as the "independent w o m a n " w i t h i n the family is seen i n isolation f r o m c h i l d r e n , perhaps we are n o w beginning t o witness the emergence o f the "independent c h i l d " whose existence is also seen i n isolation from parents and whose r i g h t f u l need t o develop is considered t o j u s t i f y l i b e r a t i o n f r o m his family o n the basis o f pretexts dismissed i n the past as inevitable variations between privatised families.
Model Construction: Conceptual and Empirical Elaboration
The models o f the c h i l d i n care and o f child-care i n t e r v e n t i o n w h i c h we have used c o u l d benefit f r o m further refinement and elaboration. A basis for this is t o be f o u n d i n a more extensive application o f typification, as earlier defined, and i n a further Schutzian concept, relevance (as used b y Berger and L u c k m a n , 1 9 7 1 , t o refer t o the i n t e r n a l relevance structure o f bodies o f knowledge w h i c h , given the p r o b l e m i n hand, selectively guide a t t e n t i o n i n w h a t are considered t o be " w o r t h w h i l e " directions), as w e l l as i n McHugh's (1970) concepts o f conventionality (the degree o f i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f an act) and theoreticity (the extent o f the actor's awareness o f alterna tives t o his act). Once developed, these models should facilitate the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f the variety o f understandings and explanations o f the behaviour and personality o f children i n care that exist i n society, as w e l l as the different interpretations o f h o w i n t e r v e n t i o n is understood t o operate and influence ( O ' S u l l i v a n , 1 9 7 6 ) . As an obvious beginning there is a need t o k n o w the models h e l d b y such significant groupings as apprehension and j u d i c i a l agents, child-care personnel, those associated w i t h the child-care movement, and t w o groupings rarely considered i n this regard, the children themselves and their parents.
W i t h i n the c o u r t system there is some i n d i c a t i o n that the segregation and t r a i n i n g m o d e l is still i n f l u e n t i a l . I n an analysis o f the terms o f c o m m i t t a l o f those sent t o the Research School d u r i n g the five-year p e r i o d 1 9 6 7 / 7 1
actual years, those c o m i n g f r o m the M e t r o p o l i t a n Children's C o u r t received, on average, a p p r o x i m a t e l y h a l f the c o m m i t t a l t e r m o f the other pupils.
The r h e t o r i c o f the D e p a r t m e n t o f Justice i n setting up L o u g h a n House as a secure u n i t suggests a m o d i f i c a t i o n o f the segregation and t r a i n i n g m o d e l , w i t h the t r a i n i n g element being replaced b y " t r e a t m e n t " ; the j u v e n i l e offenders involved are considered t o be maladjusted and i n need o f
specialised h e l p , as i n the case o f physical illness, t o cure the u n d e r l y i n g "disease" o f w h i c h the delinquent act is merely the presenting s y m p t o m (Matza, 1 9 6 4 ) . Given certain aspects o f the r e a l i t y o f Loughan House, however — i n particular, the e m p l o y m e n t o f prison officers and the tendency for such secure units t o represent a response t o w i d e r issues o f social c o n t r o l t h a n t o the needs o f y o u n g people ( M i l l h a m et al., 1978) — one wonders t o w h a t e x t e n t "the vocabulary o f therapy has been e x p l o i t e d t o serve a p u b l i c relations f u n c t i o n " ( A l l e n , 1 9 5 9 ) . The tendency t o re-label penal facilities w i t h o u t any accompanying change i n practice has been highlighted i n B r i t a i n b y May ( 1 9 7 1 ) and more recently he has contrasted r h e t o r i c and reality i n the o p e r a t i o n o f the children's panels i n Scotland ( M a y , 1977). A c c o r d i n g as o u r j u d i c i a l / i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements for children change, as seems l i k e l y , i t w i l l be essential t h a t we l o o k i n a similar manner at the relationship between the official presentation o f the system and the alterna tive interpretations o f the u n d e r l y i n g realities ( O ' S u l l i v a n , 1 9 7 7 ) .
The models subscribed t o b y childcare personnel and those i n the c h i l d -care m o v e m e n t are l i k e l y t o be p a r t i c u l a r l y i n f l u e n t i a l i n f o r m u l a t i n g p o l i c y and practice. Y e t , because o f the i n v o l v e m e n t o f such groups as social workers and psychologists i n organisations such as C A R E , m u c h o f the characteristic "disinterest" (Piatt, 1969) o f p h i l a n t r o p h i c movements is lost. There is, i t c o u l d be argued, an interest t o be declared o n the part o f c h i l d -care personnel w h o create clients for t h e i r profession t h r o u g h their " d i s c o v e r y " o f new categories o f c h i l d r e n at risk and w h o e x t e n d their e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s t h r o u g h m o r a l exhortations concerning child-care provisions. P f o h l ( 1 9 7 7 ) , for instance, has suggested that the " d i s c o v e r y " o f the " b a t t e r e d c h i l d s y n d r o m e " b y paediatric radiologists i n the U n i t e d States covertly rewarded the group itself t h r o u g h status enhancement and f u n c t i o n a l expansion w i t h i n organised medicine. The role o f social w o r k e r s , facing the inadequate e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s for their profession i n the 1960s, i n the discovery o f the deprived c h i l d c o u l d w e l l prove a provocative t o p i c for future research.
case o f such organisations as child-care i n s t i t u t i o n s , the very fact o f inter v e n t i o n further undermines the legitimacy o f parents t o determine w h a t t r e a t m e n t their c h i l d r e n should receive. N o official report considering c h i l d care i n the Republic has recorded attempts t o determine h o w the children themselves i n t e r p r e t w h a t is happening t o t h e m or h o w their parents perceive the experience o f having their c h i l d r e n b r o u g h t i n t o care. V i e w i n g the c h i l d i n care as subject rather t h a n object i n even the most superficial sense (Beyleveld and Wiles, 1975) is confined t o a few studies ( O ' C o n n o r , 1 9 7 1 , and O ' S u l l i v a n , 1977 and 1978). Y e t i t is these very groups w h o are the focus o f i n t e r v e n t i o n and the failure t o consider their models is l i t t l e short o f p r o c l a i m i n g their i n a b i l i t y t o influence their o w n lives. A n d as Coleman
( 1 9 7 6 ) has p o i n t e d o u t , i t constitutes a serious inadequacy i n a p o l i t i c a l democracy t h a t p o l i c y research frequently ignores the ideas o f those affected groups w h o are u n l i k e l y t o have access t o p o w e r centres or decision-making bodies.
T h r o u g h research and analysis o f this nature i t is h o p e d that we w i l l come t o see the influence o f our i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y , culture and social structure on o u r child-care ideas and be less i n c l i n e d t o view t h e m i n a "taken-for-g r a n t e d " c u l t u r e - b o u n d fashion.
I V C O N C L U S I O N
I n e v i t a b l y i t w i l l be argued t h a t the research we have recommended is essentially theoretical and can scarcely claim p r i o r i t y i n a child-care system t h a t has seen l i t t l e change since its i n c e p t i o n . A call for r e f o r m i n one aspect or another w o u l d understandably evoke m o r e s y m p a t h y and support. N o r w o u l d i t be d i f f i c u l t t o i d e n t i f y areas w h i c h "common-sense" interpretations suggest t o be i n need o f r e f o r m . Y e t what "makes sense" i n one culture at a particular p o i n t i n h i s t o r y m a y w e l l be unique t o its t i m e and place.
clarifi-c a t i o n , differenclarifi-ces o f this nature clarifi-can clarifi-create clarifi-considerable divergenclarifi-ce, m u clarifi-c h o f i t concealed, at the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n stage.
The plea o f this paper, t h e n , has been t h a t we l o o k c r i t i c a l l y at w h a t seems " o b v i o u s " about the c h i l d w h o comes i n t o care, about child-care objectives and i n t e r v e n t i o n strategies — i n short, t h a t we divert some o f our a t t e n t i o n t o the c u l t u r a l , cognitive and evaluate bases o f our child-care t h o u g h t and practice.
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