CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION • Background of Study
Since 1960 when Nigeria gained independence from Britain, she has been an active member of the Commonwealth and has hosted two Commonwealth Heads of State General Meetings (CHOGM). Nigeria’s commitment and activeness in the Commonwealth bore fruit with the appointment of Chief Emeka Anyaokwu, as the Secretary-General of the Commonwealth for two consecutive terms of 5 years (1990-2000) during the Kuala Lumpur CHOGM in Malaysia in 1990. The Commonwealth has also cooperated with Nigeria in diverse projects and activities such as sports, education, exchange programmes, capacity building, political activities such as elections monitoring, as well as other areas of common interest. It is therefore on this note that a research on the Commonwealth-Nigeria relations is necessitated.
1.2 Statement of Problem
Nigeria had been very active in the Commonwealth until her suspension in November 1995, for gross and flagrant abuse of human rights by the General Sani Abacha-led military junta. However, there is still a dearth of knowledge on the activities of the Commonwealth in Nigeria, despite the numerous programmes being undertaken or funded by the Commonwealth. This study therefore aims to make a conscious attempt at knowing whether Nigeria’s membership of the British Commonwealth has had any direct or indirect impact upon her current level of development or not. As such, a ten-year period from 1999-2009, which incidentally marks ten successive years of uninterrupted democratic governance, shall be studied.
1.3 Research Questions
The following shall serve as the research questions
a) How has the Commonwealth been able to impact upon sustainable development in her relationship with Nigeria?
b) Which specific sectors of the Nigerian economy has the Commonwealth impacted sustainable development?
c) What role does Nigeria’s relationship with the Commonwealth play in her foreign policy?
1.4 Objectives of Study
The major purpose of the study is to examine the benefits, if any, that Nigeria enjoyed or is enjoying, by virtue of her membership of the British Commonwealth. The study equally seeks to achieve the following:
• To examine how the Commonwealth has aided sustainable development in Nigeria or not.
• To find out whether Nigeria is able to play a role in the Commonwealth committee of nations.
• To examine the role of the Commonwealth among her member nations.
1.5 Research Hypotheses
The following shall serve as the hypothesis for the conduct of this research:
a) That the Commonwealth has impacted upon sustainable development in Nigeria
b) That Commonwealth relations with Nigeria has impacted on specific sectors in the economy
c) That Nigeria’s relations with the Commonwealth plays an important role in her foreign policy.
1.6 Significance of the Study
In this study, attempts would be made to examine the Commonwealth and sustainable development in Nigeria. This study is significant in that its findings would enable Nigerian policymakers, as well as the general public, know how the Commonwealth, under the leadership of Britain has been able to impact Nigeria’s development over the years, from one phase to another.
1.7 The Scope/Limitations of the Study
This study will focus on the Commonwealth and its impact on sustainable development in Nigeria. Sectoral study would focus on the academia, social services, and manpower development. The period under consideration would be 1999-2009. The main limitation of this
study is the inadequacy of core and relevant literature on the case-study
1.8 Research Methodology
This study would employ a descriptive analysis method. It entails a logical analysis of relevant literature using descriptive means. This method was chosen due to the fact that the data collection method will be mainly via secondary sources. The secondary method involves data collection from newspapers, magazines, journals, textbooks, and also the internet. It is pertinent to note that the Commonwealth headquarters is at Malborough House, the United Kingdom, and for logistical purposes, a visit would not be feasible. Sources for research materials would include recent newspapers, magazines, journals, textbooks, and also the internet.
1.9 Literature Review
Akinrinade (1993) traced the origins of the Commonwealth to the desire of the then British Empire to maintain cordial diplomatic
relations with her ex-colonies, which were swiftly gaining political independence. He further argued that the Commonwealth was never created in the traditional manner, by which statesmen would gather to found an international organization, as was the case with the United Nations, the organization of African Unity, etc. The Commonwealth merely evolved from Britain’s historical ties with her former colonies. He further shed light on the organizational framework of the Commonwealth as he noted that the Commonwealth does not have a charter like most international organizations do. Instead, members subscribe to a series of principles, declarations and statements which include; the Declaration of the Commonwealth Principles (Singapore, 1971), the Gleneagles Agreement (the Commonwealth declaration on Apartheid in Sports, 1977), the Lusaka Declaration on Racism and Racial Prejudice (1979), the Goa Declaration on International Security (1983), the Vancouver Declaration on World Trade (1987), amongst others. These helped define the Commonwealth as a loose association of states sharing similar values, and united by the pursuit of common goals. Before 1965, there was no formal Commonwealth system in place, and the British government, through the Commonwealth Relations Office (CRO), a department of State of the British
Government, acted as a correspondence center for all member states. June 1965 witnessed the formal establishment of the Commonwealth Secretariat, with the appointment of Arnold Smith, a Canadian diplomat, as its first Secretary-General.
Adeleke (2004) examined the origins and evolution of the Commonwealth, as well as Nigeria’s relations with the Commonwealth vis-à-vis the mutual benefits they enjoy from each other. He also questioned the rationale behind Nigeria’s membership of the organization at independence and the role the organization has played in the actualization of Nigeria’s foreign policy objectives since then. Adeleke, viewed the Commonwealth as the product of the rebellion of French Canadians against the colonial government of the Lower Canadian province. Her Majesty’s government responded to the crisis by appointing Lord Durham, a well known reformist, and Governor-in-Chief of the British North American colonies to investigate the revolt and make policy recommendations. The now famous Durham report recommended granting the province autonomy via self-government. The implementation of the report set the tone for its replication in other colonies, as well as the organization of meetings between the imperial government and the governments of
the dominions- Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and Newfoundland. The first of these meetings (also known as colonial conferences) was held in 1887 to commemorate Queen Victoria’s Golden Jubilee. The next meeting was hosted by the Canadian government, thereby setting the tone for the rotational principle in the hosting of the Commonwealth Head of Government Meetings. The 1926 meeting was highly significant for the evolution and future direction of the Commonwealth as it witnessed the demand for independence by South Africa, led by her newly elected Prime Minister, J.B.M Hertzog. Former British Prime Minister Lord Arthur Balfour finally came up with a definition of the relationship between the Britain and her colonies when he described the dominions as “autonomous communities within the British Empire, equal in status, and in no way subordinate to one another, freely associating as members of the British Commonwealth of Nations”. This revolutionary definition resulted in greater consensus building and unity amongst the Commonwealth states, thereby furthering peace and cooperation.
Oshuntokun (2004) traced the origins of the Commonwealth to 1867, when Canada attained a dominion status. The Statute of Westminster
was passed in 1931, and between then and 1946, the loose union of Britain and her colonies (dominions) was known as the British Commonwealth of Nations. The “British” adjective was removed in 1946 and the association became known officially as the Commonwealth of Nations. It was known as a free association of sovereign ex-colonies comprising Great Britain and some of her dependencies, who had chosen to maintain ties of friendship and cooperation and also recognized the British monarch as their symbolic head.
The bonds of friendship within the Commonwealth are very diverse. Whilst some states feel bound by common judicial and educational systems, for others, it is the use of English language as official means of communication. Ties in the commonwealth are further strengthened by trade and investment, sports, currency systems, migration, political association, etc. These links and relations were then further consolidated by the creation of the Commonwealth Secretariat in 1965 in London. Therefore, relations that were initiated between Britain and her white dominions swiftly metamorphosed into a multiracial organization of fifty-four nations and territories, breaking barriers of race, culture, religion, ideology, beliefs, and language. It should also
be noted that the recent addition of Cameroun and Mozambique to the Commonwealth fold has broadened membership beyond historical and imperial links with Great Britain.
Nigeria’s membership of the Commonwealth after gaining independence in 1960 was political/diplomatic and also economically motivated. As at 1959, diverse political leaders such as Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Alhaji Tafawa Balewa had consistently made calls for, and argued for Nigeria’s membership of the Commonwealth. It was believed that this would help give Nigeria a voice in global politics, as well as enable the usage of the Commonwealth as a platform for the advancement and achievement of Nigeria’s foreign policy objectives, which were broadly targeted at the total liberation of Africa from the clutches of colonialism and apartheid. This work exhaustively discussed Nigeria’s relations with the Commonwealth, discussing its origins, as well as foreign policy-related benefits derived due to Nigeria’s membership.
Adeleke (2004) attempted and attributed it to national interest, economic motives - trade and financial flow patterns, historic tradition, and elite acculturation and orientation. The Balewa
administration inherited a system that was essentially pro-British in design and orientation; politically, administratively, militarily, judicially, socially, and culturally. Also, the civilian and military elite who assumed power through one means or another were mostly British trained and pro-Western ideologically. The underdeveloped state of Nigeria also necessitated the need to forge closer ties with Britain.
The conservative nature of Nigeria’s Prime Minister, Alhaji Tafawa Balewa, meant that less risks would be taken politically and diplomatically, with Britain and the Commonwealth viewed as Nigeria’s most trusted friends in the international system. Nigeria’s comfort in the company of Britain and the Commonwealth was further aided by the latter’s commitment to some vital principles of Nigeria’s foreign policy such as the legal equality of states, the policy of non-interference in the domestic/internal affairs of other states and multilateralism. The only grey area was the continued support of apartheid South Africa by the Commonwealth, an open contradiction of Nigeria’s stand on the issue. The Commonwealth eventually acceded to Nigeria’s repeated calls for South Africa’s expulsion from the organization, although the latter was only suspended.
Awolowo (1960) gave vocal support to Nigeria’s membership of the Commonwealth when he stated that Nigeria ought to take her place in the Commonwealth committee of nations and publicly declare her stand on the ideals of democracy and freedom. He believed that in so far as the Commonwealth did not contradict any of Nigeria’s foreign policy aims and goals, as well as other national interests, Nigeria should join and remain a member of the Commonwealth. It is pertinent to note that Awolowo’s stance on Nigeria’s membership of the Commonwealth helped build popular support for Nigeria’s membership.
Alhaji Tafawa Balewa (1964) shared Awolowo’s view when he added that Nigeria’s relations with Britain will be overshadowed by a partnership, which was the Commonwealth. He believed in the Commonwealth and viewed it as a platform from which Nigeria will be able to effectively reach the world and make a positive contribution to the welfare of the human race. He also saw it as a veritable avenue through which Anglo-Nigerian relations will be further strengthened
with greater political and socio-economic benefits accruable to Nigeria on the long run.
Asobie (1993) believed that Nigeria enjoys an overwhelming advantage by virtue of her membership of the Commonwealth. This, he claims, is due to the fact that the Commonwealth recognizes the economic needs and objectives of developing countries and does its best to support them. He further argued that Nigeria should make more attempts at exploiting the vast opportunities (political, economic and otherwise) the Commonwealth presents, and asserts that Nigeria has benefitted a great deal from the Commonwealth, using it to pursue and attain foreign policy objectives such as the dismantling of the abusive apartheid regime in South Africa, the expulsion of colonialism from Southern Africa, as well as other benefits such as obtaining scholarship for Nigerian citizens, diplomatic support on international issues, fellowships and technical assistance from other Commonwealth member countries, access to assistance for development and rehabilitation of Nigerian industries, access to financial assistance, etc.
Oshuntokun (2004) commended the profitability of Nigeria’s membership of the Commonwealth, arguing in the process that Nigeria has received as much as she has given in her relations with the organization. He further contended that the importance of the Commonwealth to Nigeria cannot be overemphasized. The Commonwealth is made up by almost two billion people, that is, one in every three people in the world today is a citizen of the Commonwealth. The Commonwealth also has a global reach as it has member states in every continent of the world. Its importance lies in its informality. This is a body united by a common language, common legal and political system, and a common educational system.
The main focus of the modern day Commonwealth is the advancement of democracy, human rights, and the promotion of sustainable economic growth and social development. In terms of global reach, the Commonwealth is rivaled only by the United Nations. It also serves as a building block in the global search for peace in the world. Nigeria’s domestic interest is also not to be ignored as there are presently over one million Nigerians in England, and many more spread among the other Commonwealth countries. Nigeria is the second biggest market for British goods in Africa and
Britain is the largest foreign investor in Nigeria. Nigeria’s relations with the Commonwealth has been tried and tested, with various challenges being routinely conquered over the years. However, the benefits of being in the Commonwealth with its attendant strategic, economic and political interests far outweighs the disadvantage of breaking this highly mutually beneficial union.
Akinyemi (1983), in a speech argued for Nigeria’s withdrawal from the Commonwealth. He contended the wrongness of Nigeria’s continued membership of the Commonwealth as it was contradictory for Nigeria to encourage Francophone African states to sever ties with their colonial masters whilst refusing to do same. He further contended that continued relations with the Commonwealth was only overly damaging to the desired objective of breaking all imperial links across the continent. Despite the successes and benefits accrued as a result of Nigeria’s membership of the Commonwealth, there are still some pessimists who argue that there is nothing special about the Commonwealth and there is nothing the Commonwealth is providing that Nigeria cannot otherwise do without.
In line with the focus of this work on the Commonwealth and its impact on sustainable development in Nigeria, Anyaokwu (2000) identified and emphasized the link between democracy and development. He believes that democracy and development go hand-in-hand, as it is only when there is a fair system of governance, where people can freely express themselves, that development can truly take place. Since May 1999, when Nigeria began a fresh democratic transition, various efforts have been made towards achieving her sustained growth and development, in order for the citizens to begin to enjoy the “dividends of democracy” as promised at the dawn of a new democratic era, tagged the fourth (4th) republic. The newly elected government of President Obasanjo had stressed its determination to create the right political and macroeconomic environment for sustainable economic growth and development and within that framework, economic reform has begun and specific measures in a number of areas have been announced. This work helped outline the importance of democracy in the pursuit of development in any society. It also goes further to emphasize the vitality of the core principles of democracy, especially freedom, as states in the global
system aim towards building societies capable of sustainable development.
Obasanjo (2004) shared the same sentiment as Anyaokwu above when he argued that development and democracy (freedom) are intimately linked. According to him, development is as important to freedom, as freedom is to leading a fulfilled meaningful life. He went further, by arguing that democracy and development are mutually enforcing. That is, democracy and development go hand-in-hand. So, where there is democracy, there will be development and vice-versa.
Democracy goes a long way in helping to bring development to societies where the core principles of democracy are being upheld, as leaders in power would have a sense of responsibility and accountability to the people that have given them the opportunity to serve by voting them into office. Although this is not exactly the case in many 3rd world countries where “democracy” is being practiced, the developed nations of the world have demonstrated that the belief that democracy and development are not just theories but are practicable and realistic if properly applied in the right environment. This particular literature contributed greatly to this work as helped shed
more light on the development-democracy link as it argues quite convincingly on the nexus between democracy and development in modern societies.
Obasanjo (2005) discussed the importance of the Commonwealth to Nigeria and reiterated that the Commonwealth is of strategic importance to Nigeria, and vice versa. Nigeria attaches great importance to its membership of the Commonwealth. On the occasion of Nigeria's admittance as the 99th member of the United Nations, the first Prime Minister, Late Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, publicly declared that “Nigeria is proud of its membership of the Commonwealth”. This means that in spite of our membership of the United Nations, the commitment of Nigeria to the Commonwealth would always be of prime importance.
A review of Nigeria’s post-independence history reveals the important roles that the Commonwealth has played in our national life. For example, during the Nigerian crisis of the 1960’s, which eventually led to the Civil war in 1967, the Commonwealth was the first international organization to attempt a solution to the crisis. The then Secretary-General, Arnold Smith, organized the first ever peace
meeting between the government and the leaders of the Biafran secessionist movement in Kampala, Uganda, in 1966. Thereafter, the Commonwealth Organization took a stand to support the maintenance of Nigeria’s territorial integrity. This helped to further strengthen Commonwealth-Nigeria relations in the aftermath of the war. The Commonwealth’s decision influenced the actions and attitude of other international organizations and leading world powers, which contributed immensely to Nigeria’s survival. This literature is relevant to this work in that it helps reveal some past activities of the Commonwealth in Nigeria, showing how it has influenced and helped stabilize the Nigerian political environment, consequently preserving Nigeria’s future as a nation.
Another crucial role which the Commonwealth Organization played in Nigeria was its dedication to the Nigerian democratic cause. The return of Nigeria to a democratic system of governance, after numerous years of military rule can be alluded to her Commonwealth membership, as Nigeria was suspended from the Commonwealth in November 1995 due to her lack of respect for the rule of law, the censorship of the press, and the abuse of human rights, especially with the execution of Ken SaroWiwa and the Ogoni 8. This, alongside
other international sanctions and bans slowly ensured that Nigeria returned to a democratic system, especially with the eventual death of Gen. Sani Abacha in 1998.
Anyaokwu (1999) emphasized how the Commonwealth has been able to bring development to Nigeria by consistently pushing for a return to democracy and the rule of law. Consequently, Nigeria was suspended from the Commonwealth Organization by the Commonwealth Heads of Government Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) and subsequently readmitted, after considerable efforts had been made by the government of the day to adopt and enforce the internationally accepted norm of fundamental human rights. However, this unfortunate episode in Nigeria-Commonwealth relations came to a smooth end with the return of Nigeria to a democratic state on May 29th 1999 and Nigeria consequently resumed her rightful place in the Commonwealth thereafter.
He also stressed the Commonwealth’s pride in Nigeria’s return to democracy. According to him, democracy in Nigeria is a fresh start and a victory for democracy, which is a very important and fundamental principle of the Commonwealth. Anyaokwu went further
to state that Nigeria is not alone in addressing the challenges of economic growth and development and Nigeria can expect support from the international community, including the Commonwealth, which had provided assistance in the last transition programme, and still stands ready to work with Nigeria in promoting its fundamental political values of democracy, human rights, the rule of law and a just and honest government. This work exhibited the Commonwealth’s drive for development in her member states, showing areas of priority and interest. Also, the core values of democracy, development and rule of law, and the emphasis upon them as the core ideals of the Commonwealth organization are extensively discussed and reinforced, as they form the backbone of all the Commonwealth stands for.
Anyaokwu went further to state that Nigeria may be able to benefit from Commonwealth technical assistance in the area of public service reform and also in reviewing her legislative framework for foreign investment. Support can also be provided to help improve systems that ensure transparency and accountability. He also stated that the Commonwealth is always ready to show her commitment to Nigeria though this commitment would only be shown to states with
democratic systems of government that guarantees the rights of all citizens and the rule of law can deliver long-term political stability, which in turn would provide the basis for sustainable development in a country as pluralistic and diverse as Nigeria.
The Commonwealth organization has tried in so many ways, to influence democracy and development not only in Nigeria, but also in other member countries. This goal has necessitated the formation of many internal sub-organization and committees within the Commonwealth. Some include; the Overseas development Assistance (ODA), the Commonwealth Expert Group, the Commonwealth Reconstruction and Development Programme, the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group (EPG), the Commonwealth Youth Programme (CYO), the Commonwealth Observer Group, the Commonwealth Fund for Technical Cooperation (CFTC), the Commonwealth Scholarship Programme, amongst others. These organizations, with different mandates, have been trying, at their various individual levels to effect positive change in their target societies.
Eze (2004) argued that the Commonwealth is engaged in diverse aspects of development such as education, peace and security, democracy, and human rights. According to him, bold initiatives have been taken in the aspect of debt relief and/or cancellation since the 1980’s. Furthermore, the pace-setting Harare Declaration also emphasized the vitality of sustainable development and poverty alleviation. According to him, the Commonwealth places prime importance on issues relating to gender equality, poverty reduction, as well as conflict prevention and resolution. The influence of the CFTC on development is also extensively discussed with particular reference to the aim of promoting economic and social development, as well as the achievement of poverty alleviation in member states. He also discussed the conditions for sustainable development which includes; the peace, security, democracy and political governance initiative, the economic and corporate governance initiative, the human resource development initiative, etc. All these are believed to be capable of bringing about sustainable development if strictly adopted.
Eze (2004) also recognized the financial limitation of the Commonwealth as it does not have the wherewithal and resources to cater for all the needs of her member states. He further argued that the
Commonwealth has a limited capacity to have a major impact on sustainable development especially as its major agencies or organization such as the educational facilities, capacity building facilitators and the CFTC, have financial obligations which cannot all be met. Furthermore, he lamented Africa’s marginalization in the process of globalization, as market liberalization and deregulation have tended to promote de-industrialization and undermined our capacity to compete in the global market. He then recommended some solutions which include enhancing the capacity of the Commonwealth to act by reinventing it as a premium organization with greater commitment and practical pursuits of its aims and objectives, reforming the World Trade Organization (WTO) through the G8 members to promote the new partnership envisaged under NEPAD and also promoting peace, conflict prevention, management and resolution. Eze then concluded that the Commonwealth must show that she is truly committed to the cause of her member states and is ready to fight for the common good of all her member states by ensuring equity in the distribution of the benefits of globalization and also, a corresponding burden-sharing of its negative consequences. This literature focused extensively on the activities of the
Commonwealth Organization, highlighting its challenges in its quest to develop and unite Commonwealth member states. It also recommended solutions to some of the challenges of the Commonwealth, as identified in the book.
Obasanjo (2005) contended that it is pertinent for the Commonwealth to continue to show solidarity and support to her member states. He believed that for the Commonwealth to remain relevant to her member countries, it must be seen to be contributing effectively to their economic viability by addressing issues of debt, poverty, unfair trading systems, the denial of market access, and the ravages of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. He further went to argue that if all the above are properly implemented, especially in the developing countries of the Commonwealth, the Commonwealth will be viewed as an organization that is committed to her member states and this would in-turn elicit their support and solidarity. For example, the Commonwealth organized a Commonwealth-Nigeria Investment conference in Abuja, which signaled the intent of the Commonwealth to help foster economic expansion and development in Nigeria. This would help to further strengthen the relations between Nigeria and the Commonwealth, as well as make Nigeria even more supportive
towards Commonwealth-related activities. This work helped identify certain areas in which it is believed the Commonwealth Organization can give better attention and priority, especially on the African continent.
Anyaokwu (2000) also noted that the importance of globalization cannot be overemphasized in today's world, as no country is untouched by the forces of globalization. He then went ahead to state that there can be no denying that globalization is an unstoppable process, but it is essential that the process is managed so that the benefits are distributed more equitably both between and within countries, with special attention given to the developing countries. The Commonwealth Business Forum in Johannesburg and the Durban Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) further articulated the needs of the developing nations of the Commonwealth. He finally stated that the challenge is to seize the opportunities opened up by globalization while minimizing its risks.
Anyaokwu further argues that the government must show great transparency in the management of the country's oil and natural gas resources, and reforming its public services. According to him, urgent
action will be needed on the part of the government in dealing with the acute energy shortage in Nigeria, especially of petrol and electricity, and improving its transportation and telecommunications infrastructure. In this regard, private-public partnerships may have a role to play in accelerating infrastructure development in the country. He further went ahead to say that Nigeria is not alone in addressing the challenges of economic growth and development. The country can expect support from the international community, including the Commonwealth, which provided assistance during the last transition programme, and which stands ready to work with Nigeria in promoting its fundamental political values of democracy, human rights, the rule of law and a just and honest government.
Anyaokwu also highlighted the fact that the role the Commonwealth has played or is playing in the development of Nigeria cannot be understated. For example, as regards Nigeria’s huge debt profile, the Commonwealth has taken a prominent role in drawing attention to the crippling effect of debt on many countries and has given its support to agreements to provide deeper, wider and faster debt relief, particularly for the Heavily-Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC’s). He finally reasoned that a realistic approach to Nigeria's requirements will help
to advance the country's emergence from an unsustainable position. This work extensively discussed the importance of globalization and its impact on Commonwealth and member state relations, the vitality of transparent leadership by those in political offices. It also touched on issues relating to domestic development, and the need to practice democracy in the real sense of it. Another pertinent issue discussed was debt relief and sustainable development.
Adelusi (2006) defined sustainable development as development that not only generates economic growth but distributes its benefits equitably, that regenerates the environment rather than destroys it; that empowers people rather than marginalizing them. It is development that gives priority to the poor, enlarging their choices and opportunities and providing for their participation in decisions that affects their lives. According to him, it is development that is pro-people, pro-nature, pro-jobs, and pro-woman. (UNDP; HDR, 1994: P. iii). He views development as an essential component of the ethic of the universalism of life.
Douthwaite (1999) defined sustainability as the ability of the world to engage in processes by which all things are produced, and once
established, would be capable of being continued for an indefinite period of time without causing a progressive deterioration in any factor, human or environmental, that they affected or on which they relied.
Ogunyemi (2005) argued that the term "Sustainable development" has meant different things to different writers. Whilst some have tended to focus on production and thus narrowly viewed it as a process of achieving a buoyant economy (e.g. Stepanov, 2004; Adesanya, 2004), others who focus on the natural environment (e.g. Taranets & Alyona, 2004; Raheem, Hanninem & Ogunyemi, 2004), believe sustainable development is all about achieving an ecological balance. And yet for others (e.g. Scoullos, 2004; Newman, 2004), the process goes beyond what is expressed in these two constricted standpoints, to include all what mankind and nature require for their survival both at the present moment as well as in the future. It is particularly important to note that there are at least three major groups who employ the term “sustainable development” for very different and often contradictory goals i.e economic, social, and environmental (Goodland and Daly, 2006).
This last definition/view is particularly evident in the popular report of the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) which asserts that sustainable development is "a process in which the exploitation of resources, the direction of investments, the orientation of technological development, and institutional change are all in harmony and enhance both current and future potential to meet human needs and aspirations" (WCED 1987, p.43). This particular definition of sustainable development has been amplified to integrate issues of economic growth, social development and environmental security following the Rio Earth Summit of 1992 and the Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) of 2002.
Chapter 36 of Agenda 21 of the Rio Summit underscores the importance of education in achieving sustainability principles or sustainable living. The Rio conference specifically called on all countries to develop and implement an Education for Sustainable Development Strategy by 2002. The World Conservation Union explains that, since Rio and Johannesburg, Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) has been understood beyond the traditional view of education about sustainability which focuses merely on dissemination of knowledge. Rather, ESD is seen as a process of
adaptive management and systems thinking, requiring creativity, flexibility and critical reflection. And central to this process is learning to access and influence systems for public participation for decision-making (IUCH, 2003).
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), (2003) identified four principles or conditions of sustainable development (SD) accompanied with associated educational skills for attaining them. The first condition is "recognition of the challenge"; this requires skills in "learning to know". Secondly, SD demands "collective responsibility and constructive partnership": the skill needed here is "learning to live together". The third condition for attaining SD is "acting with determination"; this calls for skills in "learning to do". The last principle of SD is "the indivisibility of human dignity"; with the educational task of "Learning to be". To implement these principles within the ESD framework, UNESCO (2003) highlights four domains which are basic education, reorienting existing education programs, developing public awareness and understanding of sustainability, and training. It is thus hoped that the implementation of the SD principles
in concurrence with the associated educational tasks, within these four domains, would translate into sustainable living.
Sustainable development as an aspiration is global; as an ongoing process, it is local. Gaining inspiration from the Brundtland (WCED, 1987) definition of 1987, sustainable development at the global level is now generally understood as “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs”. This has broad appeal and little specificity, but some combination of development and environment is found in most attempts to describe it. The Brundtland commission therefore considered population control, food security, and energy supply as the critical components of sustainability (Charles Hall, 2000). Many in the scientific community have adopted the notion of a sustainability transition, one in which basic human needs are met, hunger and poverty are reduced, all while sustaining the life support systems of the planet. (NRC-BSD, 1999).
Douthwaite (1999) in Richard Munck and Denis O’Hearn’s Critical Development Theory questioned the possibility of building a sustainable world. According to him, the wide gulf and deepening
conflict between the developed and developing world has led to the absence of a consensus on the creation of a harmonized global policy that would help engender a sustainable world. He further argued that another reason the global system is unsustainable is because resources are being depleted faster than they can be replaced. As a result, we witness desertification, deforestation, animal endangerment and extinction, as well as a general Tragedy of the Commons. The unsustainability of the world was illustrated with the problems created by the growing use of chemicals alone. According to the United Nations (1997), “The increasing, pervasive use and spread of chemicals to fuel economic development is causing major health risks, environmental contamination, and disposal problems…..Environmental emergencies involving chemicals appear to be steadily increasing.”
In conclusion, it is very evident from the above that Nigeria is still a long way off, if she really aims to achieve the millennium goals and indeed, the seven point agenda of President Yar’Adua, which aims towards rapid growth and development of Nigeria. It is truly unfortunate that after the much celebrated Independence Day on the 1st of October 1960, 49 years on, Nigeria still does not have much to
celebrate about. The sorry state of our infrastructure and economy has prompted the intervention of various international and non-governmental organizations in various aspects of the Nigerian economy in order to help stem an otherwise negative trend. Thus, this project will be taking a look at the British Commonwealth, and how it has been able to impact upon sustainable development in Nigeria.
1.10 Theoretical framework
In this study, the theoretical framework to be employed shall be the development theory. The development theory was adopted because it best captures the essence of this project work, and would provide valuable insights into development in nations. It will also help explain the development phenomena in the pursuit of sustainable development which entails capacity building, and the utilization of resources in such a way as to ensure the sustainability of the environment.
In recent years, development programming has been focused on the overriding issues of equity and equality in the distribution of the gains from developmental efforts. A lot of concern has been expressed about the predication of the rural poor and the imperatives of several baseline requirements for human development. These include access
to land and water resources, agricultural inputs and services; including extension and research facilities, and participatory development strategies to tackle rural poverty, with social equity and social participation viewed as essential to well rounded socio-economic development.
Development theory emerged as a stable, academic field of inquiry after WW2 when European countries were trying to keep their former colonies at arm’s length. Throughout these years, development theory and practice was strongly characterized by the transmission of moral values from industrialized countries to less developed ones. Development has been primarily measured by increase in the gross national product (GNP). Early development theorists such as Bert Hoselitz, Simon Kuznets, W. Arthur Lewis, etc were among the first economists to begin analyzing development as a distinct subject (Berbantti, 2004:1)
This relatively new system has produced concepts such as people-centred development, participatory development and sustainable development. The concept of people-centred development emphasizes the need for meaningful development to be human centred, since
development entails the full utilization of a nations’ human and material resources for the satisfaction of diverse human needs.
According to Chinsman (1995), a development programme that is people-oriented should achieve the following;
• Enable people realize their potential, build self-confidence and lead lives of dignity and fulfillment.
• Free people from poverty, ignorance, filth, squalor, deprivation and exploitation, recognizing that underdevelopment has wider social consequences; and
• Correct existing social, economic or political injustices
The notion of participatory development bridges the interrelated goals of development and empowerment of people. Development has to be designed to capture what the people themselves perceive to be their interests and needs.
Development should be understood as a process, not a product. Societies are always changing. Some improve, others degenerate or worsen. Development theory aims at explaining both processes. Development practice intends to provide tools that can be applied to
entire societies or specific communities. Such interventions are intended to move communities or societies from a situation in which they are believed to be worse off, to a situation in which they are assumed to be better off. Critics of development theory such as Jonathan Crush and Arturo Escobar, see development as a set of rational, managerial prescriptions through which industrialized nations have largely imposed their views and models onto the beneficiaries of aid, forcing to some extent, a change in the identities of those who have benefitted (Berbantti, 2004:1).
Globalization and development intervention are intended to move societies from a situation in which they are believed to be worse off, to situations in which they are assumed to be better off. However, there is a great deal of contention or argument on what determines who is “worse” and who is “better” (Adelman, 1998:2).
In conclusion, if society is to become more sustainable, major alterations will be needed to the nature of government, personnel behavior, ethics and ability to cope with uncertainty. Therefore, societies most sympathetic to the wind of positive change will most likely experience development. Therefore, this framework is
applicable to this work in that it helps bridge the gap between development efforts and actual development and whether such development can be termed as sustainable on the long run
1.11 Outline of Chapters
This study would comprise of four chapters, they include:
Chapter one comprises of the background of study, problem of research, research questions, research objectives, rationale for study, scope/ limitations of study, literature review, theoretical framework and then research methodology.
Chapter two comprises of the history of the Commonwealth in Nigeria and Commonwealth-Nigeria relations.
Chapter three focuses on the case study. It comprises of an analysis on the Commonwealth and sustainable development in Nigeria.
Chapter four comprises of the Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations
References
Adeleke, A. (2004), “Nigeria and the Commonwealth” in Ogwu.U (ed.) (2004) Nigeria, Africa and the Commonwealth. Lagos: Printserve Limited.
Adelusi, O. (2006), Development Policies and Analysis: A Reader. Akure: Standard Mass Concept Company
Adelman, I. (1998), Theories of economic growth and development. PaloAlto: Stanford Press.
Akinrinade, S (1993), “Nigeria and the Commonwealth: Quo Vadis?” in Owoeye, J (ed.) (1993) Nigeria in International Institutions. Ibadan: College Press Limited.
Anyaokwu, E (1999), “Nigeria Resumes Full Commonwealth
Membership” Retrieved from
http://www.thecommonwealth.org. Accessed on the 28th of Aug. 2009.
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Africa: A Joint Programme of Action”. Washington D.C
CHAPTER TWO
HISTORY OF THE COMMONWEALTH IN NIGERIA AND RELATIONS BETWEEN NIGERIA AND THE
COMMONWEALTH.
2.1 The History of Commonwealth-Nigeria Relations
On January 1st 1901, Nigeria became a protectorate of the British Empire, which was the world’s foremost power at the time. By 1914, the area which was formally made up of the Protectorates of Eastern Nigeria, Northern Nigeria and Western Nigeria and the Crown colony of Lagos, was formally united as the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria. Nigeria was granted full independence on the 1st of October 1960, under a constitution that provided for a parliamentary system of government, and a substantial measure of self-autonomy for the country’s three regions. The Commonwealth of Nations, usually known as the Commonwealth and previously as the British Commonwealth, is an inter-governmental organization of fifty-three independent member states. Most of them were formerly parts of the British Empire. They co-operate within a framework of common values and goals, as outlined in the Singapore Declaration. These common core values include the promotion of democracy, human
rights, good governance, the rule of law, individual liberty, egalitarianism, free trade, multilateralism, and world peace.
The Commonwealth was established on 11 December 1931. It is not a political union, but an intergovernmental organization through which countries with diverse social, political, and economic backgrounds are regarded as equal in status. Its activities are carried out through the permanent Commonwealth Secretariat, headed by the Secretary-General; biennial Meetings between Commonwealth Heads of Government; and the Commonwealth Foundation, which facilitates activities of non-governmental organizations in the so-called 'Commonwealth Family'. The symbol of this free association is the Head of the Commonwealth, which is a ceremonial position currently held by Queen Elizabeth II.
The formal organization of the Commonwealth has its origins in the Imperial Conferences of the late 1920s (conferences of British and colonial prime ministers had occurred periodically since 1887), where the independence of the self-governing colonies and especially of dominions was recognized, particularly in the Balfour Declaration at the Imperial Conference in 1926, when UK and its dominions agreed they were "equal in status, in no way subordinate one to another in
any aspect of their domestic or external affairs, though united by common allegiance to the Crown, and freely associated as members of the British Commonwealth of Nations". This relationship was eventually formalized by the Statute of Westminster in 1931.
According to Asobie (1993), Nigeria formally joined the Commonwealth of Nations and the United Nations as soon as it became independent in 1960. As a former colony of the British Empire, close ties were maintained in the aftermath of independence and this encouraged Nigeria’s membership of the Commonwealth, which was to become one of the veritable tools of Nigerian foreign policy, and acted as a means through which some national interests were pursued and achieved. Over the years, the degree of importance Nigeria places on international organizations has varied. From 1960 to 1966, the Commonwealth and the United Nations ranked highest in Nigeria’s official diplomatic thinking and practice. In contrast, from 1970 onwards, the Commonwealth was slightly relegated, with the Organization of African Unity (OAU) gaining Nigeria’s prime attention and focus.
Ofuegbu (1978) argued that Nigeria joined the Commonwealth for five main reasons. Adopting David Easton’s systems theoretical
framework, he perceived the Commonwealth as a “structural device within the international environment that exerts considerable pulls on nations and their leaders. One prime reason was the belief that all members of the Commonwealth were politically autonomous and legally equal and thus, Nigeria had nothing to lose, but much to gain by joining the organization.
Another reason he held was that Nigerian leaders felt we could benefit from the collective wisdom of the association with its wealth of experience and intelligence, on military and economic matters, as well as the knowledge that technical assistance and financial aid schemes from which Nigeria could benefit, existed under the auspices of the Commonwealth. In analyzing Commonwealth-Nigeria relations, he stated that before 1967, Nigeria’s foreign policy priorities were “the Commonwealth, the world, and Africa in that order”. However, the events of the Civil war “removed the Commonwealth from its dominating position, which it had occupied between 1954 and 1967, and replaced it with a new emphasis on Africa, a more realistic position towards Europe, and a genuine cultivation of the friendship of Russia and Eastern Europe.”
The importance Nigeria places on the Commonwealth cannot be overemphasized, as evidenced by statements from various Nigerian leaders after independence. Awolowo declared that:
Nigeria should take her place in the Commonwealth of Nations, and should not hesitate to make clear beyond any shadow of doubt her attitude towards the ideals for which Western democracies stand. In so far as it is compatible with her honest convictions, national interests and her legitimate obligations as a loyal member of the Commonwealth of Nations, she should maintain cordial relations with all other nations of the world… (Awolowo, 1960)
According to Odion-Akhaine (2003), Nigeria’s participation and influence in the Commonwealth started immediately after her membership and this was evidenced by the role Alhaji Tafawa Balewa played in the evolution of the Commonwealth’s regulatory mechanism, by suggesting the creation of a charter of guiding principles during the Prime Minister’s Meeting (PPM) in 1964. The Commonwealth hitherto did not have a charter of guiding principles that existed to guide the actions of member states, as well as serve as a sign-post that displays all that the Commonwealth stands for.
Odion-Akhaine further argued that another notable influence of Nigeria on the Commonwealth was in the area of peace-making and reconciliation, as well as the fight against racism and apartheid in Africa, especially Zimbabwe and South Africa. Lagos, Nigeria served as the venue where the Ian Smith led racist government in Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) was engaged in talks in January 1966, over the segregation and oppression of the majority blacks in Zimbabwe. The Rhodesian crisis was called a “crisis of confidence about British intentions”, as it revealed Britain’s support for the continued control of Zimbabwe by the minority white imperialists.
By 1979, Nigeria increased the pressure on Britain by severing diplomatic relations with Britain, and nationalized the British Petroleum Company Nigeria Limited through decree No. 56 of August 31, 1979. Nigeria also led the fight for the liberation of South Africa from colonialism and apartheid by contributing to the exit of South Africa from the Commonwealth in 1961 and also mobilizing for the boycott of the Commonwealth games of 1986, which was hosted by Britain. This pressure, in conjunction with other frontline states bore fruit as a seven-nation Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group (EPG) was set up in Nassau, in 1985. The group was co-chaired by
Malcolm Fraser of Australia and Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, both of whom made attempts to bring an end to the apartheid system and the restoration of Black majority rule in South Africa.
Nigeria’s role during those years was one of democratic engagement, and the South African Question (Rhodesia, apartheid South Africa and Namibia) led to the articulation of some concrete guiding principles that were integrated into the final communiqué of the Singapore summit of 1971; these principles are known as “The declaration of Commonwealth Principles”. They were in essence, democratic principles that could be regarded as the forerunner of the Harare Principles. That declaration stressed in part that:
We believe in the liberty of the individual, in equal rights for all citizens regardless of race, colour, creed or political belief, and in their inalienable right to participate by means of free and democratic political process in framing the society in which they live. We therefore strive to promote in each of our countries those representative institutions and guarantees for personal freedom under the law that are our common heritage….. (Singapore, 1971)
Also, Nigeria’s efforts resulted in the general elections of 1979 in Zimbabwe, which established black majority rule under the leadership of Robert Mugabe.
2.2 Nigeria-Commonwealth Relations
Commonwealth-Nigeria relations have been relatively straightforward since independence, with the exception of the many eras of military rule in Nigeria which brought about a long period of uncertainty and instability that threatened Nigeria’s political future. Also, the many military interventions in Nigeria’s governance system, as well as the high level of disregard for human rights and the rule of law left many States and international organizations no choice but to label Nigeria a pariah state. Nigeria-Commonwealth relations were most distressed under military rule as Nigeria violated many provisions of the popular Harare Convention and was thus suspended for a period of time under the Abacha administration.
Adeoti (2003) examined Nigeria’s frosty relations with the Commonwealth under military rule. He noted that Nigeria’s current civil rule can be partly credited to the Commonwealth, as they helped pile pressure on successive military governments to relinquish their
draconian hold on political power. Nigeria endured military rule for nearly 15 years following the demise of her Second Republic, until May 1999 when the democratically elected government of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo assumed power. The Nigerian political history has weathered various storms, characterized by seven military regimes and two democratically elected governments since it gained independence from Britain in 1960. From 1967-1970, Nigeria fought a 30-month civil war due to a failure of governance at the national level. Also, between 1986-1993, a costly transition programme was initiated by the military regime of General Ibrahim Babangida. It consequently resulted in the election of Chief M.K.O Abiola, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) flag bearer.
The June 12, 1993 elections was consensually adjudged to be the most free and fair in the country’s electoral annals, although it was annulled by the Babangida led military regime. The various peaceful protests embarked upon by Nigerians, as well as pressures from external states and organizations through sanctions forced the Babangida government out of power on 27th August 1993. A hurriedly arranged interim government (ING), headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan was put in place to fill the ensuing power vacuum. However, the highly delegitimized
government was declared illegal by a court ruling on October 10 1993 and by 17 November the same year; the military staged a comeback that witnessed the emergence of General Sani Abacha as the head of state. Under the leadership of Gen. Sani Abacha, Nigeria gained widespread international notoriety for her abysmally poor human rights record, which was evidenced by the lack of press freedom, the jailing of Chief M.K.O Abiola, the winner of the annulled 1993 presidential elections, and the hanging of Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni 9.
According to Odion-Akhaine (2003), Nigeria-Commonwealth relations were most strained during the regime of Gen. Sani Abacha. Following the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential elections by General Ibrahim Babangida, Nigeria began the perilous march towards international isolation. Also, the failure of the ING to stabilize the nation, following the persistent challenges of legitimacy and credibility, led to the emergence of Gen. Sani Abacha through a palace coup. The popular demands by pro-democracy activists such as Femi Falana, Prof. Wole Soyinka, Late Chief Gani Fawehinmi, etc and other human rights activists for the revalidization of the June 12 electoral mandate only strengthened Abacha’s resolve to remain in
power. He re-introduced the unpopular decree no.2 of 1984, invented by the erstwhile regime of his past predecessor, General Muhammadu Buhari. This, among other became the fighting tools of his regime. Many journalists, pro-democracy campaigners and human rights agitators were arrested and detained indefinitely without trial. Abacha’s resolve to hold onto power indefinitely became strengthened with the discovery of two coup plots between 1995 and 1997. The duo of General Olusegun Obasanjo and Major General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, innocent civilians, and some top military personnel in the Abacha regime were accused of complicity in the attempted coup and sentenced to death.
The disregard for the pleas by the international community to Gen. Abacha to respect the rule of law and fundamental human rights of Nigerians drew the ire of the International Community, especially the Commonwealth Secretariat in London. The Secretary-General of the body, Chief Emeka Anyaokwu, a Nigerian, rose to condemn the gross violation of human rights abuses and pleaded for fair trial and the release of Chief Abiola and others, who had been unjustly jailed and punished for their role in the phantom coups. He consequently warned the regime to desist from acts of state terrorism or face sanctions,
which may include the suspension of the country from the Commonwealth. However, all these seemed to only motivate Abacha the more and more pro-democracy activists were arrested without trial and human rights fighters such as Pa Alfred Rewane, and Mrs. Kudirat Abiola, wife of Chief M.K.O Abiola were assassinated by state agents. All these led to the labeling of Nigeria as a pariah state by the International Community.
The Nigeria-Commonwealth relations suffered a major setback over the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight others of his Ogoni kinsmen. The highly profitable crude oil export Nigeria engaged in was causing extensive and far- reaching damage to humans and the environment in the Niger-Delta, as oil wealth had become a nightmare for the people of the oil producing areas to which Ogoni people belong. However, the fact that they are a minority ethnic group, coupled with the intricacies of the Nigerian political system, helped relegate the Ogonis and their interests to the background. They argued that the wealth being exploited from their environment is being used to develop other areas with no special attention to them, the oil producers.
Ken Saro-Wiwa, who found the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) later led a campaign for self determination, as the Nigerian federation was viewed to have failed the Ogonis in their quest for a cleaner, more sustainable environment. Saro-Wiwa’s struggle was hinged on the need for social justice for minorities, equity in Nigerian power sharing, amongst others. The MOSOP campaign was not domestic in nature as the case was taken to the American government, the United Nations, the London Rainforest Group, the Unrepresented Nations, and the special conference for indigenous peoples at The Hague, Netherland. Films and lecture tours on the vast environmental degradation in Ogoniland were also produced. The MOSOP action gained widespread attention when it was able to forcibly stop SHELL operations in Ogoniland, and this action became a recurring event across the Niger-Delta.
According to Ake (1994), factional conflict within the Ogoni leadership led to the murder of four Ogoni chiefs, who were suspected of being counter-revolutionaries, by a mob of Ogoni youths and this act led to the arrest, detention, trial and conviction of ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other MOSOP leaders. Also, the persistent pleas for clemency by the International Community, which included the British
Prime Minister, the United States Congress, Nelson Mandela, Robert Mugabe, human rights groups and the international media, yielded no results.
It is pertinent to note that international reaction to the brutal killing of Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni 8 was widespread, witnessing consensual condemnation and the imposition of diverse bans and suspensions from various international organization. This era effectively characterized the dark years Nigeria experienced under military rule and led to the labeling of Nigeria as a “pariah state” in the international system. Nigeria and her leaders were called names. Most notably, Nelson Mandela called Nigerian leaders “irresponsible and reckless”, vowing to call for Nigeria’s expulsion from the Commonwealth. Mr. Robin Cook of the British Foreign Office also supported the widespread sanctions and calls for Nigeria’s expulsion from the Commonwealth, arguing that “Nigeria should not be allowed to return to the Commonwealth because it has not made progress on human rights and democracy since its suspension from the Commonwealth”.
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