PUBLIC SPACE IN JAPAN:
Acknowledgements
This document has been produced in part to fufill the require-ments of PLAN 782: Tokyo Planning and Urbanism, a gradu-ate City and Regional Planning course of Pratt Instititue’s Graduate Center for Planning and the Environment. Our trip to Japan that enabled this research was made possible though a generous grant from The Japan Foundation Cen-ter for Global Partnership (CGP). We would like to graciously thank our fearless leader and professor Jonathan Martin Ph.D. for all of his comprehensive preparation, patients, and insight. Also we would like to thank Namiko Martin for help-ing organize the trip, Alexa Fábrega for behelp-ing an amazhelp-ing language and culture translator, and all of the Japanese pro-fessors and students for hosting our visit: Dr. Murao Osamu from the University of Tsukuba, Dr. Sasaki Yoh from Waseda Universtiy, Dr. Julian Worrall from Waseda Universtiy, Ms. Morokuma Benika, and Dr. Nakai Norihiro from Tokyo Insti-tute of Technology.This document was produced by: Isabel Aguirre Iwona Alfred Johane Clermont Chris Hamby Joseph Kyle Kozar Jia Rong Zhu
Table of Contents
Introduction
3
Methodology
5
Defining Elements of Public Space
7
Typologies of Public Space
14
Space in Japan, particularly public space, cannot be defined in mere terms of physicality and form. The very notion of space in Japan is as much defined by history, scale, cul-ture, and evolution, as it is by any specific physical entity or combination of any specific criteria. Even begging the ques-tion, “What is public space in Japan?” seems convoluted and misdirected because of the simple fact that public space in Japan is all space that is not private. According to Donald Richie, “private space [in Japan] is seen as so sacrosanct that public space is regarded as profane. Something which belongs to everyone belongs to no-one. As a consequence, there are few effective zoning laws, small civic endeavors, little city planning.”1 Rather, what organically bubbles and flows across the urban landscape in Tokyo is a complex evo-lution of the urban form. And layered within such complexity are the high commercial streets, tiny neighborhood parks and alleyways, and mega shopping malls that give us insight into the form and identity of public space in Japan.
Upon first encounter one is struck by the dizzy-ing diversity of scales in Tokyo, which stem from the colli-sion of an essentially medieval city form with the eruption of new construction fueled by modern markets. According to Peter Popham “Modern architecture arrived in force only after World War II… There was no way for it to fit in, to enter into some kind of a relationship with the buildings that were already there, no criteria by which it could be judged harmo-nious or otherwise. As one of the badges of power in Japan’s new postwar world, a large and flashy building was the thing to have. When the money and the ambition were there, the buildings got built.”2 Consequently, layer upon layer of larger-than-life architecture and infrastructure is masterfully engi-neered into the existing networks of smaller-scale buildings and traditional roji (alleyway) neighborhoods. In this sense, Tokyo’s layered urban landscape can be likened to a rainfor-est with multiple levels of ecosystems functioning on top of one another; from the back alley food vendors of Shinjuku on the forest floor, to the offices, hotels and restaurants high in the canopy of Tokyo Midtown.
Looking down on the city from a high vantage point, one quickly notices the complexity and layers of these eco-systems. Buildings appear to be placed haphazardly within property lots creating multitudes of non-uniform, difficult-to-use, negative spaces. This came about due to an easing of 1 Richie, Donald. 1999. Tokyo: A View of the City. Reakition Books. p. 38 2 Popham, Peter. 1985. Tokyo: The City at the End of the World. Chapter 3: The Righteous and the Damned. p. 72
Introduction
Shared street public plaza near Shinjuku Station
the regulation of residential property markets in the 60’s and 70’s, which included radically increasing height limits and promoted division of property ownership. In order for owners to avoid complex litigation and to take advantage of the freshly cut property lines they “were compelled to design irregular frameworks, following the equally irregular shape of the lots.”3 And as buildings in Tokyo are made-to-fit, so too is infrastructure. Roads, bridges, and pedestrian walkways are ambitiously stacked and woven to adapt to the rapidly evolving urban form. Multiple levels of residents, commerce, and mobility create an endless web of dichotomies: “human scale and megastructural scale, stability and mobility, per-manence and transience, identity and humanity.”4 The uto-pian architect and thinker Kenzo Tange5 described the basic theme of urban design as “the spatial organization as a net-work of communication and as a lining body with growth and change.”6 The built landscape is comprised of various shells that are rapidly created and traded to satisfy the various needs of the human and social actions that occur within. “Today in Tokyo buildings are constructed and demolished at a bewildering speed… Urban spaces have been metamor-phosed into symbols and have become superficial.”7 Accord-ingly, Tokyo’s urban spaces are predicated on the social constructs that inform their relative forms, scales and rela-tionships.
Within Tokyo’s continually evolving urban landscape are many varieties of public space. While the notion of pub-lic space is rooted in cultural and historical contexts, it has equally evolved to take on new forms consistent with a mod-ern global metropolis. In order to firmly grasp how these spaces function and how their various forms continue to evolve to match the evolving needs of Tokyo’s citizenry, we compiled a typology catalog of public spaces in Japan. This catalog was based on an extensive 16-day survey of Japan’s urban landscape and is informed by our extensive reading, observations, and conversations with locals.
3 Sacchi, Livio. 2004. Tokyo: City and Architecture. Chapter 2: History. p. 60 4 Lin, Zhongjie. 2010. Kenzo Tange and the Metabolist Movement: Urban Utopias of Modern Japan. Chapter 4: Structure and Symbol. p. 174
5 Kenzo Tange the great Metabolist Architect created the Tokyo Bay Plan: Plan of Tokyo for 15 million in habitants in 1961.
6 Tange, Kenzo. Quoted by: Zhongjie Lin. Kenzo Tange and the Metabolist Movement: Urban Utopias of Modern Japan. Chapter 4: Structure and Symbol. p. 175 7 Ito, Toyo. 1991. Quoted by: Livio Sacchi. 2004. Tokyo: City and Architecture.
Chapter 6: Contemporary Architecture. p. 141
View from the 52th floor of Mori Tower facing southwest, Roppongi
Purpose
This document serves to develop a sense of the role of pub-lic space in the Japanese urban realm by: 1) defining sev-eral typologies of public space in Japan, and 2) defining the elements that inform the arrangement and design of these spaces.
As part of a Pratt Institute Graduate Center for Planning and the Environment study abroad course, our student group spent 16 days touring Tokyo, Tokyo’s surrounding suburban communities, and Kyoto. During this course we engaged with professors and students, government officials, land developers, and community organizers to better understand the Japanese urban landscape, particularly in the public realm. Our visit was preceded by an extensive review of lit-erature pertaining to Japanese history, culture, architecture, and development. We visited roughly 50 sites that ranged from historic roji communities to large-scale commercial developments to suburban farmlands. The group worked to collect data and information through observation, note tak-ing, photography, and drawing at each site, which enabled a comparative analysis of public spaces that helped to inform the purpose of this document.
Observation Parameters
Due to the large and variant scope of content, the group observed many factors that inform the design and function of public space, which illuminated a broad sense of different categorical patterns. However, the rapid pace of the tours inhibited the group from collecting exact measurements of every site, which was part of our proposed intent. Rather, we adjusted our methodology to observe sites paying special attention to the following parameters. Where necessary we were able to recreate approximate measurements from pho-tographs, Google Earth, and schematic materials collected at each site.
• Function – The primary uses of the space, i.e. why do individuals habitually congregate at this location? • Scale – The size of the space, particularly in terms of
presence, height, area, and relation to its surroundings. • Dimension – The size of the space, in terms of the pla-nar form, i.e. Is the space long and pla-narrow or wide and vast? Is it circular, triangular, rectangular? etc.
• Orientation – The relationship of the space to the cardi-nal directions: north, south, east, west.
Methodology
Pratt and Waseda University Students during a joint planning workshop
Tour guides: Machida City Planners and Alexa Fábrega in surrounding Machida Farmland
• Sound – The noises that the observer encounters in the space, i.e. children laughing, vehicular traffic, trains, silence, etc.
• Access – The different ways the observer enters the space, i.e. from a train station or the street, though a grand gateway or small alleyway, etc.
• Paths – The route along which the observer customarily moves throughout the space.
• Districts – The larger area of the city to which the space belongs, namely, an area that has a common recogniz-able character, i.e. a neighborhood, shopping district, etc.
• Nodes – Points within the space that are foci of activity or congregation, i.e. the convergence of two paths, par-ticular vista, rest-area, etc.
• Landmarks – A point of reference that defines the space and orients the observer, i.e. a large building, statue, tree, etc.
Organizing Information
Upon returning to New York we created a comprehensive ref-erence map of every site and walking tour visited.8 We pored over hundreds of photographs and notes to create a matrix of all the observed public spaces. Through many rounds of circular discussion, we created a broad list of 11 physical categories of public spaces based on the aforementioned parameters. Then we further defined those 11 categories down to seven and selected two case study sites to illus-trate how each category of public space fits within Tokyo’s urban landscape.
Additionally, we concluded that there are four soci-etal and cultural elements that strongly influence the physi-cal form of public spaces in Japan. These elements in many regards dictate how and why the space is created and used. These elements have been derived from our observations, research and discussion. However, we recognize that there are a myriad of other factors that influence and determine public space in Japan that we either did not observe or did not obtain enough information for a comprehensive report. The following sections of this document include a discus-sion of the defining elements of public space, broad defini-tions of seven types of public space in Japan, and two Illus-trative case study examples of each defined public space typology.
8 The Google Earth kmz file may be downloaded here: https://www.dropbox. com/s/o90ag53y0u4evwf/TokyoToursandSites_PSPD_Summer2012.kmz
Diagrammatic representation of Parameters: Tokyo Big Sight
Sacred Places
Much of Japan’s urban landscape is built around the historic city patterns of the Tokugawa Era. Tokyo developed around the original plat of Edo Castle (completed in 1651), which served as the home of the Tokugawa shogun for nearly two and a half centuries until 1868 and Emperor Meiji until 1912. “The site is still the symbolic heart of Tokyo”9 rep-resenting a history of strength and authority of Japanese people. However, this landmark site is off limits to visitors, ostensibly creating a vast hole of inactivity at the center of the city. Ronald Barthes said, “(Tokyo) does possess a cen-ter, but the center is empty…this circle, whose low crest, the visible from invisibility, hides the sacred “nothing.”10 Sprinkled throughout the urban fabric, one will encounter Buddhist temples, Shinto shrines, and relics of an imperial past that produce an almost omnipresent sense of religion and tradition. Juxtaposed against the backdrop of spiraling highways, train stations, and skyscrapers these sites almost appear out of place, as if the modern development and the mentality of the modern city dweller would slowly phase such spaces out altogether. But “the sacred spaces create a qualitative impressiveness that reflects the persistence of religiosity in modern Tokyo, thereby showing that, while society is fluid and ever changing, the Japanese still desire to preserve traditional forms of worship.”11 Thus, as one passes through the streets of Japanese cities, the relation-ship to traditional Japanese culture is evident. Small Shinto shrines are around every corner, often sandwiched between two modern buildings, like a chic boutique and a 10-story manshon (apartment building). Many public spaces are built around large temples, history museums, or memorials. For example: built around the 1923 Kanto Earthquake memo-rial temple, the Yokoami-cho Koen Park in the neighborhood of Ryogoku contains, in addition to its concrete temple, a museum, a traditional garden path, and many other ele-ments that are designed for passive reflection or medita-tion. The design elements of such public spaces reveal the relationship to cultural traditions and have religious under-tones. In Ueno Park, for instance, the Shinobazu lilly pond, which encompasses the Bento-do Shrine and is set against the backdrop of 15 story apartment buildings, is surrounded by isolated seating elements that face outward toward the pond creating a space for individual meditation and escape 9 Cybriwsky, Roman. 1997. From Castle Town to Manhattan Town with
Sub-urbs: A Geographical Account of Tokyo’s Changing Landmarks and Symbolic Landscapes.
The Japanese City. Ed. P.P. Karan, Kristin Staplton. p. 59.
10 Barthes, Roland. 1982. Empire of Signs. Center City, Empty Center. p. 30 11 Hiene, Steve. 2012. Sacred High City, Sacred Low City: A Tale of Religious Sites in Two Tokyo Neighborhoods. Introduction: Japanese Relgious Context in Traditional
Defining Elements of Public Space
Shinto Shrine next to apartment building in Roppongi
from the surrounding city.
Sacred tourism is another important element of the Japanese relationship with historical and religious spaces. Thus many sacred places, like the Great Buddha of Kotokuin in Kamakura, or the Kinkakuji Temple in Kyoto have become a sort of sacred museum; not truly public spaces as you must pay an entry fee to visit the monu-ments. However, these spaces draw large numbers of visi-tors everyday, including school field trips, tourists from other parts of Japan, and foreigners. As part of the sacred tour-ism industry the surrounding streets of these areas have become lined with gift shops, restaurants, and commercial corridors. Some spaces like the Senso-ji Temple in Tokyo or the Nishi-Honganji Temple in Kyoto are free to enter and equally foster sacred tourism development. Today “the num-ber of Japanese having religious feelings far exceeds the number willing to call themselves believers.”12 However, the Japanese continue to be attached to traditional Japanese culture through the many sacred and historic public spaces that remain scattered through Japanese urban landscapes.
Disaster Planning and Large-scale Developments
On September 1, 1923 the Great Kanto Earthquake struck Tokyo at lunchtime. As wooden buildings of tightly knit alley-way neighborhoods collapsed around the cooking hiba-chi coal stoves, fires began to burn all over the city. There was an estimated 100,000 to 200,000 dead or missing and “
tremors
or fire destroyed 570,000 dwellings, roughly three-fourths of all those in the city.”13 This event was one of many natural or war time disasters that have routinely devastated and defined Japan’s history and urban land-scape. The image of Japanese cities’ complete devesation has been engrained into the Japanese collective memory. It has become almost subconsciously present in everything from the widening of city streets to the arcade video games in Akihabara. Disasters like the Kanto Earthquake and the 1945 U.S. incendiary bombing campaign on Tokyo during World War II14 have forced the virtual reconstruction of the largest city in the world twice in the last 100 years. As a 12 Hiene, Steve. 2012. Sacred High City, Sacred Low City: A Tale of Religious Sites in Two Tokyo Neighborhoods. Introduction: Japanese Relgious Context in Traditional and Contemporary Perspectives. p. 13.13 Gordon, Andrew. 2009. A Modern History of Japan: From Tokugawa to the Present. Chapter 9: Economy and Society. p. 140.
14 For three years especially in 1944 thru the spring of 1945, U.S. B-29 Bombers dropped thousands of tons of fragmentation and incendiary bombs on Tokyo, roughly 70 air raids. Nearly the entire city was flattened. Source: Sacchi, Livio. 2004. Tokyo: City and Architecture. Chapter 2: History. p. 56
Senso-ji Temple in Asakusa
Map of Great Kanto Fire
result two very important city development practices have emerged that have largely shaped public spaces, namely, disaster prevention planning and large-scale developments.
Disaster Planning
Because of its geographic location, Japan is prone to natu-ral disasters like fire, earthquakes, and tsunami. Preventing the devastation that ensues from such events has become the dominant theme in Japanese city planning. For exam-ple, after the 1964 Niigata Earthquake that killed more than 6,000 people, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government (TMG) established the Koto Cross Disaster Prevention Belt Plan, which sought to “build a disaster prevention base by sur-rounding (parkland) with multipurpose buildings, to increase safety of the entire region by placing these bases at stra-tegic points in the entire Delta region, and linking them.”15 The Shirahige-Higashi Disaster Prevention apartment block complex, completed in 1982 in the neighborhood of Muko-jima, was the first capital project of this kind. The project is an enormous firewall made of 18 fireproof high-rise apart-ment buildings that were intended to protect the parkland and evacuation centers (schools) along the Sumida River, ideally creating a safe zone for residents of the adjacent roji neighborhoods. However, this project proved to be incred-ibly costly and was too difficult to translate to other urban contexts, i.e. where no river or space for creating a large park existed. The TMG then sought other more practical initiatives in fire prevention, like acquiring property in roji neighborhood to widen streets and create numerous fire-break parks. These parks create space between buildings to prevent fire from spreading and now serve as new public spaces within densely populated alleyway neighborhoods. Typically these spaces match the footprint of the removed building, contain one or two public space amenities i.e. a bench or tree, and are used as community gardens or sites for rojison.16 Firebreak parks are invaluable community assets and local machizukuri (community organizations) like the Mukojima Association support these initiatives by work-ing to educate residents about fire prevention, preservwork-ing 15 Sato, Shigeru. Historical Development of Modern City Planning. Koto Disaster Prevention Plan. A hand out received from the Association of Mukojima Studies on walk-ing tour of Mukojima 05/28/12.
16 Rojison are public rainwater reuse pumps located throughout roji neighbor-hoods. The pumps serve as local community gathering spaces where children play or residents can get water for plants or to extinguish fire. Source: Association of Mukojima Studies . Island of Ideas = Mukojima. Handout received from the on walking tour of Mukojima 05/28/12.
Conceptual Diagram of the Shirahige-Higashi Desaster Prevention Aptartment Complex
Source: Association of Mukojima Studies
the charming scale and characteristics of their neighbor-hood, and reporting and archiving progress.
Large-Scale Development
After the destruction of WWII, development exploded across the urban landscape. Japan like other countries was greatly impacted by returning soldiers and the baby boom gener-ation. “Between 1945 and 1955 the population of Japan increased by 18.6 million people.”17 Tokyo was faced with an acute housing crisis as millions of people began flood-ing into the city centers. The result was many public and private redevelopment endeavors, and a booming economy rooted in a strong work ethic, growing middle class, and “quick and fearless”18 entrepreneurship. As a result Japan’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) grew at a rate of more than 10 percent between 1950 and 1973. The trend of building larger-than-life developments was well underway, which cre-ated completely new dimensions in the public realm.
Between the 1950s and 1980s the Japan Hous-ing Corporation (JHC) and various private developers built vast housing block developments and single-family homes throughout the rapidly expanding suburbs of Tokyo, and in some cases within central Tokyo. Rice fields and farm-lands were bulldozed to create new suburban utopias like Machida City or Tama New Town, which contain gigantic housing block developments. These developments were largely built to offer housing options to the rapidly expanding middle class. They are well served by train lines and high-way systems, and provide lots of open public space, basic service amenities i.e. grocery, laundry, childcare, etc., and a sense of openness not felt in central Tokyo. However, many of these developments have been suffering in recent years as Japan’s population is declining and many residents are moving back to central Tokyo. What remains is the sense of abandonment, underutilized public spaces like parks and plazas, closed commercial corridors and huge plats covered in buildings reminiscent of the 1960s utopian metabolist era. Regardless, the trend to develop enormous housing 17 Gordon, Andrew. 2009. A Modern History of Japan: From Tokugawa to the Present. Chapter 14: Economic and Social Transformations. p. 248.
18 “Japanese private companies expanded quickly and fearlessly. They bor-rowed massive amounts from banks and took on large debts. Private banks and public institutions [] drew on individual savings to invest in capital businesses…the typical ratio of debt to equity for a Japanese company in the high growth era stood at 75:25…but output and revenues grew so quickly, corporations where able to repay these loans.” Source: Gordon, Andrew. 2009. A Modern History of Japan: From Tokugawa to the Pres-ent. Chapter 14: Economic and Social Transformations. p. 246.
Urban Renaissance Agency representative explains the new Tama New Town Development Commercial corridor and attached public plaza in Tama New Town housing complex
complexes continues. For example, the Urban Renaissance Agency recently imploded 23 existing housing block build-ings in Tama New Town to replace them with eight larger housing blocks. While the New Tama New Town Project has nearly sold all of the apartments, the question remains if the economics exist to sustain such large developments, which have transformed the landscapes surrounding major Japanese cities.
Further, because of the declining population over the last 20 years the Japanese government has been strongly encouraging and incentivizing large-scale multi-use develop-ments in the central urban cores. Tokyo is “a city of indi-vidual landmarks and station hubs linked by a network of subway and train lines…Planned street grids, park sys-tems, waterfront promenades and other urban gestures… are capriciously absent.”19 The TMG has accommodated huge projects like Roppongi Hills and Tokyo Midtown to not only bolster a sluggish economy, but also to create spaces that will increase the livability of the dense urban centers in hopes of drawing more residents back to the city core. Thus such mega-developments include residential and office tow-ers, shopping malls, and large public spaces like parks and plazas. These developments often transform the surround-ing transportation hubs into nuclei of intense development; consequently Tokyo is a completely polycentric city. The best example of this sort of development effort is perhaps the Shinjuku Station area. In the 1960s a conscious effort was made to transform the area around Shinjuku station to be “Tokyo’s answer to the Manhattan skyline.”20 Later in 1991 Shinjuku became solidified as the center of Tokyo when the new Tokyo Metropolitan Government building (the new city hall) opened. Now Shinjuku is a multi-layered district sur-rounding the train station that provides opportunities for mobility, commerce, residence, and various public spaces in between. Large-scale multi-use developments like Tokyo Midtown are, to a certain degree, changing the ways in which Japanese have come to interact with public space by creat-ing an all included leisure experience within the urban core. These sites are designed to cater and encourage consumer-ism while integrating open spaces, plazas, or museums. 19 Pollock, Naomi R. Tokyo Midtown. Architectural Record; Nov 2007, Vol. 195 Issue 11. p. 123 – 129.
20 Cybriwsky, Roman. 1997. From Castle Town to Manhattan Town with Sub-urbs: A Geographical Account of Tokyo’s Changing Landmarks and Symbolic Landscapes. The Japanese City. Ed. P.P. Karan, Kristin Staplton. p. 68.
A view from Tokyo Midtown overlooking the developments’ public park
Cultural Elements
In 1991 the architect Toyo Ito said, “The residents of Tokyo can, I believe, be compared to nomads wandering in artificial forests. In housing complexes no one stays at home during the day; even housewives go out. Most of the husbands only come home to sleep.”21 Both traditionally and contemporar-ily the Japanese domicile (the private space) is very small. “The components are always of the same nature, the same size, module-like.”22 The Japanese spend much of their time outside of their small modular domiciles and in the public realm. Several discussions with local community advocates, defined the notion of public space in Japan as the differ-ence between the small intimacy of the private home and all the daily interactions that take place outside. Accordingly, the Japanese are not generally concerned with articulating what constitutes public space; culturally the distinction has always been clear.
Sakiko Sugawa is one of the founding members of the Hanare Design Group and a founder of the Social Kitchen in Kyoto.23 The Social Kitchen is a 3 story, multipur-pose space that functions as a café, community space, and office for the Hanare Design Group. Sakiko lived for roughly three years in New York City and clearly empathized with our desire to understand the function and design of public space in Japan. She explained that the notion of public space is not acknowledged in the daily routine of Japanese people. When one articulates the question, what is public space in Japan?, the average Japanese would be reminded of the playground parks created by the government in the 1960s and 1970s. “There is always one tree in the center and the kids playing there do not look happy.”24 She explained that the average Japanese spends so much time out in the pub-lic realm that they do not need to emphasize certain spaces as being “public.” “If you were to tell a Japanese ‘we need to build a big park space for you, like Central Park,’ they would ask “why?.” They would say, ‘I have lived my whole life without it, why do I need it now?’”25 For Sakiko, this attitude reflected a cultural issue of complacency, where Japanese are comfortable in their daily routines and will rarely interject into what others are doing. Even in the process of property 21 Ito, Toyo. 1991. Quoted by: Livio Sacchi. 2004. Tokyo: City and Architecture.
Chapter 6: Contemporary Architecture. p. 141
22 Richie, Donald. 1999. Tokyo: A View of the City. Reakition Books. p. 44 23 For more information about Hanare or the Social Kitchen visit: http://hanare-project.net/eng/
24 Sugawa, Sakiko. June 2, 2012. Discussion at the Social Kitchen about public space.
25 Sugawa, Sakiko. June 2, 2012. Discussion at the Social Kitchen about public space.
Chefs of the Social Kitchen Cafe
acquisition for private development, Sakiko described the attitude as surrendering. “They think, ‘What can we do, they are big developers’.”26 Centered on a physical space, the Social Kitchen represents another trend of community advo-cacy and an effort to engage Japanese around such issues. “The Social Kitchen is a café and event space that works for social change through open collaboration.”27
Near Shibuya Station in Tokyo our group came across another informal community space. Masaki Toraiwa is an educator and musician who lived the better part of 30 years in London and Los Angeles. Similar to Sakiko, Masaki returned to Japan to co-found the Zankyo Shop, a CD and book store that doubles as a community space for classes, lectures, or to engage with other likeminded people. Masaki reinforced the notion that everything outside of the home is a public space. He described his small-scale neighbor-hood as being filled with tiny nodes of daily congregation and activity; sometimes even just a street and corner bench are points of routine public discourse. However, Masaki voiced concern about the evolving urban landscape and how it “is destroying opportunities for this social interaction.”28 He sees gigantic commercial complexes as replacing the familiarity of small mom-and-pop-shops with superficiality. “You can’t go to a megamall and randomly have a real dis-cussion about important books or the role of public space, like we are now,” he said. Masaki sees large-scale develop-ments as creating artificial public spaces that do not serve the same purpose as small nook spaces that facilitate dis-course between people. Because both Masaki and Sakiko spent considerable time in the United States, their views have been biased by western traditions relating to public space, and they may not represent the core cultural values of Japan. However, both are concerned with preserving and bolstering Japanese cultural identity. And both have chosen to create small spaces for community engagement to do so. 26 “My good friend Sakiko Sugawa, the target of my return visit, is in the process of being evicted. As a matter of fact, she and her two roommates constitute the only household remaining of a small cluster of old homes in the Takano neighborhood of northwest Kyoto. All the homes in front of hers have been torn down, actually up to her exterior walls. The homes behind hers have all been abandoned and are in some stage of gutting. With her house ‘in the way’ the large machinery necessary to demolish them cannot get by. The cluster of a dozen, two and three story homes is being leveled to make room for the construction of a manshion, a new high-rise condo development. As the only renter of the group, Sakko has been the last to be negotiated with, the others, all owners, were bought out of their properties with the hope that Sakko would just leave without resistance.” Source: Vichnevsky, Natalie. June 13, 2012. Blog post: The Really Last Day: June 10th 2012. http://pratttokyosummer2012.weebly.com
27 Vichnevsky, Natalie. June 13, 2012. Blog post: The Really Last Day: June 10th 2012. http://pratttokyosummer2012.weebly.com
28 Toraiwa, Masaki. June 8th, 2012. Discussion at Zankyo Shop with Masaki
Toraiwa.
Masaki Toraiwa discusses public space in Zankyo
Photo: Natalie Vichnevski
Typologies of Public Space
Parks
Parks are open, accessible and pro-grammed areas designed to act as a neighborhood destination and facili-tate interaction between users, and provide opportunities for physical activity or contemplation. While
gener-ally arranged for recreational uses, parks are typicgener-ally multifunctional. Parks act as vehicles for human inter-action, parks serve disaster management purposes (firebreaks), parks are components of national urban initiatives (playgrounds), and parks are creative use of small underutilized space in urban areas (pocket parks). Elements like greenery, lightning, shade, sun-light, furniture and signage influence the pos-sible success or failure of parks as components of public space. Their broader urban and social contexts also act as factors that influence the acces-sibility, connectivity and active operation of the space. The configuration and function of parks are intertwined features linked to the history, evolution and design of each specific park. For instance, sets of fire parks in Muko-jima protect narrow rojis (alleyways) from fire propagation in dense urban residential areas. Paths and lots were retraced to facilitate this purpose. Paved playgrounds with slides and swings are typical models repeated throughout the country as a planning policy agenda. They are regu-larly located as centered islands or on three sided lots. Pocket parks are found throughout the city in contained pieces of vacant, underused lots. Though not as amena-ble for physical activity they provide a shaded, green rest-ing space for the walkers of Tokyo.
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1. Small playground in the Okubo neighborhood, Tokyo 2. Playground park at Gion Kenninji Temple, Kyoto 3. Pocket plaza next to Kyoto Station
4. Pocket park near Aoyama Kitamachi Danchi apartment complex, Tokyo
5. Pocket park near Shibuya Station, Tokyo
6. Mammoth Park playground in the Mukojima neighborhood, Tokyo
5 6
Landscapes
Landscapes refers to major regional networks that utilize natural features to promote sustainable urban devel-opment based on the processes of natural systems and their intersection with more intensive human activities.
In Japan, the Satoyama Initiative is dedicated to this purpose. As a joint effort between the Ministry of Envi-ronment of Japan and the United Nations University Institute of Advanced Studies (UNU-IAS), the Satoyama Initiative holds human interaction with the environment at the core of its program. This is particularly relevant in the context of Tokyo, a continually growing metro-politan area that may threaten open natural areas. We were able to witness the application of this ini-tiative in the Onoji Area of Machida City, where agri-cultural land coexists with residential areas and “a functional resource-circulation is secured through the introduction of compound multilayered land use.”[291] Similarly, the Kamo River in Kyoto is valued both for its public use and sustainable landscapes, and both are able to coexist. The Kamo River is consid-ered the embodiment of the spirit of Kyoto. It hosts a rich ecosystem that changes along its length and supports a great variety of recreational activities2. The design of public space around the river is linked closely to its history. The course of the Kamo River was altered when the Kyoto Palace was built by the end of the 8th century. The north-south flow of the river was moved to the east of the palace when floods became a threat to the ancient capital. Riverbanks were designed as protection and drainage system. Through pathways, esplanades and stepping stones in its shallow stretches, the river’s design facilitates public use and enjoyment. The Kamo River is a meeting point for friends, lovers and families in Kyoto. The changing seasons offer a variety of landscapes, most famously the traditional pink cherry blossoms that spring every year in Japan. Through national initiatives and local efforts to reclaim the connection of the environment and human use, Japa-nese landscapes accommodate infrastructural, ecological and social uses.
1 http://satoyama-initiative.org/en/
2 Kyoto University, Beside the Kamo River: A Place to Rest Amid Abundant Natural Beauty. http://www.kyoto-u.ac.jp
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4 1. Shonen Beach, Enoshima
2. Shinobazu Lilly Pond, Ueno Park, Tokyo 3. Sumida River Promenade, Tokyo 4. Machida City Farmland
Large Scale Housing
Large scale housing (or danchi as they were once called during the 1920’s) were introduced as a strategy to attract scattered Japanese citizens back to the city. Traditionally, Japanese dwellings
were based on the modular grid of the tatami and the class system (nobility, military, the farmer and artisan and the merchant). There were three types of structure that dominated the housing stock: machiya (townhouse), nagaya (longhouse), and the yashiki (mansions). The machiya and nagaya were arranged along the streets or in the rear yard with commercial activity (typically a shop) in front and the living area behind. The Great Kanto Earth-quake on September 1, 1923 and the following devasta-tion from the Second World War eradicated most of this traditional Edo-period housing stock. Shortly after the war, a great demand for housing and the need for disaster (fire and earthquake)-proof structures emerged and fueled the introduction of modern apartment blocks. Although different in scale and form from the patterns of earlier housing, large scale housing still incorporates certain elements/patterns vital to traditional dwellings. Such ele-ments include mixed uses, open spaces and fluid/adjust-able spatial configurations. However, there is no longer a gradient from public (alleyway serving as the path and the open space in between) to semi –public (shop) and lastly the home (private). Instead there is now a vertical and compartmentalized arrangement. There is an open space, usually a park, which acts as the central element unifying the pieces of the development/housing complex; a commercial component, usually in one story units at the base or within the surrounding area of the residential building/complex and the apartments, arranged vertically.
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1. Danchi housing complex, Tsukuba City
2. Aoyama Kitamachi Danchi apartment complex, Tokyo 3. Large Plaza plaza, Machida City danchi apartment complex 4. Each rose represents a sold apartment for the New Tama Newtown housing development that is under construction
5. Model of the New Tama Newtown housing development 6. Commercial plaza space of the original Tama Newtown housing development
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Transit Hubs
Transit hubs are nodes in mobility net-works, which may refer to structures like docks, airports, bus stations, garages, or most commonly in Japan, train stations. Mobility networks,
espe-cially rail lines are the most important components of Tokyo’s infrastructure when referring to urban form. As Naomichi Kurata observes, “the history of urban devel-opment in Japan cannot be described without referring to the development of the railways system. Namely, it is said that most of the urban centers are not prod-uct of the planning effort of local or national govern-ments, but rather the results of commercial activities or business strategies of railway related companies.”3 In addition to lines run by Japan Railways (JR), Japan’s railways are compromised of several competing com-panies that operate inter-city rail services, including the Shinkansen. On the local level, the Yamanote line is a circular line that connects the center to the outer region/districts, and delineates central Tokyo from its outer wards. Ikebukuro, Shibuya and Shinjuku are some of the principal stops along the Yamanote line. These essential nodal stations are composed of multiple rail lines, but are also intensively developed by the rail companies, who act as real estate companies seeking to extract high rents. Station footprints are often extruded to skyscraper heights. Commercial enterprises are typical for transit hub sites (shopping, restaurants, hotels, or the-atres), as well as open space elements, typically plazas – though these spaces often discourage lingering. They are “animated underground labyrinths filled with goods” on multiple levels.4
3 Sacchi, Livio. 2004. Tokyo: City and Architecture. Chapter 3: The Urban Structure. p. 85
4 Sacchi, Livio. 2004. Tokyo: City and Architecture. Chapter 3: The Urban
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4 1. Shibuya Station, Tokyo
2. Hachiko Plaza, Shibuya Station, Tokyo 3. Train car visitor’s center, Shibuya Station, Tokyo 4. Yokohama Ferry Terminal, Yokohama 5. Train platform Machida City 6. Shimbashi Station, Tokyo
Sacred Spaces
Sacred spaces are areas set aside for religious or memorial purposes. Temples and shrines extensively punctuated the urban fabric of the traditional Japanese city, and a large number remained to the
present era. Non-religious memorials are interspersed throughout the city as well. They vary widely in size and structure depending on their area, function, and history. In Tokyo, large Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples are typi-cally found in traditional commercial neighborhoods and smaller shrines are found more quiet residential areas.
Though they vary in size and capacity, these sites owe their longevity to the special place they occupy in Japanese cities. Larger sacred spaces often host large pilgrimages of people both local and tourist, and while they receive more attention they tend to be less peace-ful. Typically one main, well-delineated entrance leads into the temple space with secondary entrances around if deemed necessary and typically one main building that stands on top of hill where the main deity resides. Tradi-tionally if a building is to be built behind the temple, the new building cannot overshadow or become visible inside the temple space, however this is not the case for smaller sacred spaces as the denser parts of the city sometimes envelop them. Entryways to these spaces are usually indi-cated with a tall gate.
Structure. p. 90 1 2 3 4
1. Kyu-Yasuda Garden, Tokyo 2. Yokoami Park, Tokyo
3. Small Shinto shrine, Shibuya, Tokyo 4. Nishi-Honganji Temple, Kyoto 5. Kinkakuji Temple, Kyoto
6. Tsurugaoka Hachiman-gu Shrine, Kamakura
5 6
Monuments
Monuments are singular buildings and structures, often very large in scale, that serve as markers in the landscape. Mon-uments are often built with the explicit purpose of activating a site or area with
high visibility in mind. Newer developments like Tokyo Sky-tree, developed by Tobu Railway, are intended to stimulate new development (and higher property values) in formerly sleepy or undervalued areas.
Due to their strong shifts in scale, monuments may be used for orientation in wayfinding, as they are often visible from a long distance and many vantage points. Others, like Fuji TV Headquarters in the new sec-tion of Odaiba, serve to define and organize raw space. The majority of these monuments majority are under thirty years old, with Tokyo Tower a notable exception and pre-decessor.
Due to their size, monuments are often of a differ-ent scale than surrounding, often more traditional struc-tures, and may be built on re-purposed land like defunct government-owned sites, reclaimed land in Tokyo Bay, and other properties without a dense build-up of small lots. Many monuments are government-sponsored, and others, while privately developed, are constructed with govern-ment endorsegovern-ment.
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4 1. Reflection of Kyoto Tower on Kyoto Train Station
2. Tokyo Tower from 58th story of Mori Tower, Tokyo 3. Fuji TV building, Tokyo
4. Yoyogi National Gymnasium, Tokyo 5. Tokyo Metropolitan Government Building, Tokyo 6. Tokyo Metropolitan Government Building, Tokyo
Commercial Corridors
Commercial corridors are unique sys-tems of shopping-oriented public spaces typically articulated as areas of lin-ear pedestrian movement (streets and alleys) that fall within a broader context
of commercial and residential hubs. Layouts are usually elongated as they follow street lines, indoor arcades or systems of shopping mall pathways, but they also include nooks in the form of shopping squares and commercial plazas. Establishment of commercial corridors is strongly grounded in the history and tradition of trade and com-merce of old Edo. Many commercial streets today resem-ble the historic paths of trade, for example in Ginza, which connect or used to connect major centers of commerce and residence.
In the more recent era, large-scale transportation hubs like Shinjuku station serve as amorphous, mega structures with intertwined transportation lines and com-mercial corridors. Moreover, religious places can also include long extensions of shopping streets. Commer-cial corridors may fan out and blur into neighboring com-mercial districts; but overall, specific examples are not difficult to identify due to their unique form as well as special intensity of commercial and pedestrian activity. Today, transportation hubs, public space and commercial corridors are almost interchangeable in the Japan’s urban realm and this is particularly true in Tokyo.
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1. Shared commercial street, Shinjuku, Tokyo 2. Small commercial side street, Ginza, Tokyo 3. Takeshite Street, Harajuku, Tokyo 4. Cat Street, Jingumae, Tokyo
5. Commercial street near the Senso-ji Temple, Asakusa, Tokyo 6. Commercial corridor, Asakusa, Tokyo
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New Development
New developments are singular areas and sites composed of multiple build-ings with different functions and activi-ties. Constructed in the recent past with revitalization and higher land values in
mind, new developments often seek to provide amenities considered lacking in more tightly woven traditional neigh-borhoods.
New developments typically host a wide variety of functions such as commercial, business, and residential. Scales may often be large, as commercial spaces become large malls, or low-level commercial shops fill a large foot-print. New developments often occupy a large area of land with an outdoor public space along the ground and lower levels, with the connecting car traffic usually isolated to the perimeter of the complex.
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4 1. Cafe plaza, Shinjuku, Tokyo
2. Plaza in front of Caretta Mall, Shimbashi, Tokyo 3. Dentsu Building, Shimbashi, Tokyo
4. Cafe Plaza, Tokyo Midtown Development, Tokyo 5. Hinokicho Park, Tokyo Midtown, Tokyo 6. Museum Cafe, Roppongi Hills Mori Tower, Tokyo
Tokyo Prefecture
Tokyo Bay
Shinonome
Ginza
Mukojima parks/
commercial corridors
Edo Museum
Tokyo Big Sight
Hillside Terrace
Roppongi Hills
Asakusa
Ryogoku
Machida farmland/
housing development
Cat Street Park
Shinjuku Station
0
5
10 km
Kama River Kyoto StationKyoto Prefecture
5 0 10 kmTokyo Prefecture
Tokyo Bay
Shinonome
Ginza
Mukojima parks/
commercial corridors
Edo Museum
Tokyo Big Sight
Hillside Terrace
Roppongi Hills
Asakusa
Ryogoku
Machida farmland/
housing development
Cat Street Park
Shinjuku Station
0
5
10 km
mukojima fire
park
parks
Mukojima is situated in the fertile land developed inside the natural levee on the east side of the Sumida River. During the Edo Period (1750-1860) the fertile land was quiet, with a rustic atmosphere, unlike the populated residential area it is today. The urban con-figuration in Mukojima follows a traditional roji (alley) scheme and was mostly constructed after the great Kanto Earthquake (1923). Refugees that lost their homes in the disaster rushed to Mukojima district and
rojis formed one after another. -Association of Mukojima Studies
Since the 1980’s, the government has promoted urban development with resident participation. Among their initiatives is the creation of pocket parks that pre-vent fire propagation, roji gardening (planted pots on the alleys), rojison (rainwater reuse device) and transformation of vacant dwellings to centers of activity.
Mukojima, located East of the Sumida River and North of the Tokyo Skytree, is defined by an organic configuration
The Skytree being the tallest structure in Japan is a clear landmark for the Mukojima residents. This and other new development to the North
As part of the initiatives of a proactive community is the design of pocket parks which are inserted in the middle of the urban fabric following different configurations and a
Mukojima
PUBLIC SPACE ANALYSIS path access point node landmark barrier site
Skytree
Skytree Asakusa
50 ft 20 m
date: 2012_05_28 Saturday time: afternoon weather:
Sunny with a strong shower and occasion-al lighter showers
This pocket park developed in a corner of one of Mukojima’s rojis and is delineated by a series of small planted pots.. The color of the pavement contrasts with the gray pavement and the greenery around it. The floor treatment changes around the one activity provided for children’s recreation. Similarly there is one sitting area with a water faucet. The scattered replication of this simple model of open space benefits the community in many ways.
Most of the pocket parks, playgrounds and fire parks provide
VISIT INFORMATION
In the center of the corner park in Mukojima there is only one
SITE INFORMATION year built: after 1980’s author: Machizukuri community organization location: Mukojima, Sumida-ku, Tokyo 0-1,000 sq. mt size: 52-180 sq. mt. 560-1900 sq. ft. condition: open capacity: 30 - 80 people 1,000-15,000 sq. mt. 15,000-30,000 sq. mt 30,000-60,000 sq. mt. +60,000sq. mt
tens hundreds thousands millions
open closed combined
omotesando
playground
parks
Omotesando, like Ginza, is a high-end shopping and fashion area. According to Julian Worral, Omotesando has become Tokyo’s premier cat-walk for the fashion-able and the sophisticated. In the midst of the glam-our and buildings designed by Sanaa, MVRDV, Ando, Herzog & de Meuron, among other star architects, and perpendicular to “Tokyo’s most beautiful boulevard” is Cat Street.
On Cat Street, this playground provides an inclusive space as an island in the midst of vehicular traffic and “jewelry architecture.”
A street that favors pedestrians by turning into a walkway and an island of recreation.
OBSERVATIONS
The Dior building, among other structures, function as landmarks that direct the pedestrians away from the exclusivity of Omotesando into narrow side streets.
Hand drawn bird view of the Cat Street island playground. In between Dior by SANAA
and Gyre by MVRDV in Omotesando, one discov-ers access to narrow and more pedestrian friendly streets. To the right of the MVRDV building is Cat Street, where our case study site is located.
60 ft 20 m
date: 2012_06_09 Saturday time: afternoon weather:
sunny, par ticularly hot day
Cat Street, a pedestrian street activated by the implementation of an island playground. The users seek shade produced by the limited greenery at the center of the park. More seating elements or a softer pavement that would make sitting on the ground more comfortable could improve this space.
VISIT INFORMATION
School children playing games in the middle of the park. The pavement changes to protect children that might fall down. The space also provides the possibility of improvised play.
SITE INFORMATION year built: -developer: TMG location: Omotesando Dori, Tokyo 0-1,000 sq. mt size: 2800 m2 = 67888 sq. ft. condition: open capacity: 30 people 1,000-15,000 sq. mt. 15,000-30,000 sq. mt 30,000-60,000 sq. mt. +60,000sq. mt
tens hundreds thousands millions
open closed combined
The playground attracts users of all ages. Different infrastructure and protection items prioritize pedestrian use. Small planters with greenery improve the quality of the public realm.
kamo river, kyoto
The Kamo River is the embodiment of the spirit of Kyoto. It runs through the city of Kyoto from North to South, flowing into the Kyoto Basin, called Kamigamo in the Northern ward of the city.When the Kyoto palace was built at the end of the 8th century, the river’s course was altered to flow east of the palace.
It hosts a rich ecosystem that changes along with the stations and holds a great variety of recreational activi-ties. Riverbanks and pathways make it an attractive public space. connected to nature.
Pathways, riverbanks and bridges activate the water feature that hosts several recreational activities. In response to flood threats, riverbanks were designed and reinforced the drainage systems. The landscape therefore accomplishes infrastructural and social uses.
The North-South flow of the river was moved to the East of the Imperial Palace. The Kamo river is a popular destination among Kyoto residents.
landscapes
200 ft 100 m
date: 2012_06_02 Saturday time: afternoon weather: 67F / 25C sunny.
Open, accessible and programmed open space that captivates the local residents as a natural landscape. It is a meeting destination that enhances social activity and contact with nature.
Surface facilitates access for bikes and strollers, promoting an inclu-sive use of the space.
VISIT INFORMATION
Restaurants host open-air dining areas during warmer months. Stepping stones allow crossings from one side to the other
SITE INFORMATION year built: 8th Centur y AD author: -location: Kyoto 0-1,000 sq. mt size: 31 km 20 miles condition: open capacity: several thousands 1,000-15,000 sq. mt. 15,000-30,000 sq. mt 30,000-60,000 sq. mt. +60,000sq. mt
tens hundreds millions thousands
machida city
farmland
Machida City is located in the Tama Plateau, reaching the base of Miura Peninsula, which forms a wide natu-ral environment. The total are of Machida City is 7,162 ha. Mountains and forests cover 14.5% and agricul-tural land covers 12% of the total area.
The Onoji Area of Machida City is a large agricultural portion of land that coexists with Machida City residen-tial area. The area is defined by a land use regulation that draws a cut-off control zone for farmlands.
The Satoyama initiative promotes a functional resource-circulation is secured through the introduc-tion of compound multi-layered land use.
The Onoji Area covers two categories of the five perspectives of the Satoyama Inititaitve: (1) Securing a functional resource-circulation system through the introduction of compound, multi-layered land use and (2) Development of local industries and local revitalization using traditional culture and technologies.
landscapes
町田市
300 ft 100 m
date: 2012_06_04 Monday time: afternoon weather: around 25C/77F
The Satoyama Initiative aims to conserve sustainable human-influenced natural environments (Socio-Ecological Production Landscapes; SEPL) through broader global recognition of their value. The Onoji area of Machida City is subject to such regulation framework.
Bamboo is shaped to allow sunlight through
VISIT INFORMATION
Sumi: charcoal bamboo structure
storage Rice fields in the low and flat area of the
Machida farmland. Previously, this region was abandoned agricultural land. The
farm-land was developed as a strategy to reestablish active farm-land use.
SITE INFORMATION year built: NA author: Tokyo Metropolitan Government location: Onoji, Machida City, Tokyo 0-1,000 sq. mt size: 2 hectares 5 acres condition: open capacity: several thousands 1,000-15,000 sq. mt. 15,000-30,000 sq. mt 30,000-60,000 sq. mt. +60,000sq. mt
tens hundreds thousands millions
shinonome canal
cour t
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OBSERVATIONS
100
Shinonome Canal Court is a multi-family housing com-plex located on Tokyo Bay. It is part of a “local master plan for the future” proposed by the Urban Develop-ment Corporation CODAN. The site, a former Mitsubi-shi steel factory is now comprised of six blocks around a central space, arranged in a rectangular block of 16.4 hectares. Each block was assigned to a spe-cific architect/architectural team: Riken Yamamoto & Field Shop (block 1), Toyo Ito & Associates (block 2), Kengo Kuma & Associates (block 3), Yama Architects and Partners (block 4), ADH Architects and Worksta-tion (block 5) and team of Makoto Motokura, Keisuke, Yamamoto and Keiji Hori ( block 6).
large scale housing
The overall concept is flexible housing to accommodate and adjust to current lifestyles. It’s a deviation from the metabolist Kisho Kurokawa’s capsule con-cept - “housing for the Homo-movens: people in motion.” The S- shaped street is the central urban design and struc-tural element that unifies six individual blocks.
date: 2012_05_29 Tuesday time: afternoon - evening weather: overcast/rainy
VISIT INFORMATION SITE INFORMATION
year built: 2003 - 2005 development: Urban Development Corporation CODAN. location: Tokyo Bay 0-1,000 sq. mt size: 16.4 hectare (40.5 acres) condition:
open and closed
capacity: tens of thousands 1,000-15,000 sq. mt. 15,000-30,000 sq. mt 30,000-60,000 sq. mt. +60,000sq. mt
tens hundreds thousands millions
open closed combined
The S- shaped street is comprised of two levels and contains pocket spaces, upper and lower level terraces, playgrounds, a kindergarten, and shopping facilities. As an entity, it represents the new concept of using a framed public space surrounded by a residential component, cultural, retail and other facilities to create a new district.
a b c
machida city
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OBSERVATIONS
100
Machida City was developed in the 1960’s as a bed-room town for those working in Tokyo due to its trans-portation network’s close connection to Tokyo’s center loop. Currently, it has the largest residential compo-nent, the third largest commercial center and the high-est concentration in ages 30-34 and 60 years and over. The area is mainly residential, with a secondary environmental preservation function.
large scale housing
The two main developments in Machida are the Kiso-Yamazaki Hous-ing Estate, developed accordHous-ing to the Master Plan and followHous-ing the National Plan of 1966, which has the largest residential component and which due to its age is out of sync current trends and growth con-trols, and, the Yakushidai Estate, which is an example of district plan-ning developed by a public and private sector with roadways and parks. The infrastructure was first established in 1980 and the housing stock was gradually built upon it.
200 ft
date: 2012_06_04 Monday time: morning - afternoon weather: sunny
VISIT INFORMATION SITE INFORMATION
year built: 1960 Development: Based on Master Plan location: Kanagawa Prefecture 0-1,000 sq. mt size: 71.63 Km condition:
open and closed
capacity: tens of thousands 1,000-15,000 sq. mt. 15,000-30,000 sq. mt 30,000-60,000 sq. mt. +60,000sq. mt
tens hundreds thousands millions
open closed combined
residential commercial
Yakushidai Estate: The houses are 2-stories, setback on the south side to allow for more sunlight, and no sidewalks are present.
Point Houses, centrally located in the development are 5 –storey buildings, 2 families per floor and opened in 3 areas. Section of a Point House
kyoto station
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OBSERVATIONS
100
The former capital of Japan is now a gateway to the past and future. The station was constructed to com-memorate the 1,200th anniversary of the city’s found-ing. It is an example of an overlay of futurism on tra-ditional form. The first station, a simpler building was built by Emperor Meiji in 1877.
The concept is based on the grid pattern typical of Heiankyo, incorporated in the designs of gates (a universal symbol for a gateway). The matrix repeats the concept of the gateway and the floating layers. According to Hara, a passenger within the space meets the sky and becomes captivated, therefore not fully aware of the size of the building or the scope of all the other activities. Comprised of 17 floors, 171 steps, an amphi-theater, a Skyway- Terrace, shopping, five squares and a prom-enade, Kyoto Station is the best example of an “animated labyrinth (underground and vertically) filled with goods.” There are two sides to Kyoto Station: Karasuma and Hachijo. The busier Karasuma side (bus terminal, hotels, shops and Kyoto
Tower) to the north faces downtown and is named after the main street leading downtown. The calmer Hachijo side to the south provides access to a few more hotels, Toji Temple but most importantly built to accommodate the Shinkansen. The main hall (un- obstructed) is underneath the matrix (east to west) and contains the pedestrian traffic horizontally and ver-tically.
transit hub
date: 2012_06_03 Sunday time: morning - afternoon weather: sunny VISIT INFORMATION
Happy terrace on the roof of Kyoto Station
SITE INFORMATION year built: 1997 Architect: Hiroshi Hara location: Shimogyo Shichijo District, Kyoto 0-1,000 sq. mt size: 3.8 hectare (9.4 acres) condition:
open and closed
capacity: thousands 1,000-15,000 sq. mt. 15,000-30,000 sq. mt 30,000-60,000 sq. mt. +60,000sq. mt
tens hundreds thousands millions
open closed combined
shinjuku station
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OBSERVATIONS
100
Shinjuku Station opened in 1885 as a stop on Japan Railway’s Akabane-Shinagawa line (now part of the Yamanote Line). The transformation from a stop to a multifunctional labyrinth structure began by adding into the station intercity-rail, commuter rail and metro lines (Chūū Line (1889), Keiū Line (1915) and Odakyū Line (1923) and the subway service (1959)) that gradu-ally increased the connection between Tokyo and the suburbs, the flow of traffic (and commuters) and the structure (mass/physical environment). However, the most significant addition is the Tokyo Metropolitan Government (TMG) Office Building completed in 1991. It inaugurated Shinjuku station into one of the world’s busiest stations.
transit hub
Shinjuku Station is an important piece of Tokyo’s massive and imposing infrastructure. It is divided into three districts. West of the station is the skyscraper district which includes Tokyo Metropolitan Government (TMG) Office Building or Tokyo City Hall and prominent hotels such as the Keio Plaza, Hilton, Hyatt Regency and Park Hyatt (featured in Lost in Translation). Kabukicho is an area filled with commercial activity located on the northeast side of the station. At the southeast end of the station is the Shinjuku Gyoen, Japan’s largest park and other plazas. Shinjuku station is a multifunctional labyrinth structure that has no one distinct path and occupies multiple levels. The path one enters or follow is based on which rail
or metro line a person needs. For example, JR East lines consist of seven (7) ground level island platforms (14 tracks) on a north-south axis, connected by two overhead and two underground concourses. On the other hand, the Odakyu line is parallel to the JR platforms on the west side and has 10 platforms built on two levels beneath the Odakyu department store; 3 express service tracks (6 platforms) on the ground level and 2 tracks (4 platforms) on the level below. Once inside the station, a person is constantly floating through the space (s) with no notion or concept of levels in relationship to the street level outside the station.
date: 2012_06_05 Tuesday time: morning - afternoon weather: sunny
Another underground tunnel leading to Shinjuku
VISIT INFORMATION
One of many underground tunnels leading to Shinjuku Station The interior of Shinjuku
SITE INFORMATION year built: 1885 Development: Based on Master Plan location: Shinjuku-ku ward 0-1,000 sq. mt size: condition:
open and closed
capacity: thousands to millions 1,000-15,000 sq. mt. 15,000-30,000 sq. mt 30,000-60,000 sq. mt. +60,000sq. mt
tens hundreds thousands millions
r yogoku cemeter y
Smaller sacred places are some of the lesser known preserved areas in Tokyo, and are often marked by a disparity in scale between the traditional construction and new, dense buildings. Entering from the north, upon seeing a Chikara (Power of the Sumo) stone, to the left resides Ryogoku cemetery, nearly hidden from sight from the street. Besides final resting places, this area is also the resting place of many past pets and animals and sadly also are tiny statues which repre-sent children who left this world too soon.Ryogoku cemetery is located in the middle of Ryogoku Chrome 2, with residential residing along the edges
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Chikara Stone Tall Residential Homes next to Cemetery Tomb/Statue resembling an animal sacred places
date: 2012_05_26 Saturday time: afternoon weather: sunny
The surrounding residential towers overshadows and hides the peaceful and preserved cemetery year built: architect: location: Ryogoku, Sumida, Tokyo 0-1,000 sq. mt size: 2800 m2 = 67888 sq. ft. condition: open capacity: 30 people 1,000-15,000 sq. mt. 15,000-30,000 sq. mt 30,000-60,000 sq. mt. +60,000sq. mt
tens hundreds thousands millions
open closed combined
senso-ji temple
Senso-ji is the oldest temple in Tokyo. The juxtaposi-tion of the organic lots of the temple with the modern grid of the surrounding neighborhood speaks to the site’s age. And unlike the streets outside of the tem-ple, which are highly dense and support tall buildings squeezed against each other, the temple square and the street leading to it is made of low traditional shop-ping markets with enough space spread out that the constant crowds of visitors, not the built environment, created a dense space.1
OBSERVATIONS
100
Gat leading to Senso-ji
One of taller structures in the space is the pagoda tower toward the left as one enters the main courtyard. Although over time it was outdone by a view of Tokyo Sky Tree further off to the East. Senso-ji Temple sacred places
date: 2012_06_1 Friday time: afternoon weather: light rain
View of Sky Tree
Although our visit there was not during the busiest time of the year, nor was there good weather to see the space at its fullest, we still saw the little things that show how people use the space. For example, people taking shelter under the temple during the rain. There are people that visit this area simply as pilgrimage or tourist visit, and then sometimes there are couples that come here for their dates.
Protection from rain
VISIT INFORMATION
Senso-ji’s pagoda Shopping street just outside Senso-ji
SITE INFORMATION year built: 628, rebuilt post-war architect: location: Asakusa, Taito, Tokyo 0-1,000 sq. mt size: 2800 m2 = 67888 sq. ft. condition: open capacity: Thousands 1,000-15,000 sq. mt. 15,000-30,000 sq. mt 30,000-60,000 sq. mt. +60,000sq. mt
tens hundreds thousand millions
edo-tokyo museum
Built with public funds in 1993, the Edo-Tokyo Museum is a large scale construction near the Sumida River in Ryoguku, Sumida Ward. The building is intended to resemble a traditional raised warehouse, and the museum hosts artifacts and reconstructions of Tokyo’s history. The museum sits atop a multistory platform that supports administrative functions, the gift shops, and several other programmatic elements. This presents a multilevel facade to the street, with the museum proper perched several stories above street level. The platform is punctured in several directions to give street level access as well. One assumes that the government chose the site partly to tap into and strengthen the substantial tourist activity in the area due to its Sumo traditions.Edo-Tokyo Museum sits near several other recognizable landmarks, including the Kokugikan (National Sumo Stadium), the Sumida River, and several former daimyo estate gardens. It is located close to several train stations.
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OBSERVATIONS
50
The museum is a popular des-tination for locals and tourists, and there were a healthy number of patrons during our visit. From the outside, however, the site had little activity. While the site is well connected and highly visible from afar, it has little connection to the surrounding neighborhood, sitting instead on a separated site bounded by rail and water. This may be why the plaza does not appear to be used as a
com-monuments
date: 2012_05_26 Saturday time: afternoon weather: overcast
The museum is most recognizable for its distinctive form, reportedly inspired by traditional warehouse construction. The building is visible from many vantage points, and overshadows the Sumo Stadium for recognizability from a distance.
VISIT INFORMATION
The museum’s plaza sits several stories above street level, and offers views of Ryogoku and the sumo stadium while sheltered by the raised building’s mass. While the plaza is accessible from several directions, there is little in the way of public amenities to draw visitors to the plaza alone.
SITE INFORMATION year built: 1993 author: Kiyonori Kikutake location: Ryogoku, Sumida Ward, Tokyo 0-1,000 sq. mt size: 30,000 m² = 7.5 acres condition:
open and closed
capacity: hundreds 1,000-15,000 sq. mt. 15,000-30,000 sq. mt 30,000-60,000 sq. mt. +60,000sq. mt
tens hundreds thousands millions
open closed combined
