2018, No. 5, 93-103 ©Senshu University 2018 http://ir.acc.senshu-u.ac.jp
Social Well-being, Religion, and Suicide:
A Comparison of Japan and Korea
with Thailand and Indonesia
a University of Indonesia
Corresponding Author:
Iwan Gardono Sudjatmiko, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Department of Sociology, University of Indonesia, UI Depok, Jawa Barat 16424, Indonesia. The studies of society and their indicators
extend from economic or material dimensions to subjective well-being or the non-material dimension. As stated in one study: “…the time is ripe for our measurement system to shift emphasis from measuring economic production to measuring people’s well-being” [Emphasis in the original] (Stiglitz, Sen, and Fitoussi 2009: 12). Recently, economic indicators, such as Gross Domestic Product, have been supported by the Human Development Index (HDI) and various well-being indexes such as the Global Well-being Index, World Culture Values, and World Giving Index. On the personal level, subjective well-being consists of two sub-dimensions: emotional well-being in life and life satisfaction (Kahneman and Deaton 2010). Inglehart (2010) also states that life satisfaction taps into a cognitive evaluation while happiness taps into a more
Iwan Gardono Sudjatmiko,a Lidya Triana Aly,a Roy Ferdy Gunawan,a
Tiara Wahyuningtyas,a and Rangga Ardan Rahima
Abstract
This study analyzes the relationships between social well-being, religion, and suicide in Japan, Korea, Thailand, and Indonesia. Both Japan and Korea are countries with high economic development, and yet these countries are found to have lower levels of happiness than Thailand and Indonesia. Moreover, in these countries the suicide rates, a sign of unhappiness, are also higher. This is a condition of an external paradox occurring between different countries, rather than within one country like the Easterlin internal paradox where economic growth in a country is not accompanied by happiness. The findings show that happiness or personal well-being should be analyzed in both macro and meso contexts. Religion, as a macro-subjective factor, should be given more attention in the study of happiness and suicide.
Keywords
social well-being, religion, suicide, external paradox of happiness
affective dimension despite these being two aspects of subjective well-being. In the affective dimension, religion becomes an important factor where the individual’s religious perceptions of the importance of God and associated activities (i.e., religious attendance) often correlate with happiness.
Several studies have shown the relation between religion and happiness. For example, an extensive Gallup World Poll of 154 nations from 2006 to 2008 found that on average, 74% of people reported that religion was important in their daily life (Crabtree 2010).
Another study reports that approximately 85% of people have at least some form of religious belief (Zuckerman 2007). Evidence from 139 academic studies examining the relationship between religion and well-being shows a positive correlation between certain aspects of religion (affiliation, religiosity, belief, group, and personal participation) and certain aspects of well-being (subjective well-being, mental health, physical health, and health-supporting behaviors) (Spencer et al. 2016). Finally, a study shows that almost 90% of the world’s population indicates that religious people are happier than non-religious people despite their lower incomes (Inglehart 2010: 384).
In the happiness studies, we are aware that the Easterlin paradox states that economic growth is not related to happiness (Easterlin 1974). However, several critics state that the paradox does not hold (Stevenson and Wolfers 2008). In addition to this paradox, there is also another happiness and suicide paradox wherein rich countries, such as the Nordic states, are found to have high suicide rates. Those paradoxes occur in rich countries and can be called internal paradoxes. Furthermore, we have also discovered an interesting phenomenon where developed or rich countries have lower happiness and higher suicide rates than those of developing countries (Daly et al. 2011). These paradoxes can be called external paradoxes as they compare developed and developing countries. All of these paradoxes can be seen in Table 1.
This study aims to analyze the relation between life satisfaction, religion, and suicide in Japan, Korea, Thailand, and Indonesia. The analysis also provides insights into how countries with relatively high economic development like Japan and Korea
have lower life satisfaction than Thailand and Indonesia. Moreover, the high economic development in those two countries is also found to be associated with high suicide rates. These paradoxes regarding life satisfaction and suicide will be analyzed by using indexes such as the World Values Survey, Gallup-Healthways Being Index (Global Well-being Index), Human Development Index (HDI), and the International Comparative Surveys on Lifestyle and Values (ICSLV) of Senshu University Consortium.
SOCIAL WELL-BEING AND
THE EXTERNAL PARADOX
A comparison of Japan and Korea with Thailand and Indonesia illustrates that the former two countries have high scores on economic and human development as shown by their GDP and HDI. Interestingly, when two of the well-being indexes are included (GWBI), this results in a lower score for Japan and Korea in comparison to Thailand and Indonesia. This a condition of external paradox type 3 where two developed countries have lower well-being indexes than two developing countries.
Table 2 shows that Japan and Korea have higher socioeconomic development compared to Thailand and Indonesia; however, the latter have higher scores on well-being indexes. This external paradox is reconfirmed by the ICSLV survey as shown in Table 3.
Table 3 shows that Japan (5.05) and Korea (5.15) have lower scores on well-being compared to Thailand (7.64) and Indonesia (7.80). These lower scores are caused by low scores on macro-societal (socioeconomic), meso-relational (social support), and personal-micro (meaning of life) conditions.
Table 1. The Paradoxes of Happiness
Paradox Growth and Happiness Happiness and Suicide Internal Paradox
(single category: developed countries) 1. Easterlin Paradox(Economic growth is not associated with rising life satisfaction)
2. Developed countries with high suicide rate
External Paradox
(two categories: developed and developing countries)
3. Developing countries but happier than
Moreover, there is also a religion or macro-subjective factor that influences meso and micro conditions.
RELIGION AND HAPPINESS
Religion, which comprises spiritual and supernatural capital, can actually increase the well-being conditions of society, community, and individuals. In other words, it can increase and compensate for low social well-being. In the following discussion we will analyze the World Values Survey which highlights the importance of religion, religious attendance, and prayer. Table 4 indicates that both Indonesia and Thailand rank higher on this dimension than Korea and Japan.
The happiness and life satisfaction in Table 5 are almost all significantly correlated to religion in the four countries, except for Thailand (the importance of God) and Japan (moments of prayer).
In Table 6 we see the relation between religions and reliance on religious temples and organizations, and also happiness and life satisfaction.
Table 6 shows that the correlations (Kendall’s tau b) between reliance on religious temples and organization are significant in the four countries. However,
religious happiness, and life satisfaction are only significantly correlated in Korea and Japan.
RELIGION AND SUICIDE
Religions can prevent suicides in their adherents regardless of their level of income as shown in many Islamic countries, which do not have poor social conditions such as war and internal conflicts. However, in developed countries, such as Japan and Korea, which have high rates of atheism (66.2% and 49.4%, respectively) (ICSLV Survey), there may be the effect of macro social conditions or weak social support. Table 7 shows the relation between life satisfaction and suicide in the four countries.
In addition, the World Values Survey includes religion as an indicator and highlights the importance of religion, religious attendance, and prayer. Table 8 indicates that both Indonesia and Thailand rank higher than Korea and Japan.
An important item of data in Table 8 is peoples’ justification of suicide. It was found that the rate is higher in Japan and Korea (2.5% and 1%, respectively) than in Indonesia and Thailand (both are 0.4%). Table 9 shows that there are significant
Table 2. Socioeconomic and Well-being Index
GWBI (Rank 2014) GDP per capita (2017) In US$ HDI (Rank 2016) Country
Japan 92 40.849 17
Korea 117 32.775 18
Thailand 50 6.992 87
Indonesia 72 4.052 113
Source: Human Development Report (2015) and Gallup Healthways (2014)
Table 3. Social Well-being and Its Components
Dimension Components Japan Korea Thailand Indonesia Personal
well-being *Subjective happiness 5.86 5.70 7.57 8.04 Relational
well-being *Contact frequency*Relationship satisfaction 5.34 5.62 8.13 7.78 Societal
well-being *Fair competition*Equal Opportunity
*Social inclusion 3.93 4.12 7.18 7.52 Social well-being 5.05 5.15 7.64 7.80
Table 4. Religion, Happiness and Life Satisfaction
Country Religious Service
Attendancea Prayer
b Religion
Importantc God Important
d Feeling of
Happinesse Life Satisfaction f Indonesia (Wave 5) 72.9 91.7 98.0 85.2 25.6 (VH)67.9 (QH) 6.91 Thailand (Wave 6) 40.2 36.2 87.7 6.3 40.3 (VH)52.4 (QH) 7.57 Korea (Wave 6) 35.7 38.0 54.2 13.9 14.7 (VH)72.8 (QH) 6.51 Japan (Wave 6) 10.9 25.6 19.0 6.1 29.2 (VH)60.5 (QH) 6.91
Source: WVS Wave 6 (2010–2014), Wave 5 (2005–2009)
Note: a Percentage of the population attending religious services once a month or more. b Percentage of the population praying at least several times each week.
c Percentage of the population stating that religion is important (somewhat important and very important). d Percentage of the population stating that God is very important in their lives.
e Percentage of the population stating that they are quite happy or very happy. f Mean Score of the population stating that they are satisfied with life.
Table 5. Religion, Life Satisfaction, and Happiness
Attend Religious Service Importance of God in Life Moments of Prayer and Meditation Feeling of Happiness Indonesia Thailand South Korea Japan 0.091** 0.063** 0.116** 0.066* 0.075** 0.030 0.126** 0.084** 0.053* 0.110** 0.136** 0.052 Life Satisfaction Indonesia Thailand South Korea Japan 0.107** 0.046* 0.104** 0.084** 0.116** 0.240** 0.140** 0.079* 0.067* 0.019 0.104** 0.079**
Source: WVS Wave 6 (2010–2014), WVS Wave 5 (2005–2009) Note: ** correlation significant at 0.01 level (2-tailed)
* correlation significant at 0.05 level (2-tailed)
Table 6. Religion and Reliance on Religion, Happiness, and Life Satisfaction
Religion Reliance on support from temple, church, or other religious group Happiness Indonesia Thailand South Korea Japan - 0.029 - 0.039 - 0.097** - 0.064* 0.076** 0.058* 0.123** 0.039** Life Satisfaction Indonesia Thailand South Korea Japan - 0.036 - 0.021 - 0.089** - 0.059** 0.103** 0.076** 0.123** 0.032** Source: ICSLV, 2018
Note: ** correlation significant at 0.01 level (2-tailed)
negative correlations in the four countries in regard to the “importance of God” and “justification of suicide,” whereas Indonesia appears as the country with the strongest negative correlation.
The discussion above shows that Indonesia has lower rates of suicide than other countries. This comes as no surprise as Islam dominates the religious life in Indonesia with its belief that committing suicide will lead the perpetrator straight to hell. The Prophet Muhammad says: “He who commits suicide by throttling shall keep on throttling himself in the Hell Fire (forever) and he who commits suicide by stabbing
himself shall keep on stabbing himself in the Hell Fire” (Al-Bukhari 1997: Janaiz 84). It is also stated that God prohibits suicide: “And do not kill yourselves. Surely, Allah is most Merciful to you” ( The Koran 1994: Sura 4). A similar pattern of low suicide rates also occurs in other countries where Islam dominates. Moreover, Muslims who have passed away without committing suicide are granted a place in heaven: “Allah guarantees him who strives in His Cause and whose motivation for going out is nothing but Jihad in His Cause and belief in His Word, that He will admit him into Paradise (if martyred) …’’ (Al-Bukhari 1997: 4,53,352).
Table 7. Life Satisfaction and Suicide
Dimension GWBI Rank WHO Suicide Rate Rank
Japan 92 26
Korea 117 44
Thailand 50 46
Indonesia 73 172
Source: Gallup Healthways (2014); WHO (2015).
Table 8. Justification of Suicide, God, and Rituals
Country Religious Service
Attendancea Prayer
b Religion Importantc God Importantd Justifiable Suicidee
Indonesia (Wave 5) 72.9 91.7 98.0 85.2 0.4 Thailand (Wave 6) 40.2 36.2 87.7 6.3 0.4 Korea (Wave 6) 35.7 38.0 54.2 13.9 1.0 Japan (Wave 6) 10.9 25.6 19.0 6.1 2.5
Source: WVS Wave 6 (2010–2014), WVS Wave 5 (2005–2009)
Note: a Percentage of the population attending religious services once a month or more. b Percentage of the population praying at least several times each week.
c Percentage of the population stating that religion is important (somewhat important and very important). d Percentage of the population stating that God is very important in their lives.
e Percentage of the population stating suicide can always be justified.
Table 9. Justification of Suicide and Religious Rituals
Attend Religious Services Importance of God in Life Moments of Prayer and Meditation Justifiable Suicide Indonesia Thailand South Korea Japan 0.161** 0.032 0.151** 0.046 - 0.356** - 0.151** - 0.124** - 0.109** 0.211** - 0.033 0.099** 0.129**
Source: WVS Wave 6 (2010–2014), WVS Wave 5 (2005–2009) Note: ** correlation significant at 0.01 level (2-tailed)
A study of Indonesian happiness shows the importance of religion (Lewis and Cruise 2007). Another study also states that there are various determinants that affect Indonesia’s happiness (Rahayu 2016). Other than absolute income, relative income, education level, and perceived health, the author emphasizes how social capital has a significant effect on happiness. Social capital includes more tolerance of religion diversity and religion/religiosity in elections. Those two determinants were said to be able to increase happiness as they create tighter social cohesion; it is also important to have a happiness policy (Sudjatmiko et al. 2016). In regards to suicide, the lower rate of suicide in Indonesia—and in other countries with a majority of Muslim—is related to Islamic teaching.
The importance of religion in Islam can be attributed to the “scope” and “force” of religion (Geertz 1968) where Muslims and religious authorities tend to apply Islam to all social institutions in the areas of politics, economy, and leisure (Sudjatmiko, Zamjani, and Jebatu 2018). Hence, the force or intensity of the personal ritual with God (Allah) is an obligation such as the second pillar of Islam or the five daily prayers when Muslims mention Allah 558 times and Muhammad 42 times. Hamsyah and Subandi (2017) conducted a study of 51 members of a Sufi group called Sholawat A’dzom Dzikir in Central Java (Klaten and Boyolali ) with an age range from 22 to 71. The sample in this study were members who had performed dhikr for more than a year. Dhikr is a ritual practiced by Muslims in which they recite the names of God repetitively to achieve happiness. The results showed that dhikr intensity was positively correlated with subjective well-being. The qualitative data results also support the finding that the subjective well-being level of the congregation increased after dhikr.
Meanwhile, in a country such as Thailand where Buddhism predominates, committing suicide leads to abominable reincarnations: “any person who makes a suicide attempt due to anger or aggressive
impulses is bound to be reborn in the realm of hell (Niraya) or other woeful planes of existence after death” (Disayavanish and Disayavanish 2007:1684). In a discussion pertaining to these findings, another article stated that to interpret a justification for an arhat to commit suicide is wrong (Keown 1996). Specifically, suicide is perceived as a wrongful act for it is deemed as irrational, one that is inconsistent with the context of Buddhist doctrine and teachings. The act of suicide contradicts the Buddhist values. Buddhism values life, not death. “Buddhism sees death as an imperfection, a flaw in the human condition, something to be overcome rather than affirm” (Keown 1996:31). In the First Noble Truth, one of the most basic aspects of suffering (dukkha-dukkha) is death. There is a fundamental misunderstanding of the First Noble Truth: if a person opts for death he or she believes suicide is a solution to suffering. However, death is not the solution but the problem, according to the First Noble Truth. Suicide, for both the unenlightened and the enlightened, is clearly irrational from a Buddhist perspective. “If suicide is irrational in this sense it can be claimed there are objective grounds for regarding it as morally wrong” (Keown 1996:31).
In Thailand, the studies of economic growth do not consistently find a positive or large influence on human well-being (Clarke 2006). For example, a study conducted by Yiengprugsawan et al. (2010) shows that the spiritual/religious dimension has the highest average score of the dimensions considered (standard of living, health, achievement in life, personal relationship, personal safety, sense of community, and future security), and it contributes to overall life satisfaction. The study which ties religiousness and happiness together was conducted by Senasu and Singhapakdi (2017); it concludes that religiousness, (which was measured by belief in the power of religion or religious existence and prayer for others), correlates with happiness.
In Thailand, suicide rates are the most common in people of working age, whereas suicide rates among the elderly are not as
prolific. This may occur as the elderly are perceived as individuals who require extra care and assistance, and they are seen as figures of reverence and respect despite the happiness score decreasing with age (Gray 2012). With regard to region, suicide rates are most prevalent in the Northern and Central regions. The cause of suicide may be the economic crisis that occurred during the late 1990s, which triggered layoffs for a vast number of workers and people with HIV/ AIDS. The religious beliefs of the majority, who embrace Theravada Buddhism literally forbid suicide and consider it a sin.
On the other hand, suicide is not considered a sin in Japan. “In fact, some look at it as a way of taking responsibility” (Hayes 2015). Another explanation states that: “The most common factor behind suicide in Japan is depression caused by a failure to cope with [social pressure] either because of poverty or the demands of work” (Chambers 2010). In South Korea, the high rate of suicide is caused by work and education related stress and depression. This circumstance is even deteriorated by the existing traditional cultural belief and social stigma toward receiving treatment for mental illness. For older people, the causes of suicide are poverty and traditional family breakdown (Singh 2017).
Roemer (2010) found significant correlations among well-being, happiness, and religion in Japan. However, the correlation only applied to the followers of Western religious teachings (i.e., Christians, who make up only 1.5% of the total population). The study is supported by research that found that Japanese society tends to score low on several religious indicators, such as religious affiliation, involvement in formal religious organizations, and private religious practices. This may be the result of some Japanese affiliations involving more than one faith (Krause et al. 2010). The explanation for why the Japanese are less religiously involved is because they view religion as a part of their cultural rituals.
The rituals and prayers in temples and shrine performed are maintained to protect the
norms, morals, culture, and social structure but are rarely interpreted as supernatural or religious beliefs (Roemer 2010). The financial crisis that occurred in 1998 became one of the determinants of the increase in suicide rates in the last two decades. Owing to the high population of elderly in Japan, and the government’s retention of them in the workforce, young people are often demoralized about finding jobs.
In Korea, Kim (2003) and Kumar (2017) discuss the correlation between religion and social well-being by considering community participation among certain religious groups/ communities. Specifically, Kim (2003) confirms that religious participation, such as attending religious services and reading scriptures, is positively correlated with level of life satisfaction. Religions participation is referred to as the practice of worship and participation in certain religious groups. Those who regard religion as an important aspect of their lives claim to have higher levels of satisfaction than those who view religion as less important (Lee 1991:180 in Kim 2003). On the other hand, suicide in Korea has a rate of 28.3 suicides per 100.000 inhabitants and this is due to rising levels of individualism and the decline of collectivism, which contribute to the ambivalence of collective culture and anomic suicide (Kang 2017). If an achievement that results from persistent effort does not correspond to expectations, Koreans may opt for suicide as a solution to the stressful circumstance.
The influence of religion on the acceptability of suicide was stated by Jung (2014) who used the Korean General Social Survey in 2009 to find that Protestantism, religious attendance, and religious salience (the importance of religion in individual life) are associated with lower levels of suicide acceptability. Suicide among teenagers is associated with traditional Confucianism that uses corporal punishment as an appropriate discipline strategy to educate children (Lee, Seung-yeon, Jun Sung Hon, and Dorothy L. Espelage, 2010). Corporal punishment does not only occur in families but also in teacher-student relationships within school
environments. Parents who demand their children to enter prestigious universities in Korea for the purpose of family prestige and honor have caused teenagers to have to deal with the problems caused by length of time spent in education (around 16 hours a day in school and afterschool programs) (hagwons) (Singh 2017).
The previous discussion shows that suicide may be triggered by social conditions at the societal level, community, workplace, or school; it involves various individuals with different socioeconomic status, personal problems, and motives. However, the final decision and act of suicide is related to the individuals’ beliefs about the afterlife: the absence or lack thereof will increase the chance of individuals committing suicide. The following theories show how religions promise afterlife rewards for individuals with religious commitment. The exchange theory of sociology states that religions offers information about the afterlife reward or supernatural compensation such as heaven for the believers (Stark and Bainbridge, 1980). Corcoran (2013:342) refers to Stark and Finke (2000) and offers a similar analysis:
the ‘religious economies theory’ conceives of religion as comprised of perceived exchanges between individuals and a god or god(s), where individuals exchange their religious commitment—abiding by the behavioral dictates of a religion— in hopes of receiving religious goods, especially other-worldly goods (i.e., unverifiable goods believed to be received in an afterlife context, such as Heaven.)
In short, these theoretical analyses can improve our understanding of the suicide phenomenon.
CONCLUSION AND
RECOMMENDATIONS
Happiness or the emotional and affective dimension of subjective well-being at the
personal level is related to religious belief and personal ritual while the middle or meso level is related to religious groups and organization. The case of four countries reveals that both Japan and Korea are relatively high in economic development terms and yet they score lower on happiness than Thailand and Indonesia thus creating an external paradox. The data from the World Values Survey illustrate that Indonesia and Thailand score higher on religious attendance, prayer, and the belief that religion and God are important (Thailand is an exception on “the importance of God”). Journal reviews on the relation between religion and happiness in these four countries validate the finding that people in Indonesia and Thailand are more active in religious activities. In addition to believing, praying, and belonging there are also giving and caring, which are strong in Islam and Buddhism. In Islam, giving or zakat is the fourth obligation or pillar of Islam, which is performed annually on Idul Fitri. In addition, Buddhists perform the act of giving food to monks every morning, a practice followed by many of its adherents.
The findings suggest that religion should be further analyzed in social well-being studies as it involves spiritual or supernatural factors that can explain suicide. Religion can also prevent suicide through its teaching or its organizations. Religions such as Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, and Buddhism with their doctrines and rituals will also affect the (cognitive) experience and evaluation of happiness, which is emotional and related to the meaning of life. In short, more concepts, indicators, models, and (middle range) theories regarding the roles of religion should be integrated into research studies to complement social well-being studies.
A wider spiritual dimension should include caring for nature and animals, which can serve as the sources of happiness. (In Balinese Hinduism, the Tri Hita Karana or Three Sources of Happiness depicts a harmonious relationship of individuals and groups with Gods, human society, and the environment (nature and animals)). Further studies of religion and happiness should
further emphasize the uniqueness of religions in believing, praying, belonging, giving and caring. More questions that focus on factors that can improve happiness and how to cope with unhappiness on a personal and community level should also be asked directly to respondents and informants, and religious policies formulated at the macro or societal level. Given its spiritual and supernatural factors at the macro, meso, and micro levels, religion should be considered and combined with economic and social factors in analyzing the well-being of individuals, communities, and societies.
The well-being research findings that include data on happiness can better inform policymakers to implement happiness policies or “happiness mainstreaming.” Several global development programs such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) should increase programs to foster improvements in subjective well-being with an emphasis on the emotive aspects or evaluative aspects of happiness, including the roles of religion either in complex or simple societies. The third goal of the SDGs is “good health and well-being,” and yet the issues of subjective well-being and happiness are absent. In addition, an annual report, such as the World Bank’s World Development Report should take account of the subjective well-being index (life satisfaction and happiness) in Chapter 2 (people) and promote it as a global issue.
Acknowledgments
This work was supported by the MEXT-Supported Program for the Strategic Research Foundation at Private Universities of Japan, 2014-2018 (S1491003). “International Comparative Surveys on Lifestyle and Values” were designed and conducted by the Center for Social Well-being Studies, Institute for the Development of Social Intelligence, Senshu University, Japan, in collaboration with Social Well-being Research Consortium in Asia.
The authors thank Professor Hiroo Harada and Professor Masayuki Kanai for their support through Senshu University and the MEXT-Supported Program for the Strategic Research Foundation at Private Universities (2014–2018). The authors also thank Prof. June Oyane, the reviewers, and the editorial team of The Senshu Social Well-being Review.
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Iwan Gardono Sudjatmiko is Professor of Sociology at
the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, the University of Indonesia and Senior Researcher in the LabSosio-LP2SP Centre of Sociological Studies. His research interests are in political sociology, sociology of religion, social inclusion and transformation, and social well-being.
Lidya Triana is Lecturer and Ph.D. candidate in Sociology at
the University of Indonesia and a Researcher in the LabSosio-LP2SP Centre of Sociological Study, Faculty of Social and Political Science, the University of Indonesia. Her research interests focus on caregiving stress and mental health issues.
Roy Ferdy Gunawan is Research Associate in the
LabSosio-LP2SP Centre of Sociological Study, Faculty of Social and Political Science, the University of Indonesia. He is a member of the Research Cluster Social Inclusion and Transformation, and the Relation between Society and Extractive Industry, which also explain his research interests.
Tiara Wahyuningtyas is Junior Researcher in the
LabSosio-LP2SP Centre of Sociological Study, Faculty of Social and Political Science, the University of Indonesia and Teaching Assistant in the Department of Sociology. Her research focus is on social mobility and social inequality, particularly in regard to immigrants.
Rangga Ardan Rahim is Junior Researcher in the
LabSosio-LP2SP Centre of Sociological Study, Faculty of Social and Political Science, the University of Indonesia. His research interests are social inclusion, cultural sociology, and military sociology.
