Re Dharavi Informal settlements

SPARC Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres, 2nd Floor, Marathi Municipal School, 1st Khetwadi Lane, Mumbai 400 004 Tel. +91 22 23858785, +91 22 23865053, [email protected] www.sparcindia.org

KRVIA

Kamla Raheja Vidyanidhi Institute for Architecture and Environmental Studies,

Vidyanidhi Marg, Off 10th Rd, Juhu Scheme, Mumbai 400 049 Tel. +91 22 26700918, +91 22 26208539 [email protected]

www.krvia.ac.in

Acknowledgements

This document has emerged from a partnership of disparate groups of concerned individuals and organizations who have been engaged with the issue of exploring sustainable housing solutions in the city of Mumbai. The Kamala Raheja Vidyanidhi Institute of Architecture (KRVIA), which has compiled this document, contributed its professional expertise to a collaborative endeavour with Society for Promotion of Area Resource Centres (SPARC), an NGO involved with urban poverty. The discussion is an attempt to create a new language of sustainable urbanism and architecture for this metropolis.

Thanks to the Dharavi Redevelopment Project (DRP) authorities for sharing all the drawings and information related to Dharavi. This project has been actively guided and supported by members of the National Slum Dwellers Federation (NSDF) and Dharavi Bachao Andolan: especially Jockin, John, Anand, Savita, Anjali, Raju Korde and residents’ associations who helped with on-site documentation and data collection, and also participated in the design process by giving regular inputs.

The project has evolved in stages during which different teams of researchers have contributed. Researchers and professionals of KRVIA’s Design Cell who worked on the Dharavi Redevelopment Project were Deepti Talpade, Ninad Pandit and Namrata Kapoor, in the first phase; Aditya Sawant and Namrata Rao in the second phase; and Sujay Kumarji, Kairavi Dua and Bindi Vasavada in the third phase. Thanks to all of them. We express our gratitude to Sweden’s Royal University College of Fine Arts, Stockholm, (DHARAVI: Documenting Informalities ) and Kalpana Sharma (Rediscovering Dharavi ) as also Sundar Burra and Shirish Patel for permitting the use of their writings.

SPARC would like to thank those of its primary donors who support its work in Dharavi, including the production of this book, RE: Interpreting, Imagining, Developing DHARAVI. The donors are: International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED) in the U.K.; Sir Dorabji Tata Trust in India; Katholishe Zentralstelle für Entwcklungshilfe e.V (MISEREOR) in Germany; and the Rockefeller Foundation in the U.S.A. We also thank Slum/Shack Dwellers Federation (SDI) which has consistently supported the process, including publication of this work.

Most of all, special thanks to the people of Dharavi who shared their experiences with us and helped with on-site data collection.

Aneerudha Paul, Director, KRVIA Sheela Patel, Director, SPARC November 2010, Mumbai

Credits

Design: Abhinav Shaw

Editing: Rani Day

Editorial Team: Sheela Patel, Aneerudha Paul, Sundar Burra, Bindi Vasavada, Sujay Kumarji and Kairavi Dua.

Contents

Introduction:

Building a World Class Model for Slum Redevelopment 06

Section one: dharavi Story

Locating Dharavi 10

Land of High Returns

City of Enterprise 14

Leather

Textiles and Tailoring 18

Food-Making

Pottery 22

Recycling

Surgical Thread 26

Kite Factory

Gold & Jewellery 26

Printing

History: Before Bombay there was Dharavi 28

Section two: makeover or takeover?

Development For Whom? 36

Process of Resistance

Impact! 53

Section three: an alternative Strategy

Grouping Together: 60

Co-operative Housing Societies 61 Chawls & Nagars

Ambiguous Clusters 63

Existing Zones: Commercial & Residential 64 SRA Buildings & Private Lands

Public Toilets 66

Roads & Alleys

Institutions 68

Multi-Functional & Residential Open Spaces

Strategy to Prepare a Master Plan 70

Objectives of the Master Plan

Strategy: 72

Strengthening of Roads

Strengthening of Open Spaces 74 FSI & Density Plans

To Each its own Scenario 76

Scenario 1

09

54

34

The truth is that the drive to redevelop Dharavi is propelled by the very large profits that developers and the State Government have their eyes on. Poor people in urban settlements have mostly been neglected in the global South, and there is an increasing gap between the planned, formal city and its

informal shadow. The irony is that official cities draw heavily on the labour and vigour of slum or shanty residents but very rarely do cities support these workers.

To the State, Dharavi (like Kibera in Nairobi, one of Africa’s largest slums) represents a long-standing development nightmare – for which it has not been able to develop any successful policies for upgradation and improvement on scale. To the global financial institutions, it is, briefly said, a gold mine. But new policy is not forthcoming from city planners to reduce the risks of lending to the poor, nor is there enough money available to replace these self-built shelters. Global investors don’t have the knowledge or the will to manage decentralised, incremental investments which communities in Dharavi have evolved into a fine art.

There are silver linings to the clouds, however. The Government of Maharashtra, originally in a state of denial about the discontent of the residents, now accepts the imperative to lend an ear to their voices. Of course, Dharavi residents and dissidents don’t want to block development or investment per se; they simply want to ensure that it will fuel progress for them as much as for the city at large. Dharavi has a lot to teach us about how informal settlements generate

solutions for the demands of small businesses and housing. Flexible work schedules,home-based occupations, enterprises of various scales that interconnect with residences – this is the reality of how the poor not only survive, but thrive without handouts or charity.

The intention of this book is to suggest guidelines for future redevelopment of slums – a redevelopment that is not thrust upon the residents from outside, but one that is rooted in a local and participatory environment.

When I speak at workshops and conferences, there are many discussions about ‘world class’ cities. If we work it out right, Mumbai has the potential to develop a ‘world class’ model for slum redevelopment through consensual and incremental upgrading. All the required ingredients are there. Only the political leadership must have the courage to go ahead. We believe it can be done.

Introduction

Building a world claSS model for

Slum redevelopment

by Sheela Patel, Director, SPARC

The metropolis of Mumbai is often called Slumbai or Slumbay with probably the largest number of slum-dwellers in the world (over six milion). Dharavi – really an informal township within the metropolis – is one of the world’s 30 mega-slums and Asia’s largest. Spread over 525 acres, it presents a very vibrant mosaic of tens of thousands of small businesses and hundreds of thousands of residents of different religions, castes, languages, provinces, and ethnicities, dependent on one another and the city socially, culturally and economically. Its enterprising residents manufacture garments, leather goods, foods and pottery, besides running a flourishing – and unique – recycling business.

Dharavi has literally risen from the marshes. First the houses had stilts, then the land was reclaimed little by little, then built up brick by brick. In other words, it is a testament to the survival instincts of the poor – and the success of incremental development. Bit by bit, the poor developed the land, raised families and neighbourhoods, then a full-fledged township as generation after generation went to work. Official support for these incremental processes were signalled when the city provided urban infrastructure and services such as clean piped water, sewage systems, roads and social services in the mid-eighties.

Dharavi was recently in the centre of a storm – with clouds of different development plans hovering overhead. Global capital investment companies, local real estate developers and the State Government have all been viewing Dharavi as a privileged gateway to Mumbai’s transformation. The question is: Will these clouds disperse?

Current redevelopment proposals seem to view Dharavi as a green field on which fresh structures and thoroughfares are still to come up – ignoring the deeply-rooted habitat that already exists. If these proposals are left unchallenged, it could threaten the lives and businesses of many residents. Now, suddenly, outsiders are drawing up plans without the involvement of the residents of Dharavi, plans which seem to devalue everything the local residents do and have done and which do not take into account their long-term investments and overall interests .

ShivaJi park king’S circle dadar matunga Sion Bandra Bkc kurla mahim

Locating Dharavi

In relation to Mumbai, Dharavi is remarkably well located: a triangular land in the heart of the city, it is served by railway lines on two sides and bounded by the Mahim Creek and its mangroves on the third. The Mahim, Matunga and Sion train stations mark three corners; the arterial Western Express Highway passes along its northern border.

As Mumbai developed over the years and stretched northwards into the suburbs to accommodate the steadily growing population, Dharavi, which started out as a fishing village located on the northern tip of Parel island, was inevitably drawn into the centre of the city.

Dharavi is in the neighbourhood of the important new business district, the Bandra-Kurla Complex (BKC) – a counter-magnet to the old Central Business District (CBD) in south Mumbai. The BKC is just south of the airport, so in many ways it is more convenient to reach than the CBD. That Dharavi rubs shoulders with BKC, and that it is exceptionally well served by mass transport, makes it of huge interest to real estate promoters and developers…the small fishing village of the 18th century has come a long way indeed!

M

U

M

BA

I

dharavi

[year] Sion Bandra Bkc

dharavi

kurla mahim 0 5000 10000 15000 20000 25000 30000 35000 0 5000 10000 15000 20000 25000 30000 35000 40000 Bandra [w] Bandra [w] [inr] [inr] Bkc mahim mahim 2007 2008 2009 2010 2007 2008 2009 2010 Sion Sion kurla kurla

real estate prices

[year]

The Bandra-Kurla complex, the posh new business district in the

neighbourhood of Dharavi, with its very high commercial real estate value has made Dharavi a ‘hot property’ indeed. Dharavi was once a fishing village on the backwaters of one of the seven islands of Mumbai…cleared and revamped, it would count among the most valuable real estate in the world!

To the global financial institutions, Dharavi is,

briefly said, a

GOLD MINE

Land of High Return

$

commercial residential

leather

Most persons involved with the leather industry are UP Muslims or Muslims/ Hindus from Tamilnadu. There are a number of Maharashtrians also making bags and wallets. A singular exception is the Parsi, Darab Pedar, who has set up his own tannery in Aurangabad. Hides are procured from Deonar, salted, then despatched to Aurangabad. He estimates the annual turnover in the raw leather business in Dharavi to be around Rs.

60

crore. With tanneries banned on grounds of pollution, Dharavi’s main leather business today is of finished goods, there being about

30

large leather goods manufacturers and about

5,000

persons doing jobwork.

teXtileS & tailoring

Smaller jobbers can make around Rs.

7

lakh per year and the bigger ones on an average, double that amount. Workers, mainly from Bihar and some from Tamilnadu, are usually paid on a piece-rate basis and can earn upto Rs.

150

per day, with a unit on an average producing

500

to

600

shirts per day. A single large unit can have a turnover of almost Rs.

70

lakh a year. A rough estimate of people employed in textiles and tailoring in Dharavi is

500

, with another

100

(mainly young boys from Bengal and Bihar ) doing hand embroidery or zardozi, and machine embroidery (done mainly by Bengalis).

food induStry

The all-India women’s organization called Shri Mahila Griha Udhyog Lijjat Papad

is

40,000

members strong. In Mumbai, Lijjat has

8,000

registered members

who roll out papads (cracker or flat bread) to earn extra money. Around

50

of them live in Dharavi, earning an average of Rs.

50

to Rs.

60

per day. Dharavi’s famous Mamu Bakery daily produces

150

kg of khari and

100

kg of butter biscuits which are in great demand. The best paid are those who tend the ovens and they earn Rs.

80

per day. Next in line are the kneaders who make the dough, and lastly, the packers and cleaners who get paid around Rs.

25

per day. When the first bakery was set up in 1952, there were only two others; today, there are over

25

bakeries in Dharavi.

recycling

According to the NSDF survey, Dharavi’s plastic recycling industry is the largest in India employing over

5,000

people. The turnover in 1986 was an

estimated Rs.

60

lakh a year and should be many times higher now. Every day, at least

3,000

sacks of plastic leave this area. The recyclers are paid daily wages of Rs.

40

to Rs.

45

per day for eleven hours of work. There are around

722

small and big establishments, of which

359

are licensed.

pottery

There are around

2,000

families involved in pottery making. It takes about

4

hours to make around a

100

big garden pots, which are sold to a trader at a fixed price.

(based on extracts from ‘Rediscovering Dharavi’. Figures quoted in this section relate to an earlier time and would have undergone significant upward revision.)

City of Enterprise

The atmosphere in Dharavi, even on a holiday, is like being on a treadmill. Everyone is busy – few people hang about. The streets are lined with hawkers selling everything from safety pins to fruits and suitcases. Behind them are a fascinating array of shops: Satkar Jewellers, Ration Shop, Bhupendra Steel, Husain Hotel, Swastik Electric & Hardware, Shreenath Jewellers and Mumbai Polyclinic – that is a typical collection on 90 Feet Road. Hindu, Muslim, south, north, food, jewellery, hardware, health care, all down one street!

If you want to eat the best gulab jamuns in town, buy the best chikki, acquire an export-quality leather handbag, order World Health Organization-certified sutures for surgery, see the latest design in ready-made garments made for export, get a new suitcase or an old one repaired, taste food from the north and the south, see traditional south Indian gold jewellery – there are few better places in all of Mumbai than Dharavi.

Estimates of the daily turnover of Dharavi can only be guesstimates as few people will actually acknowledge how much they earn for fear that some official will descend upon them. Much of the production here is unregistered with any authority. But there is little doubt that it runs into crores of rupees. A rough back-of-the-envelope calculation by Dharavi residents added up to between Rs

1,500

crore and Rs

2,000

crore per year or at least Rs 5 crore a day! Dharavi

is a ‘gold mine’ without even considering property prices!

A 1986 survey of Dharavi by the National Slum Dwellers’ Federation (NSDF) counted

1,044

manufacturing units of all kinds, big and small. A later survey by the Society for Human and Environmental Development (SHED) noted

1,700

units. The actual number is likely to be larger as many smaller units, which work out of homes and lofts, would have fallen outside the scope of the surveys. The NSDF survey estimated there were

244

small-scale manufacturers employing from

5

to

10

persons each. The

43

big industries recorded in the survey were probably only medium-scale production units. According to the survey, there were

152

units making a variety of food items like chikki, papad and chana dal;

50

printing presses;

111

restaurants;

722

scrap and recycling units;

85

units working entirely for exports; and

25

bakeries.

Dharavi’s gullies have their share of success stories: illicit-booze brewers who have switched to baking bread, a one-time tea-boy who exports ready-mades to US malls, a one-time low level employee in a coal company who has moved way up in life – to a high-rise apartment! So no surprise that a

12

-year old boy working on a

12

-hour shift in a tailoring unit dares to dream,

“When I grow up, maybe I’ll

also own a factory!”

Leather

Leather production was one of the first industries to be established in Dharavi. Muslim tanners migrated from Tamilnadu to Mumbai in the mid-1800s but had to shift to the swampy outskirts since leather manufacturing processes were considered

unsuitable for the growing business centre in south Mumbai. Thus the first tannery came up in Dharavi in 1887. The business grew steadily as migrating workers moved into the metropolis in search of work. Leather manufacturing processes include tanning or cleaning hides with chemicals, and dyeing before the leather is fashioned into the finished products showcased in Chamda (leather) Bazaar. Pollution of air and water by tanning led to a city ban on tanning in 1996. Although 27 out of the 39 tanneries were given alternative land near the abattoir in further-away Deonar, mainly the larger ones shifted. But the days of leather tanning are more or less over in Dharavi – though a few tanneries continue to operate despite the ban. The industry now buys its tanned hides from Deonar. Damodar Kamble, who came at 15

to Dharavi because being a cobbler earned him little money, worked in a leather factory here for 15 years… Today, his is the only business making ‘uppers’ for shoes, to which soles are added elsewhere, then exported to Australia and Japan. He had no workers to start with; now he employs

20 people and his turnover is over a crore of rupees.

Today, finished leather goods have taken over as the main leather business. Many of the goods on display are either surplus or rejects from export orders placed with leather goods manufacturers in Dharavi.

here in increasing numbers – globally too, the leather industry is expanding. While these most beautifully finished and crafted leather goods sit in air-conditioned splendour, the men who labour over them work in cramped lofts or workshops, in bad light, poor ventilation and stifling heat. Tough conditions regardless, the leather business continues to be the dominant trade with which Dharavi is

There are many rags to riches stories in this business: Waqar, who used to sell bananas, now has twelve workers and three shops and sells shirts all over India, or Mustaqeem from UP who started out at 13 as a cleaner and tea-boy in a factory and today exports garments to the United States.

The origins of the textile industry – another major business in Dharavi – can be traced back to the decline and fall of the textile industry in Bombay of the 1950s and 60s. This led to the development of an informal textile industry in Dharavi, with separate units (weaving, printing, tailoring, etc.) working on a collaborative basis to produce garments. Dharavi handles a lot of outsourced work from garment companies and jeans manufacturers the world over.

Besides, a number of people are involved in ancillary jobs such as hand embroidery or ‘zardosi’ and machine embroidery (mostly for the local market).

Chivda, boondi, sev, gathiyas…all tasty, savoury snacks made from rice flakes or chickpea flour are part of Dharavi’s food-making industry which is largely home-based. The sweet chikki, made of peanuts and jaggery, is a very popular item, not to forget the salty khari biscuits, the delicious butter biscuits, and fresh sliced-bread and buns made in Dharavi’s 25

bakeries.

The making of papads (cracker or flat bread) relies on the usage of open spaces like courtyards or terraces for drying of the wet papads. But in crowded Dharavi, ingenious housewives manage to make the biggest use of the smallest of spaces. The Punjabi Ghasitaram Halwai Karachiwala factory in Dharavi is the largest sweets factory in Mumbai and maybe in India. It is said to use 2,000

litres of buffalo milk and 800 litres of cow milk everyday. Very interestingly, workers from different regions

produce the sweets of their region – so the Bengalis make chamchams and rosgollahs, the Punjabis make ladoos and gulab jamuns, the Maharashtrians make kaju katri and barfis and the bhaiyyas (migrants from Uttar Pradesh)make samosas.

Not so far away, at the crossroads, are the shops selling savouries and sweets manufactured in the homes just behind the shops. Ramaswamy is one of the 27 chikki-makers from Tamilnadu, whose leader is a Muslim and who is considered the father of their tribe. Ramaswamy’s wife speaks only Tamil, but their daughter is studying to be a chartered accountant. Thanks to the sweet profits from chikki!

The world’s most complex lunch distribution network operates in Mumbai: it’s an elaborate choreographing of the collection and delivery of more than 200,000

tin lunch boxes to office and other workers all across the city, and their return to source. So efficient is the system that according to a recent survey, there is only one mistake in every 16,000,000 deliveries. Dharavi runs a flourishing dabba kitchen too. The concept of the lunchbox courier (Dabbawala) originated in the 1880s when India was under British rule. Many Britishers opting for home-cooked rather than local food, used this service to have lunch brought to their worktables.

Twelve and a half acres of prime property in Dharavi at the junction of the 90-60 Feet Roads is named after the migrant potters from Gujarat: ‘Kumbharwada’ (Potters’ Colony). Like many communities who came to seek their fortunes in the island city, they were shifted out of the then emergent city centre in south Bombay, and resettled in Dharavi.

250 potters’ families who live here have a special place in the community, their business being as old as Dharavi itself. Their houses, combining home and workplace, have an interesting design, narrow and long structures with two entrances: one opens onto the yard where production happens and where the shared bhatti or kiln is sited; the other entrance opens onto the street, where the finished goods are displayed and sold. Though, compared to other trades, the Kumbhars enjoy more space, their business has not seen a boom as some others since it caters to a localised clientele.

First, the paper labels on the water bottles are torn off by hand and sent for further recycling into rough paper, then the blue caps get taken off. The bottles are next despatched to small workshops where the plastic is chopped into small flakes that can either be exported or melted into pellets for further use in the plastic industry. China is a big buyer of this kind of crude plastic.

New products are made for further export around the globe. Products we sit on, such as cushions and soft seats as well as blankets, use a stuffing made from these recycled bottles. Also, the popular material for warm clothing called ‘polyester fleece’ originates from these bottles. Did you know: Every 150 fleeces made from plastic bottles saves a barrel of oil (about 160 litres) and avoids about 500 kg. of toxic air pollution?

Not many know that Dharavi’s unique plastic recycling industry is the largest in India (National Slum Dwellers Federation survey). There are over

700 small and big establishments, employing over 5,000 people; the turnover in 1986 was an estimated Rs

60 lakh a year.

Most of the garbage generated by consumer-oriented Mumbaikars arrives at Dharavi in big bags or containers. Collected from all over the city, the garbage has already gone through some rough sorting by garbage pickers; now, a more careful sorting is done for further processing at the 13th Compound, where the 60

Feet Road meets the Mahim-Sion Link Road. This is the famed 13th Compound – where everything gets recycled. Oil cans, plastic drums, chemical drums, cotton scrap, iron scrap, empty tins, empty bottles and plastic drums, anything. Every day, at least 3,000 sacks of plastic leave this area. And what doesn’t get recycled gets cleaned and sold second-hand, such as chemical drums which serve as good water containers the second time round.

A worrisome question is: will the Recycling Compound go the way of the tanneries…so as to make way for yet more housing on prime real estate?

Dharavi is home and workplace to about 6,00,000 people who live and work here. So all kind of services are available here as in the formal city: hairdressers, laundries, restaurants, cobblers, craftsmen, entertainers and grocery shops.

You name it – Dharavi will produce it!

Along narrow lanes hidden from the outside world are the workshops for gold

refining, jewellery-making and polishing; fronting them on the main road are a line of glittering jewellery shops. In this trade, you will find a mix of people from a number of States – Maharashtra, Gujarat, Bengal and Tamilnadu and a combination of Hindus and Muslims too.

Proximity to Deonar also produced another trade – the making of sutures from goat intestines. Abdul Baqua, who came to Dharavi at age thirteen, tried various trades in various places, till he joined his friend in making sutures. From making sutures for big companies like Johnson & Johnson, Baqua went on to set up his own firm in Dharavi which exports to more than 100 countries. Even if the outer setting is unattractive and interior arrangements may not look very high-tech, Baqua is very proud that his Dharavi lab is WHO-certified and as clean and hygienic as the hospital where the sutures will be used.

Recycled plastic, paper and cellophane from the Dharavi recycling business and wood from Kolkata are used to make kites, and also recycled file folders. The kites are not for export: they are made for the local market and particularly for festivals like Makar Sankranti and Diwali.

Kite strings – wielded to cut each other’s kites in kite fights – are also made locally and known as manja (a mix of ground glass and chemical glue coating the thread).

All departments of the printing industry are present in Dharavi – graphic

designers, art directors, editors, printers, even paper suppliers and die cutters – catering to both national and international customers.

The units here range in scale from individuals working from their homes or small premises to produce material for use within Dharavi to large companies producing digitally-printed Bollywood posters and roadside advertisements stretching 20 metres wide. Also, there’s a wide range in the printing machinery employed, right from old-time pedal driven letterpress machines to screen printing studios and the latest digital printers.

Surgical Thread

Kite Factory

Gold & Jewellery

Printing

1812 -16

‘the island of Bombay’ map by capt. thomas dickinson clearly shows the presence of a fishing village (koliwada). Dharavi Mahim Worli Riwa Fort

History

Before Bombay, there was Dharavi…

In pre-colonial times, Dharavi, located on the northernmost tip of Parel island, was the home of the Koli fishing community – and the Mahim Creek, their source of fish and livelihood for centuries. Indeed, one of the Bombay Gazetteers mentions Dharavi as one of the ‘six great Koliwadas of Bombay’. Further history could be broadly divided into three stages:

- Colonial

- Post-Independence

- Post-1981 (when the Development Plan of Dharavi was proposed and later when the Dharavi Redevelopment Project was initiated).

colonial

16th - 20th century

The Portugese were the first colonists to stake their claim to the seven islands of Bombay in the 16th century: they built a small fort and church at Bandra, on the opposite shore from Dharavi… the years passed, the Koli fishermen continued to fish in the Creek…

The Riwa (Rehwa) Fort at Dharavi, locally known as ‘Kala Qilla’, was built in 1737 by the second British governor of Bombay, Gerald Aungier, on the banks of the Mithi River. It was part of the larger British-built Bombay Castle.

Once upon a time, Riwa Fort served the British as a watchtower, guarding the territory against attacks from the Portuguese-held (and later Maratha-held) Salsette Island. Today, in decaying condition, it watches over a sea of huts and shops.

At the beginning of the 18th century, some of the swamps and salt pans separating the islands of Bombay began to be reclaimed – joining all seven islands into one long tapering land mass. Thus began the makeover of Bombay...

Parel and Mahim were now positioned on the outskirts of the Island City.

But in the process of reclamation, the Mahim Creek dried up, the fisherfolk were left stranded, and the newly-surfaced marshy land offered new space for new communities to move in.

ri w a fo rt gr ow th o f d ha ra vi

1737

18

97

18

00

18

64

19

33

19

69

dh

ar

av

i o

ve

r t

he y

ea

rS

( C o u rt e sy : W ik ip e d ia )

Imagine yourself looking out from Mahim station in the latter half of the 1800s… the old fishing village lies to the left, some small industrial sheds and residences break up the flat, swampy landscape…people drag carts with goods along dirt roads. To the right, smoke rises from the potters’ kilns; further off, near the horizon, the tall smokestacks of textile mills jut into the sky…

The story of Dharavi’s development is closely interwoven with the pattern of migration into Bombay. The first people to settle there did so because the land, mainly used as an informal rubbish dump, was free and unregulated. The marshy land slowly grew more solid but even till the mid-1900s, parts were so wet, people had to build foot-bridges to cross over.

The first migrations to Bombay were from Maharashtra and nearby areas like the Konkan and Gujarat. Communities first settled in south Bombay but, as the city grew, authorities pushed them to what was then the city’s edge.

By end-1800s, the potters from Saurashtra were relocated here and set up their colony (Kumbharwada), as also the Muslim leather tanners from Tamilnadu (because of the proximity of the abattoir in Bandra). Artisans and embroidery workers from Uttar Pradesh started the ready-made garments trade, and Tamilians set up a flourishing business, making savouries and sweets. Dharavi thus became an amazing mosaic of villages and townships from all over India - different religions, languages, and entrepreneurs all surviving shoulder to shoulder.

poSt-independence

Bombay, an industrial city, was always in need of cheap labour. But evictions in the Island City from 1940 to post-Independence in the 1960s drove large numbers of slum dwellers and pavement dwellers, especially in the dock areas, to new areas beyond Dadar’s King Circle, the then boundary of Bombay.

One of those areas was Dharavi. As long as Dharavi was on the edge of the city, the authorities could ignore its existence – send its ‘illegal’ squatters there, or ignore the brewing of illicit liquor. But as Bombay expanded northwards and its population grew with new industries, the pressure on land increased, and Dharavi was drawn into the heart of the city…

1971-74

According to the Maharashtra Slum Areas Improvement, Clearance and Redevelopment Act, Dharavi was declared a slum in 1971, and its people provided with taps, toilets and electrical connections.

The Sion-Mahim-Link road, the 60 Feet and 90 Feet roads, were all built around this time; sewer and water lines were laid down.

Transit Camps were built to relocate people whose homes came in the way of new roads and other infrastructural projects.

1981 & after

1981

A Development Plan was prepared for the whole city including Dharavi.

1985

When Rajiv Gandhi earmarked Rs. 100 crores for the improvement of

infrastructure and housing for the whole city of Bombay, a third of that sum was reserved for Dharavi. The Prime Minister’s Grant Project (PMGP) was initiated in 1987 and Maharashtra Housing and Area Development Authority (MHADA) declared the Special Planning Authority (SPA) for Dharavi.

in 1995,

the Slum Rehabilitation Scheme was launched by the Shiv Sena-Bharatiya Janata Party Government, promising free houses to all slum dwellers. (In 1996, Bombay was renamed ‘Mumbai’.) Over 85 new buildings were constructed in Dharavi in the period upto 2004. The majority of TDR (Transferred Development Rights) generated from the project were sold for use outside Dharavi.

2004

In 2004, the Government of Maharashtra accepted the Dharavi Redevelopment Plan. The plan was to divide Dharavi into five sectors, invite bids from national/ international players and provide free housing for eligible slum dwellers of Dharavi, as also free infrastructure. Concessions in terms of extra built-up area were to be given to the bidders to pay for the project by exploiting the value of the land.

RAILWAYS ROADWAYS

60ft

90ft

municipal primary School Secondary School Service induStrial eState municipal hoSpital police Station playground recreational ground municipal/private/retail market municipal houSing cemetery reSidential Zone Service induStrial Zone general induStrial Zone hoSpital

SEC

TION T

WO

Development for Whom?

Sundar Burra, Adviser, SPARC

The late management guru, C.K. Prahalad, wrote a book titled The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid. The book became a best-seller because it brought out how the poor are a huge and relatively untapped market for industry. It advised companies to tailor their strategies keeping in mind the circumstances of the poor. For example, the success of selling small sachets of tea, sugar or shampoo lay in the realization that poor people can spend only small amounts at a time. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the original plan to redevelop Dharavi intended to make a fortune by exploiting the value of the land, which was the base of the pyramid of poor people's lives.

The Dharavi Redevelopment Project (DRP) plan, as originally conceived a few years ago, envisaged the division of Dharavi into 5 sectors. Bids were invited from consortia of international and national developers to provide free housing and infrastructure for the residents of Dharavi. The developers were to pay a premium to the Government and, in return, were to get incentive Floor Space Index (FSI) so that they could build more commercial and other structures to sell in the open market. A part of the profit was to cross-subsidize the free housing and infrastructure. Given the inflated land prices in the area, developers would have made windfall gains and Government would have earned substantial revenues. But the question that people ask is: should land be seen primarily as a source of revenue for developer and government?

There are many objections to the mode of redevelopment of Dharavi originally proposed. For lack of space, we will focus upon a few of them. Perhaps the most important objection is that the entire plan was conceived without any community participation and is a classic example of top-down planning. Worse, the plan tried to explicitly do away with people's consent for the kind of development that was to take place. In earlier slum rehabilitation schemes, the consent of at least 70% of slum dwellers was mandatory and, even if this provision was improperly implemented, there was a democratic check on the designs of the developers. If the people are not consulted at all in the process of redevelopment, the question arises as to whose interests such redevelopment serves. The answer, unsurprisingly, is global capital and its local affiliates.

5

4

3

2

1

STANdARd

MASTER PlAN

5 SECTOR PlAN

The question of community participation or democratic involvement is not just a theoretical or academic issue nor is it trivial - it goes to the heart of the idea of development. Turning your back on people's participation can be enormously damaging. For example, the kinds of urban form and design that the plan had envisaged would have meant the destruction of the livelihoods of the residents of Dharavi. The special feature of Dharavi is the intricate connection between residence and work-place since about 80% of its population both live and work there. Buildings of 30 storeys or 50 storeys would not allow the plethora of small businesses and enterprises to survive. If people's livelihoods were to be destroyed, they would no longer continue to live in the new Dharavi but rather, they would shift to a slum where they could continue earning a living. Given the shortage of housing in Mumbai at all levels, this newly-built housing would have rapidly changed hands and the area would have become gentrified. Dharavi would have become a huge housing and commercial complex but with no place for the poor.

It needs to be underlined that when the original plans were proposed, there was no baseline survey, there was no transport study, there was no environmental assessment and there was no mechanism to coordinate the proposed

infrastructures in different sectors amongst themselves, and between them and the rest of the city’s infrastructure.

In a situation where water and electricity are in short supply, was there any attempt to assess whether these goods and services would be available in adequate quantity in the new Dharavi? In the absence of a survey, it was not known how many families would have to be resettled. Again, considering the fact that a majority of huts in Dharavi have one or two mezzanine floors, there had been no attempt to count them and consider the eligibility for rehabilitation of those persons and families living and working there. On the administrative side, no procedures were prescribed for grievance redressal or adjudication of conflicting interests. Another extraordinary aspect is that no Development Plan - as required by statute - was prepared for Dharavi!

For reasons not wholly clear, it appears that the original plan has been shelved - at least for the time being. The global financial crisis and the many uncertainties that bedevil the project have led to most of the foreign partners withdrawing from the fray. It may also be that resistance from the residents of Dharavi contributed to that outcome.

The National Slum Dwellers Federation has had a presence in Dharavi for many years through its local affiliate, the Dharavi Vikas Samiti (Dharavi Development Committee). Over the past few years, the residents of Dharavi have come together in a rainbow coalition of political parties, NGOs, different social

formations and individuals to form the Dharavi Bachao Andolan or Save Dharavi Campaign. This grassroots group opposed the existing plans and started working with a group of professionals, retired bureaucrats, architects, planners and NGO representatives, later transformed into the Committee of Experts (CoE), to work on alternatives. The Kamala Raheja Vidyanidhi Institute of Architects (KRVIA) provided professional support and started to look at Dharavi through the eyes of its residents. So, for example, instead of drawing arbitrary lines across Dharavi to demarcate different areas, an effort was made to group together proposed housing cooperative societies, chawls and those living within common social boundaries. This work has been completed in one sector and some more time and effort are needed to flesh out a full-fledged alternative. It must be said that the appointment of a sympathetic and empathetic

administrator for the Dharavi Redevelopment Project in 2008 helped in sorting out many of the issues raised above. There were also some other senior bureaucrats at the State Government level, who had the interests of the poor at heart. It was also at this time that the CoE* was appointed by Government, to aid and advise the authorities.

It will be necessary to draw up a Master Plan in consultation with the residents of Dharavi, a plan that is responsive to the needs and circumstances of the poor. Small groups and sub-clusters have to be formed, who can hook into the overall plan, as and when they are prepared to do so. State agencies must assert themselves forcefully as champions of the poor, arbitrating disputes between and overseeing contractual obligations of the different stakeholders involved. The task before us is clear: how do we meet the aspirations of the people in a just and sustainable manner while enlisting their whole-hearted participation in the design and implementation of the redevelopment project?

February 16, 2007

‘All dhARAVI dOES NOT quAlIfy AS SluM’

D. M. Sukthankar, a former Chief Secretry and later member of the CoE, raises objections to the modifications of the Development Control Rules made to suit the redevelopment proposal, and writes the first of many letters to the then Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Maharashtra Housing and Area Development Authority (MHADA) I.S. Chahal. In his letter he states:

“..The Authority has been given the status of SPA for slum rehabilitation areas. However, this was not adequate in the case of Dharavi as the entire area is not a ‘slum’...”

May 9, 2007

‘PEOPlE Of dhARAVI hAVE NO INfO ON

gOVT. REhAb PlANS’

A letter to the Chief Minister of Maharashtra, in accordance with previous letters, highlighted many issues:

..The ‘sector’ based approach completely ignores the established boundaries, while imposing new divisions within and between communities. The existing Nagar boundaries must be central to the planning process..

..The people of Dharavi have virtually no information about DRP (Dharavi Redevelopment Project), except that it is a sector plan. They do not know who is eligible for rehabilitation, what their entitlements are, the locations of the transit tenements, and where their permanent accommodations will be. They do not know what measures to take to protect their livelihoods and what types of housing will be provided. Furthermore, several residents have larger families,

thereby making the 225sq.ft. space inadequate for their purposes.

Has the government considered making additional area available to them, either as a profit-sharing mechanism with the developers or as additional purchasable property? Similarly, should not the residential development (as a ‘free-sale’ component) by private developers have a mandatory component of lower and middle income housing?...

March 14, 2007

‘lOW RISE, hIgh-dENSITy MORE SuITAblE TO dhARAVI’

A letter was sent in March 2007 to Swadheen Kshatriya, Principal Secretary of the Housing Department of the Government of Maharashtra, by D.M. Sukthankar on behalf of the group of experts:

“The consensus is that, a low-rise, high-density model is more appropriately suited to the existing lifestyles in Dharavi compared to a high-rise high-density model. ”

June 18, 2007

‘REdEV. PlAN IgNORES lIVINg/WORKINg

CONdITIONS Of PEOPlE’

Black Flag Day on 18 June, 2007, highlighted the resentment the people of Dharavi had for the DRP when they marched on to the streets protesting the shortcomings of the proposal. The protest rally began at Dharavi T-junction and ended outside the MHADA office at Bandra (East). The agenda of the rally was to emphasize the rights of the residents as the plan did not involve them during its conception and formulation, and that it did not make provisions to safeguard their livelihoods in the redevelopment scheme.

July 19, 2007

‘REdEV. PlAN WIll dESTROy lIVElIhOOdS

Of ThOuSANdS’

Extracts from a letter to the Prime Minister of India, Dr. Manmohan Singh:

“It is feared that if DRP is implemented, the livelihood of thousands of people will be destroyed without any alternatives offered.”

June 29, 2007

‘dhARAVI REdEVElOPMENT PROjECT uNdEMOCRATIC’

Extracts from a letter to the Prime Minister of India, Dr. Manmohan Singh:

“Local residents of Dharavi have virtually no information about the DRP.... It is

profoundly undemocratic to do away with the requirement that at least 70% of

the people must consent to any slum redevelopment scheme. This move strikes at the heart of the Constitutional mandate for democratic decentralization. There is no space for community participation.”

June 29, 2007

‘PlANNEd hOuSINg dENSITIES MORE ThAN

dOublE ANyWhERE ElSE’

Extracts from a letter to the media, banks and bidders:

“It is disturbing that the plan has no scope for community participation. Moreover, those who will be accommodated after the redevelopment will have to face unprecedented congestion as the housing densities envisaged in the plan are more than twice those found anywhere else in the world.”

46

June 15, 2009

‘fSI 4 WIll CAuSE uNVIAblE dENSITy ’

Extract of a letter to Johny Joseph, Chief Secretary, Govt. of Maharashtra:

“..Accommodating the free sale FSI up to a limit of 4 makes the resultant

density in Dharavi unworkable, in the sense that the requirements of roads, open spaces, social amenities and facilities cannot be provided to ensure a minimally acceptable quality of life. Further, adequate distance between buildings necessary for basic minimum light and ventilation also cannot be ensured...”

“The detailed socio-economic survey carried out in Dharavi

has revealed that there are about 57,000 households

eligible for rehabilitation. However, in keeping with the current government policy, this survey has excluded the households living in the upper storeys, whether as tenants or members of extended families. We understand that... since under the present policy, such households are not eligible for rehabilitation, their exclusion will give rise to serious unrest right from the beginning of the project and threaten its very implementation.”

June 3, 2009

‘AghAST TO fINd NO SuRVEyS/STudIES dONE’

Extract of a letter from CoE to Sitaram Kunte, Secretary, Housing Department:

“ The basic pre-requisites for a project of this magnitude and complexity were that it should have been preceded by a detailed socio-economic survey of Dharavi, besides a plane table and topographical survey, transportation studies, infrastructure and environmental assessment studies etc. We were appalled to find that no such surveys and studies had been done and the bids were invited probably on the false assurance of the consultants that these studies were either already conducted or were not necessary.”

February 2, 2009

ExPERTS TEAM SET uP

In February 2009, a group of experts was formally appointed by the government of Maharashtra as the Committee of Experts advising the government on the process of redevelopment. The members were:

D.M. Sukthankar, IAS (Retd.), former Chief Secretary, GoM Shirish Patel, structural engineer and urban planner Vidhyadhar Phatak, urban planner

Chandrashekhar Prabhu, architect and housing activist Arvind Adarkar, Director, Academy of Architecture Neera Adarkar, architect and social activist

Aneerudha Paul, Director, Kamala Raheja Vidyanidhi Institute of Architecture A.Jockin, President, National Slum Dwellers Federation

Sheela Patel, Director, SPARC

Sundar Burra, IAS (Retd.) and Adviser, SPARC

June 2008

WORld ECON. CRISIS dETERS bIddERS

Unperturbed by the protests, the Government of Maharastra decided to proceed with the distribution of tenders and invited bids from various

multinational corporations. Tenders were floated and pre-qualification bids were invited for the project.

A total of 19 bids were received. The bidders included Allied Real Estate of Bulgaria, a joint venture of Indiabulls and US Shia Homes, Runwal Group with Capital Land of Singapore, Emaar-MGF along with Dubai’s Expanse Constructions, a joint venture of Neptune Developers with Pacifica of US, and a Lanco-Sunray City (South Africa) alliance.

It was during this process of bidding when the global economic meltdown - the result of the collapse of the U.S. housing market - hit India. This global economic crisis forced the companies to opt out of the bidding process owing to the large initial investment for the project. The project was estimated to cost around Rs.15, 000 crores. The deposit to be paid by the winning bidders was around Rs. 500 crores. Most of the bidders withdrew in the face

of risk and recession.

July 7, 2009

‘A SOPhISTICATEd lANd gRAb’

Extract of a letter to Ashok Chavan, Chief Minister of Maharashtra:

“The DRP is a sophisticated land grab. Over the years, residents from various parts of the city have been made to settle there by Government, while taking great care not to give them proper legal rights of occupancy. This legalisation is something that should have been part of the people’s rights when they were first settled there, and is something that was high-handedly denied to them at the time...”

“They are now being offered in-situ free pucca housing in exchange for being shifted into less than half of the land they currently occupy. The rest of the land thus released from occupation will be commercially exploited and significant profits are expected to accrue both to Government and to the developers entrusted with the project. The project is being driven by personal greed rather than the welfare of the residents of Dharavi.”

July 30, 2009

bIddINg SuSPENdEd

After the initial postponement of opening of bids from June 20, 2009, it was decided that final bids for the project would be opened on July 30. From among the initial bidders, only 14 remained. But the process for receiving and opening the bids was suspended indefinitely on July 30th morning. While there is much speculation, it is not clear why the indefinite suspension took place.

August 24, 2009

‘CONSulTANT NOT EquIPPEd TO hANdlE

SuCh A VAST PROjECT’

Extract of a letter to Sitaram Kunte, Housing Secretary:

“Our understanding is that the Cabinet decision was to appoint Shri Mukesh Mehta as Project Advisor. The Empowered Committee headed by the Chief Secretary went far beyond the Cabinet decision and decided to make him the Project Management Consultant, an entirely different and

much expanded role...”

“Our impression from meeting with the Consultant is that he was not competent enough to handle the project of this magnitude, to say the least. ”

November 4, 2009

‘AlTERNATIVE APPROACh NEEdEd’

Extract of a letter to Ashok Chavan, Chief Minister of Maharashtra, highlighting key flaws in the formulation of the Dharavi Redevelopment Project:

i) Absence of people’s participation in the formulation and the conception of the DRP.

January 16, 2010

‘INfRASTRuCTuRE STIll lACKINg’

Extract from a letter to Swadheen Kshatriya, Municipal Commissioner, Mumbai:

“Since there is a possibility that the bidding process for DRP may be revived, I would urge you to ascertain whether the DRP has actually got sanctioned from the MCGM (Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai) all its proposals for infrastructure. I might mention here in passing that certain transit camps in Dharavi built about 20 years ago by MHADA still do not have water connections today and water is supplied by tankers. It should not be the case that tens of thousands of residential and commercial units are built under DRP without an assurance of the necessary infrastructure, more particularly water.”

March 23, 2010

‘ObjECTIONS TO SRA NOTIfICATION

Gist of points made in a letter to Gautam Chatterjee, Officer on Special Duty, DRP:

No Development Plan has been prepared for Dharavi , which under Section 21 of the MRTP Act, SRA is required to prepare.

The Development Plan needs to be accompanied by a report...which will explain the purpose of the Development Plan, whether it is for the benefit of the residents or to make a profit for developers and for Government. No such explanation has been provided. In the absence of a Development Plan, there is no basis for the framing of Development Control Regulations.

The rationale for choosing FSI 4 is not explained...

There is no consideration of the density of population that will be occupying the development...

In schemes of Urban Renewal, 50-80% of rehab floor space is granted as

an incentive. However, in the proposed Regulations this incentive has been

increased to 133% which is unwarranted.

The date of eligibility of inhabitants has been changed...All residents who were in Dharavi at time of biometric survey by Mashal shuld be rehabilitated here. Residents living on upper floors including mezzanines and lofts should also be accommodated here.

January 16, 2010

‘TRANSPARENT PROCEduRES A MuST’

Extract of a letter to Shri Vinod Rai, Comptroller and Auditor General of India:

“The appointment of the consultant Shri Mukesh Mehta has been made without following transparent and standard procedures for such appointments. His lack of qualifications and experience apart, his performance has been unsatisfactory and his remuneration has been fixed in an arbitrary manner and at an unjustifiable scale.

It is not at all clear what the basis of fixing the premium @Rs.450 sq. foot

is when it has been argued that the market could afford 8 to 10 times that

figure. Though we are against the idea of looking upon DRP as a milch-cow for Government revenues, if in fact such an approach is adopted, then there must be a fair, transparent and publicly declared mechanism for arriving at the premium figure. Also, how can such a figure remain static with changes in the market?”

Impact!

The process of people’s resistance and engagement had a distinct impact on the Dharavi Redevelopment Project. While there were many influences at work, the Committee of Experts’ close interaction at all levels of government also helped effect changes:

dRP AuThORITIES RECOgNIzEd ThE VAluE Of

COMMuNITy PARTICIPATION.

ThE AuThORITIES COMMISSIONEd A PhySICAl ANd

SOCIO-ECONOMIC SuRVEy Of dhARAVI.

fuRThER, ThEy COMMISSIONEd A STudy TO PREPARE

A dETAIlEd TRANSPORT PlAN.

gOVERNMENT WAS MAdE AWARE Of ThE

POTENTIAlly dISRuPTIVE CONSEquENCES Of

lEAVINg OuT fAMIlIES lIVINg ON MEzzANINE

flOORS fROM ThE AMbIT Of RESETTlEMENT ANd

REhAbIlITATION.

POCKETS lIKE gAOThANS, KuMbhARWAdA, ANd

PRIVATE lANdS WERE ExCludEd fROM ThE dRP.

SINCE ThE ORIgINAl PlAN WAS ANAlyzEd IN

dEPTh ANd ITS ShORTCOMINgS METICulOuSly

dOCuMENTEd, gOVERNMENT bEgAN TO CONSIdER

AlTERNATIVE MOdAlITIES – INCludINg ThAT Of

MhAdA ITSElf TAKINg uP ONE SECTOR.

ThE POTENTIAl fOR SluM COMMuNITIES TO WORK

WITh PROfESSIONAlS ANd ACAdEMIC INSTITuTIONS

WITh ThE gOAl Of SElf-dEVElOPMENT WAS

sec

tion

tHR

ee

DH A R AV I C R O SS R O AD

An Alternative Strategy

If the process of resistance to the Dharavi Redevelopment Project was one aspect of the challenge, another equally compelling aspect was to initiate a process of engagement – that is, engagement towards devising an alternative strategy. This strategy, as compared to the governmental effort, developed documentation, analysis and design only after consulting local residents and their organizations. At the same time, it had to make do with severely constrained budgets of both time and resources. Reimagining Dharavi was also problematic for its thousands of residents who have been accustomed over generations to adapt to the harsh conditions of their habitat, upgrading it bit by little bit - but are quite unfamiliar with the challenges of envisioning the full picture of the future.

The smallest building block in this reimagined plan is the cooperative housing society whose residents wish to plot their own redevelopment. These housing cooperatives are aggregated into ‘nagars’ or neighbourhoods that have a distinct sense of identity based on factors such as religion, social origins or shared working conditions. The first step was to have the residents map their living and working conditions so as to obtain a clear picture of the ground reality. The following maps include informal organizational networks, industrial and commercial patterns, road and traffic networks, institutions, open spaces, and overall land use, as is, in Sector IV.

36m wide dRp RoAd 36m wide dRp RoAd 45m wide dRp RoAd 30.40m wide dRp RoAd 30.40m wide dRp RoAd 27m wide dRp RoAd

sectoR iV pLAn witH dRp RoAds

Dharavi was divided into five principal sectors as per the decision of the Government of Maharashtra. These sectors were divided either by marking existing transport corridors of the city or new roads envisioned by the

master plan. Sector IV is strategically located with the Bandra T-Junction to its north-west, 90 Feet Road to its east, and sharing its south-west and north-east boundaries with Sectors III and V respectively.

go og Le sA te LL it e im Ag e o f d H AR AV i

S E C TO R III S E C TO R III S E C TO R III SECTOR IV SECTOR IV SECTOR IV Revised Sector Demarcation Comparison Original Sector Demarcation

pRoposed

sectoR iV

10577

It was decided to stay with the Sector Plan broadly but with significant variations which will be elaborated below. We selected Sector IV as the focus because of the complexities and problems it

presented. Rather than choose the low-hanging fruit or quick gains by selecting an easier sector, it was thought that if we could address the many complicated issues raised by Sector IV, then it would become much easier to deal with the other sectors. However, the demarcation of Sector

IV was revised on the basis of existing internal road patterns and not on an externally imposed boundary. The main aim was to preserve existing organizational patterns within the slum and respect boundaries of existing ‘nagars’. A re a = 3 ,5 1, 49 7 S q .M ts .

no. of tenements

Residential Industrial + Commercial Residential + Commercial Total 8547 1979 51 10577 58

Grouping Together

There is an existing system evident within Dharavi where residents have organized themselves into groups so as to adopt a common rehabilitation program. These organizational clusters have been mapped in terms of proposed co-operative housing societies, chawls and nagars as they exist in Sector IV.

1. Janshakti Katta Boman Co-op Area: 2194.16 sq.mt.

R = 136 C = 3

2. Ganesh Rahiwasi Sangh Co-op

Area: 2309.23 sq.mt. R = 156 C = 8

3. Mahatma Gandhi Co-op Area: 1479.42 sq.mt. R = 77 C = 26 4. Indira Shakti Co-op Area: 1119.31 sq.mt. R = 75 C =18 5. Nausheman Co-op Area: 1265.70 sq.mt. R = 58 C = 19

6. New Maharashtra Nagar Co-op

Area: 1141.15 sq.mt. R = 51 C = 24 7. Bharat S.R.A. Co-op Area: 1726.80 sq.mt. R = 111 C = 24 8. Jai Hind Co-op Area: 1212.68 sq.mt. R = 60 C = 23

9. Gopinath Nagar (A) Co-op Area: 2544.10 sq.mt. R = 32 C = 78 10. Panchsheel Co-op Area: 2433.44 sq.mt. R = 173 C = 12 11. Moreshwar Co-op Area: 1310.45 sq.mt. R = 78 C = 7

22. Sai Akruti Co-op Area: 1111.05 sq.mt. R = 83 C = 4 23. Shiv Shrusti Co-op Area: 1410.84 sq.mt. R = 73 C = 1 24. Trimurti Co-op Area: 1182.71 sq.mt. R = 86 C = 0 25. Parag Co-op Area: 1302.06 sq.mt. R = 44 C = 5 26. Magdhumia Co-op Area: 797.41 sq.mt. R = 47 C = 0 27. Bhartiyaar Co-op Area: 2326.80 sq.mt. R = 153 C = 5 28. Gopinath Nagar (B) Co-op Area: 952.47 sq.mt. R = 21 C = 29 29. Gopinath Nagar (C) Co-op Area: 1595.25 sq.mt. R = 41 C = 30. Navrang Co-op Area: 4769.59 sq.mt. R = 192 C = 52 31. Navrang 2 Co-op Area: 602.18 sq.mt. R = 30 C = 7

co-opeRAtiVe Housing societies

12. Nityanand Co-op Area: 2294.95 sq.mt. R = 173 C = 4

13. Samrat Ashok Co-op Area: 2211.67 sq.mt. R = 153 C = 5 14. Ganesh Co-op Area: 1429.49 sq.mt. R = 75 C = 1 15. Sri Krupa Co-op Area: 1326.04 sq.mt. R = 56 C = 6

16. Laxmi Narayan Co-op Area: 3189.39 sq.mt. R = 101 C = 15 17. Navjeet Co-op Area: 2015.06 sq.mt. R = 64 C = 38 18. Veer Lahuji Co-op Area: 1236.52 sq.mt. R = 118 C = 2 19. Shiv Krupa Co-op Area: 1591.89 sq.mt. R = 46 C = 5 20. Jai Maharashtra Co-op Area: 2012.88 sq.mt. R = 59 C = 6 21. Prathishta Nagar Co-op Area: 3362.99 sq.mt. R = 154 C = 15 32. Shivaji Co-op Area: 3292.77 sq.mt. R = 96 C = 77 33. Shivaji 2 Co-op Area: 2307.56 sq.mt. R = 132 C = 22 34. Jivandhara Co-op Area: 942.50 sq.mt. R = 57 C = 8 35. Samata Co-op Area: 2845.68 sq.mt. R = 115 C = 40 36. Sarvodhaya Co-op Area: 548 sq.mt. R = 42 C = 4 37. Vishwakunj Co-op Area: 4576.85 sq.mt. R = 249 C = 27 38. Ujala Co-op Area: 2217.97 sq.mt. R = 20 C = 66 39. Satkarya Co-op Area: 1980.29 sq.mt. R = 88 C = 3

40. Mangal Murti Co-op Area: 5086.94 sq.mt. R = 201 C = 31

co-opeRAtiVe Housing societies

cHAwLs

Ambiguous cLusteRs

sLum ReHAbiLitAtion AutHoRity (sRA) buiLdings

Proposed housing co-operative societies are the smallest units for residents to come together to plan their future. In the SRA policy, such projects were approved if 70% of families gave their consent. There are about 40 such co-op societies in Sector IV which are eminently suitable forums for community participation and mobilization. While some societies are more organized than others, it is at this level that the community produces and shares information about its own members. The map shows cluster

R: ResidentiAL C: commeRciAL

sectoR iV

nAgARs

pRiVAte LAnds

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 39 13 15 18 38 14 30 32 33 35 27 37 23 24 22 21 40 19 20 34 36 26 25 31 29 28 16 17

( most of the base material used for this study is available in the public realm, and any details

Ambiguous cLusteRs

There were certain areas which could not be captured by the three groupings (co-op societies, chawls and nagars); these were termed as ‘ambiguous areas’. The map above shows the physical marking of the ambiguous clusters.

cHAwLs & nAgARs

Chawls were a form of housing built both by

government agencies and private employers to accomodate migrant workers as the city began to industrialize in the early 1900s. They were made up of single room units in

3 or 4 storeyed structures, with wide common passages and shared toilets. Generally, chawls had better infrastructure than slums and were occupied by better-off residents in the city. Larger clusters form nagars - that have commonly accepted boundaries though not a defined organizational pattern. There are about 20 chawls and 4 big nagars mapped in Sector IV.

1. Bismillah Chawl Area: 1704.66 sq.mt. R = 114 C = 10 2. Nehru Chawl Area: 2353.97 sq.mt. R = 150 C = 31 3. Sanjay Chawl Area: 1555.50 sq.mt. R = 88 C = 19 4. Madina Chawl Area: 2102.43 sq.mt. R = 52 C =70 5. Anna Sheth Chawl Area: 1114.55 sq.mt. R = 43 C = 3

6. Shankar Kawade Chawl Area: 886.20 sq.mt. R = 19 C = 13 7. Dr. Zakhir Hussain Chawl Area: 2029.78 sq.mt. R = 76 C = 23 1. Bashweshwar Nagar Area: 11813.19 sq.mt. R = 392 C = 82 2. Shiv Shakti Area: 11110.25 sq.mt. R = 608 C = 26 3. Indira Gandhi Nagar Area: 3334.56 sq.mt. R = 193 C = 13 4. Subhash Nagar Area: 5355.67 sq.mt. R = 250 C =24 8. Mariamma Chawl Area: 2468.41 sq.mt. R = 118 C = 24 9. Rajiv Gandhi Chawl Area: 2692.38 sq.mt. R = 196 C = 8

10. Rajiv Gandhi - 2 Chawl Area: 1783.11 sq.mt. R = 101 C = 11 11. Ganesh Chawl Area: 828.85 sq.mt. R = 52 C = 4 12. Bharti -2 Chawl Area: 847.89 sq.mt. R = 57 C = 1 13. Bharti Chawl Area: 780.56 sq.mt. R = 44 C = 3 14. Sambhaji Chawl Area: 2873.05 sq.mt. R = 186 C = 13

15. Lal Patra Chawl Area: 850.66 sq.mt. R = 17 C = 12 16. Koli Jamat Chawl Area: 1018.34 sq.mt. R = 34 C = 14 17. B.M.C. Chawl Area: 5605.06 sq.mt. R = 108 C = 28 1. Ambiguous Cluster 1 Area: 5408.22 sq.mt. R = 37 C = 86 2. Ambiguous Cluster 2 Area: 16674.54 sq.mt. R = 241 C = 82 3. Ambiguous Cluster 3 Area: 6448.22 sq.mt. R = 208 C = 49 4. Ambiguous Cluster 4 Area: 1630.25 sq.mt. R = 3 C =1 5. Ambiguous Cluster 5 Area: 4757.45 sq.mt. R = 154 C = 88 6. Ambiguous Cluster 6 Area: 7771.77 sq.mt. R = 302 C = 91 7. Ambiguous Cluster 7 Area: 1336.10 sq.mt. R = 47 C = 46 8. Ambiguous Cluster 8 Area: 3717.69 sq.mt. R = 96 C = 77 9. Ambiguous Cluster 9 Area: 7718.91 sq.mt. R = 452 C =86 10. Ambiguous Cluster 10 Area: 3678.09 sq.mt. R = 60 C = 79 CHAWLS NAGARS 1 1 1 2 2 7 ₈ 9 10 14 15 16 17 1312 11 2 3 3 3 4 4 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 5 6

existing commeRciAL Zone

existing ResidentiAL Zone

So as to facilitate customer traffic, commercial activities are mainly aligned along the 90 Feet Road and junctions of Sector IV’s primary roads. These commercial units include meat stores, eateries, grocery and mechanics’ shops, and tailoring, all for local markets. Textiles, leather goods and jari work are mainly export-oriented.

The commercial zone comprises 9% of the total area of Sector IV. Commercial units form predominant selling hubs located in clusters along the streets.

Large residential clusters lining the inner part of the main streets are linked with secondary and tertiary pedestrian street networks. Small and large open spaces that are strategically placed within the residential network provide breathing space within an otherwise dense fabric.

The residential zone comprises 30% of the total area of Sector IV. Some of these residential units also house commercial and domestic workplaces for broom-making, food-making, embroidery, etc. It is indeed difficult to clearly demarcate what is residential, commercial, industrial or home-based because some combination or mixed

ResidentiAL

owned & LeAsed types of tenements

ResidentiAL + commeRciAL commeRciAL

House Types

Fully Leased Fully Residential Fully Residential

Single Family Double Families

Separate Rent Residents On Shared Rent Family Basis Shared Individual Basis

Part Leased Out for

Residence Part Leased Out for Home-Based Industry/Commerce

Part Residential - Part Home-Based Industry/Commerce

Part Residential - Part Home-Based Industry/Commerce

Part Residential - Part Leased Out

This map indicates the areas demarcated as SRA housing and private lands. The SRA & private lands together comprise 29% of the total area of Sector IV. Most of the SRA

buildings concentrate on the residential component of the scheme since the commercial component is sold as TDR. Even so, these buildings reveal a high density configuration with poor lighting conditions, high maintenance costs, lack of proper infrastructure and facilities. Since 2004, when DRP was approved, SRA housing has been disallowed.

sRA buiLdings & pRiVAte LAnds

RoAds & ALLeys

A

c

e

f

d

b

RoAd Ab cd ef 2wHeeLeR 33 77 29 bicycLe / HAAtH-gAAdi 8 4 71 Auto 16 2 cAR 16 13 tRuck 23 2 goods cARRiAge 4 2

tRAffic LoAding

AVeRAge no. of VeHicLes/HouR

Ab cd ef

pubLic toiLets

Common toilets have been constructed under public programmes. On an average, a toilet seat is shared by close to a thousand residents.

Public toilets and amenities comprise 1% of the total area of Sector IV.

Pedestrian pathways throughout Dharavi are connected to vehicular roads that go on to connect to the main roads of the city. The vehicular roads (AB, CD, and EF) mainly carry heavy vehicular traffic throughout the day. Commercial and industrial tenements, shops and informal markets line both sides of these roads. The narrow alleys filter the traffic and restrict vehicular movement - making them predominantly pedestrian, and safe and usable for children and residents.

institutions

ReLigious institutions educAtionAL institutions medicAL institutions

muLti-functionAL community open spAces

ResidentiAL open spAces

Religious Institutions

There are religious institutions from small and large shrines to mosques and churches spread all over the area, sharing common gathering spaces and some strategically located within multifunctional open spaces. All religious activities are well integrated within the physical fabric and allow for strong social interaction during religious festivals as well as in day-to-day life.

Educational Institutions

The kind of educational institutions that are found in Dharavi are not very high-end but comprise small balwadis, primary schools and very few higher secondary schools. Though there are higher-level educational institutions outside Dharavi but close-by, it is necessary to assess local needs in relation to existing supply.

Medical Institutions

There are small ayurvedic,

homeopathic and allopathic clinics spread within the residential/ commercial fabric, responding to local community needs. Sion Hospital located on the Sion-Mahim Link Road is the main medical insitution for the people of Dharavi.

The larger open areas allow for multiple activities such as celebrating festivals, sports, markets, other

community gatherings and work-related activities. They constitute a very

important socio-cultural space, strengthening the community spirit of the people of Dharavi. The smaller open spaces are used for day-to-day activites like washing/drying clothes, cutting vegetables, small-scale embroidery, etc. These serve as pause spaces for informal gatherings and for children to play besides providing breathing space.