The Chilean Communist Party 1922 - 1947.

!., ?

THE CHILEAN _{COM 1UNIST} PARTY

1922-1947

by

A. BARNARD

Thesis _presented for the degree _of Doctor of Philosophy in the University _of London

University

College,

University

_of

London.

December

1977"

," 13

3 F3 I,

THESIS

ABSTRACT

Founded in 1922 by Socialist _{who already} exerted

considerable influence in the Chilean trade union movement, the Chilean Communist Party _{was a communist party} in name only during its early years. It was not until the later

1920s _that it began to _acquire the _{organisational} forms and practices characteristic of all members of the Third

Communist International _{and not until} the _early 1930s that it _was led by _{men who gave unquestioning allegiance} to

Moscow. Reduced to _{a shadow of} its former _self by prolonged persecution in the late 1920s and early 1930s, the party's

fortunes did _not begin to _{revive until after} 1935, _when the Third International _{adopted policies which encouraged} it to become _{a regular participant} in Chilean _{coalition politics.}

Between 1935 _and 1947, the _party's fortunes fluctuated _some- what in accordance with changing national and international

circumstances but coalition politics enabled it to play im- portant roles in the election of three successive Presidents

of the Republic, to extend its _appeal to wider sectors of

society, to expand its electoral _and trade union support and, indirectly, to lay the basis for _an increasingly _effective

and professional party machine. In 1946, the _party became the first Latin American Communist Party to hold designated

portfolios in cabinet but its experience of high government

office _{was cut short} by Cold War pressures _{- pressures} which eventually forced the _party into _{a period} of clandestinity

which lasted from 1947 until 1958.

This, then, is the broad _{chronological sweep of} this study. Within its context, particular _attention is paid to the _{party's relations with} the International Communist Move- ment, to its links with organised labour, to its organisational

development, to its _{electoral support and to its changing} relations with other Chilean parties.

C0NTENTS

page

Preface iv

Acknowledgements vi

Principal Abbreviations vii

Chapter 1 The Origins _and Foundation _of

the Chilean Communist Party 1

Chapter

2

The

Early

Years,

1922-1927

58

Chapter 3 Clandestinity _and Third Period

Policies,

1927-1934

112

Chapter

4

The Popular

Front

Strategy,

1935-1938

164

Chapter 5 Pedro Aguirre Cerda _and the

Popular

Front,

1938-1941

218

Chapter 6 President _Juan Antonio Rfos, National Unity _and the War

Years,

1942-1946

274

Chapter

₇

_The

_Cold

_{War and President}

_Gabriel

Gonzälez Videla,

1946-1947

331

Appendix

_A

_Basic

_{orga: xisational}

features

_and

principles of the PCCh

393

Appendix

_B

Indices

_of

_production

1938-1948

₃₉₉

Appendix C

_Strike

_actions

_1938-1941

400

Appendix D Inflation _{and wage increases in}

the

_mining

industry

1939-1948

401

Appendix E Biographical _{notes on} leading

Central Committee _members 402

Appendix

F

Votes

_cast

for

the

_{PCCh in general}

elections

for

the

Chamber

_of

_Depu-

ties

in 1937,1941

_{and 1945}

407

Bibliogr _aphy 408

Map

430

PREFACE

Perhaps, in _{recent years,} the Chilean Communist

Party has become best known for the _role it _played in the election _{and government} of the ill-fated President Salvador Allende (1970-1973). Yet, in fact, the Chilean Communist

Party had been _{a force of some significance} in Chilean politics for _many years and, until the Cuban Revolution, could lay _claim to being the most successful Communist

Party in Latin America. _{No other} Latin American Communist Party _{achieved such close} links _{with organised labour, no} other _party had _similar electoral _{appeal and no other}

party had the degree _{of acceptance and} respectability _which the Chilean _{party enjoyed. Despite this, the Chilean Com-} munist Party has _not been the _{subject of much systematic}

study by _either foreign _or Chilean _{scholars and} this _work is an attempt to remedy that neglect for the years 1922-1947.

During _{those years, the PCCh developed its more striking} characteristics both _{as an} organisation _{and as an actor}

in _the Chilean _{political process and it was during those}

years that it _moved from the _margins into the _{mainstream of} Chilean _{political life.}

This _study is based _{primarily on the newspaper and} pamphlet literature of the time, _{not only of} the _party it-

self but of all groups _which had _{some part} in the develop-

ment of events. Use has _also been _{made of archival material}

from the Foreign Office in London _and from the Direcci&n General del Trabajo in Santiago. The Chilean Communist

Party _was in the _process of collecting material for the

Museo Recabarren _when this _{author was} in Santiago but that collection only yielded a few items which were not avail-

able in public and private libraries elsewhere.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

It is _{a pleasure} to _{record my thanks} to the _many people who have given me assistance during the preparation

of this _work. I owe a particular debt of gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. Harold ßlakemore, for his _{uhfailing advice} and encouragement. My thanks, too, to Alan Angell, Jorge ßarria _Seron, Alejandro Chelan Rojas, _Hernan Ramirez

Necochea _and Jose Sulbrandt for their _{help and co-operation.} I _{am grateful to Mario} Merino _{and his successor,}

Justo _{Alarcon, of the Newspaper Section of} the Biblioteca

Nacional _{in Santiago and the staff of the Archivo of the} Direccicn _{General del Trabaio for their patience and hos-} pitility. I am endebted to Juan de la Cruz Leyton _and

Adrian _{Vasquez of the Communist Party's Museo Recaharren}

for _{not only giving me access to the materials under their} control but _also for first hand _{accounts of many of} the

events _and developments touched _upon in this _study.

Finally, I _should like _{to thank the Foreign Area} Fellowship Program _{and the Institute of Latin American}

Studies, University _of London, for _{the financial support} which made the preparation of this thesis _possible.

PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS

ADCh Alianza Democrätico de Chile

RSA Buro Sud-Americano

CC Comite Central

CR _Comite Regional

CL Comite Local

CNSL Confederaci6n Nacional de Sindicatos Legales

Comintern Communist International

CTCh Confederaciön de Trabajadores de Chile

DTIQ El Despertar de los _{Trabajadores, Iquique}

FN Falange _Nacional

FOCh Federaciön _{Obrera de Chile}

FOR _{Foreign Office Records}

IC

_Izquierda

_Comunista

JVP

_{La Jornada}

_Comunista,

_Valdivia

PC _{Partido Conservador}

PCCh Partido Comunista _de Chile

PD Partido Democrata

PL Partido Liberal

POS Partido _{Obrera Socialista}

PR Partido Radical

PS

Partido

_Socialista

_{do Chile}

SSA

Secretariado

_{Sud-Atnericano}

.1.

Chapter 1 The Origins _and Foundation _of

.2.

The _{roots of} the Partido Comunista de Chile(PCCh)

and of the modern Chilean working class movement lie in the economic, social and political changes which that country

experienced in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Like

its

_neighbours,

Chile

had

emerged

from

its

struggle for independence from Spain impoverished and

plagued by civil war. After 1830, however, Chile enjoyed a prolonged period of relatively peaceful and orderly

development _{-a striking contrast} to the bloody turbulence which continued to afflict most other Latin American

Republics. Chile _{owed much of} its _good fortune in this

matter to those geographic, economic and social peculiarities

which gave the country a greater degree of cohesion than was usual on the continent. Thus, despite Chile's rugged and

difficult terrain, the vast majority _of its inhabitants

lived in _one distinctive _{area -} the 700 _mile long Central

Valley _which lies between the Andes Mountains _and the _coastal ranges. This concentration of population, together with the

country's narrowness (never more than one hundred miles

wide) and its lengthy coastline meant that central govern-

ment, based in the capital city of Santiago, had good land and sea communications with other population centres which made the task of governing a relatively easy matter. (l)

(1) _{See Harold Blakemore and Clifford} T. _{Smith, Latin} Americas Geographical Perspectives (London, 1971

0 3"

Similarly, _{the vast majority of} Chileans _{were engaged upon} one economic _{activity, agriculture, and} experienced one

form _{of social organisation, the fundo or great estate.} The dominance _{of agriculture based on the fundo provided}

cohesion

in

two directions.

Firstly,

the

(undo

_owner

_or

hacendado _{had a paternalistic and almost feudal attitude}

towards _{his work force and their close relationship tended} to forge _{strong bonds of loyalty between classes. Secondly,}

the _{hacendados, who constituted Chile's ruling elite, tended} to _{share the economic preoccupations}

and the social attitudes of their _rivals for _{political power.} (2) Finally, _Chile

was relatively homogeneous in _racial terms. Negroes _had

never been imported in large _{numbers and} the Indians, _{by the} early _{nineteenth century,} had _{been submerged by miecegena-}

tion, _{driven out of the Central Valley}

or exterminated. (3) Thus, _{two racial groups dominated, the}

mestizo _and the _white and since the latter constituted _{a numerous minority, not}

all

of

whom were

wealthy,

the

_sharp

_coincidence

_between

social

type

_{and economic}

_class

_which

_{so embittered}

_political

conflict

elsewhere

in

Latin

America

_did

_not

_prevail

_to

_the

same extent

in

Chile.

These

factors,

_however,

_did

_not

_make

_Chile

_entirely

immune

from

the

_sort

_of

_conflicts

_which

all

Latin

American

countries

_experienced

in

the

decades

_after

_{independence.}

Chile

_had

_its

_caudillos,

_it

_experienced

_the

pulls

of

_a

(2) _{G. 1. MaBride's Chiles Land}

and Society (New York, 1936) _{provides the classic study}

of the importance of the latifundia to _{Chile's development.}

(3) _{Francisco Encina}

and Leopoldo Castedo Resumen de la Historia _{de Chile} (3 _{vols., Santiago, 1961) i.}

.4.

regionalism reluctant to accept rule from Santiago and suffered from civil wars as Federalist and Centralist,

Liberal _and Conservative battled for _power. (4) Nonethe- less, its _{underlying cohesion meant} that the _{gulfs which}

separated _{rival groups} in Chile _{were rather} less deep _and less _{bitter than in most} Latin _{American countries.}

The _{period of sustained and more or} less _peaceful development _which Chile _{experienced after} 1830 _{was not}

altogether the product of fortuitous _and impersonal circum-

stance. Chile owed much to human ingenuity _and, in _particular, to the _{skill and} foresight _of the _{wen who framed the 1833}

Constitution _{and created} the _{system which channeled Chile's}

political development for _{almost a century.} In 1830, _at the Battle _{of Lircay, the more conservative and centralist forces}

in _{Chilean politics, the peluconos, defeated their more} liberal _{and democratic opponents, the pipiolos,}

and brought to _{an end a seven year period of intermittent civil war}

known _as La Anarguia. One faction _{of the pelucones, led by} Diego Portales, _managed to impose _{its criterion on the 1833} Constitution. Portales _{and his friends perceived that}

lasting

_peace

_{and statllity}

_could

_only

_{be restored}

_to

_Chile

by _{re-establishing} harmony between _{the three principal pillars} of Chilean society _- the landed _{aristocracy, the} Church _and

the _{Army - and} by _{recreating the firm, authoritarian}

government _which Chile had _{experienced as a colony.} (4)

(4) _{See Simon Collier Ideas}

and Politics of Chilean

Independence _{1808-1833 Cambridge,} 1967) _{for a} detailed _{account of struggles during the Indepen-} dence _period.

(5) _{Julio Heise GonzalezI}

05"

They _restored the _privileges and properties which previous

'democratic' _regimes had confiscated from the landed aristo- crats and the Church and curbed the Army through reorganisa- tion _and the _{creation of a civilian militia.} In the 1833

Constitution, they instituted _{a quasi-monarchical} form of government _suitably adapted to the then current republican

and constitutional norms. Thus, while the principle of the

separation of powers was recognised, almost total power was invested _in the _{office of} the President of the Republic

while _{a primarily} consultative role was envisaged for the bi-cameral legislature. By _severely limiting the franchise

and by instituting indirect elections for the Presidency, Portales _and his friends _ensured that _{control remained}

firmly _{in the hands of} the landed _aristocracy. However,

despite _the deliberate _attempt to limit _{popular participation}

in _{the political process,} the 1833 Constitution _{was not un-} enlightened. Education, for example, was made the responsi-

bility _of the _{state and, more} important _{still, steps were}

taken to _ensure that the Presidency did _not degenerate from

an institutional to a personal dictatorship. Presidents were not permitted to serve more than two consecutive terms and

Congress, _which the Presidents _{could not} dissolve, _{was given} limited _{powers over} finance _and the _Armed Forces. In _sum,

the 1833 Constitution had the _{merits of recognising and} bes- towing legitimacy _{upon existing power relationships} in

Chilean _{society and of providing an acceptable} framework

.6.

Under the _{aegis of} the 1833 Constitution, Chile

experienced the peace and stability necessary for sustained economic growth. In the middle decades of the nineteenth

century, _{mining and} agricultural resources were developod; banking _{and commerce} began to flourish. With _economic

growth came social change; new elites emerged whose wealth was not based primarily on land but on banking and commerce;

new _{middle sectors - professional} men, functionaries and businessmen _{- appeared} in _response to the demands _{of an}

increasingly _{complex economy and, at} the lower _{end of} the social scale, a new urban artisan class began to form.

However, _{mid-century economic and social change was not on} a sufficiently large scale to generate new forces willing

and able to challenge the traditional ruling class for power. Indeed, the landed _{aristocracy showed considerable} flexibility _{in absorbing} the _{new mining and commercial}

elites _and political divisions, far from being _re-drawn on the _{basis of class or socio-economic policy, continued to}

revolve _around constitutional _{and religious} issues.

Two issues

in

_particular

_dominated

_nineteenth

century _politics in Chile _{- presidential authoritarianism}

and the powers and privileges _of the Church. These issues, together _with the intense _{personal rivalries between those} who _wished to become President _of the Republic, lay behind

the _{emergence of a series of} loosely-knit _{political parties}

"7"

to form the Partido Liboral(PL) which pressed for curbs on presidential powers and greater public liberties. Later,

an administration hostile to the Church caused the pelucones to _{split again, producing} two parties; the Parte o

Conservador(PC), _which defended the Church's position, and the Partido Nacional(PN), _which took the government's side.

Finally, _in the 18603ß the left _wing of the PLC more mili- tant in its _{anti-clericalism and} its defence of public

liberties than the _main body _of Liberals, broke away to form _the Partido Radical(PR). (6)

If

_mid-century

_economic

_and

social

change

played

a

minor role in the emergence of these parties, over the years they did become _{associated with particular} sectors of the

ruling class. The PL, for example, drew its support from the less devout hacendados _and the _{newer elites;} the PC became _{the voice of} the traditionalist Catholic landowners

while the PH represented secular-minded landowners, state functionaries _{and progressive} businessmen. The PR was,

perhaps, the clearest manifestation of mid-century economic and social change since it drew its leadership and inspira-

tion from the _{new mining elites.}

The issue _{of presidential authoritarianism was not} only _{a catalyst} in the formation of political parties but

a significant factor in Chile's constitutional development.

(6) _{Standard works on the development of} Chilean _poli- tical _parties include _{Alberto Edwards and} Eduardo Frei, Historia de los _{partidos olfticos chilenos}

(Santiago, _{1949); lien Leon Echaiz,} Evoluci _{n de} log artidos politicos chilenos (Santiago, 2nd ed., 1971)- See also Germ fin Urz _{a Valenzuela,} Los _partidos

08.

Conflict between the executive and legislative arms of

government, each intent on expanding or defending its pre- rogatives, characterised Chile's constitutional history in the _{nineteenth century - much} in the same way, according to one famous Chilean writer, that King and Parliament wrestled

for _{power in seventeenth century} England. () Indeed, the balance _{of power} between President _and Congress is _often

used to distinguish periods in Chile's development. Thus,

the Autocratic Republic, _generally dated from 1833 to 1861,

saw _presidential power little troubled by congressional inter- ference _while during the Liberal Republic _which followed,

constitutional reforms were passed which converted Congress

into _{a strong and independent} body. _{So strong} that, by the

1880s, _{Congress could make governing an arduous} task for _any president who incurred its hostility. In the late 1880s,

President Balmaceda found himself in _precisely that _position although, ironically enough, as a congressman he had been

in _the forefront _of the battle to _{curb presidential power.}

In the face _{of congressional obstructionism,} Balmaceda tried to _{rule without} Congress _{altogether, an action which pre-}

cipitated the 1891 Revolution _- and his own downfall. (8) The 1891 Revobtion is _usually taken to _mark the beginning _of the final _{stage of} Chile's development _under

(7) _{See Alberto Edwards La Fronda Aristocrätica} (Santiago, _1936).

(8) _{For contrasting views on the contentious subject}

of the origins of the 1891 Revolution, see Harold Blakemore British _{Nitrates and Chilean} Politics

1886-1896 (London, _{197 and Iiernan Ram rez}

0 9"

the 1833 Constitution _- the _so-called Parliamentary Republic. As its _{name might suggest,} the Parliamentary Republic _saw

the _{ascendency of} the legislature _over the _{executive arm of} government. Emboldened by its victory in the 1891 Revolution,

Congress began to _use the _powers it had _{won under} the Liberal

Republic _{with an increasing} frequency _{and, according} to _some critics, _{with a decreasing} sense of responsibility. Minis-

terial _{instability, caused} by the _{use of} the _{congressional}

faculty _{to censure and remove ministers from office, and the} interference _of Congress in the _{most minute details of pub-}

lic _{administration,} in _{a manner} inimical _{to efficiency and} dispatch, became _striking features _of the _{Parliamentary Re-}

public. Increasingly, Presidents found themselves in _{need of} a working majority in Congress to _perform the most routine

tasks _{of government. Presidents still possessed the means} to influence Congress _- through _{control over state patronage} and the _ability to influence election _{results - but} the

loose _{structure of} the _{political parties and their suscepti-} bility _to fierce internal _{conflicts and fragmentation}

made

the task _{of constructing a stable congressional majority one} which often eluded the most _{astute of presidents.} Inevit-

ably, the Parliamentary Republic _came to be _{associated with} weak, uncertain and corrupt _governments incapable _{of meeting}

the _{challenge of economic and social change. (9) While} this _{reputation may well have been undeserved, it led}

(9ý _{See Ricardo Donoso Alessandri,}

agitador demoledor (2 vols. _{: -Mexico} City, 1952) i, _pp178-191 for _{a use-}

. 10

broad _{sectors of} Chileans to believe that _something had

to be done to _{purge and reform} the _{political system} in the early twentieth century. (10)

The _{major cause of} the _{rapid social and economic}

change _which Chile _experienced in the late nineteenth and early twentieth _century can be found in Chile's victory in

the War _{of the Pacific} (1879-1883). _{By defeating} Peru _and Bolivia, _{Chile acquired} the _{rich nitrate} deposits _of

Tarapacä _{and Antofagasta.} Nitrates _swiftly became Chile's most important _export industry and the key factor in a

general _economic expansion which brought _{profound social} changes. The _nitrate industry _stimulated the development of _ancillary industries _{and services} to _satisfy its _own

needs _{and contributed} to _{an expansion of} the internal _market by _{paying wages to large numbers of workers. The industry}

had _{an even greater impact on the economy through the role}

it _{came to play} in _government finances. _{Taxes levied on the} exports of nitrates rapidly became the _most important _single

source of revenue for the statu _and between 1880 _and 1920,

governments obtained _{an average of} 43% of their total _annual income from this _{sourcee(11) Moreover, since the industry}

rapidly fell under the control _of foreign investors, the bulk _of Chile's _{share of its most important export industry}

(10) _{See Julio Heise CTonzälez Hi5toria de Chiles El}

Periodo Parliamentario, _{1861-1925 (Santiago, 1974)}

Part 5, for _{an interesting defence of the record of} the Parliamentary _Republic.

(11) _{Hernän Ramirez Necochea}

.

11 .

was received in the form of these taxes. Thus, the integra- tion _of the _nitrate industry into the _economy initiated _a

complex _process. Government _{spending and not private} invest- ment became the _{principal motor of economic growth and} the

government's _capacity to _{spend was} directly tied to the

prosperity _of the _nitrate industry _which, in its turn, _was subject to the _{vagaries of world} demand. In _sum, the _whole economy became hostage to the fortunes _of this _single indus- try. (12) _{The social consequence of the economic growth}

promoted directly, _or indirectly, by the _nitrate industry

was great. Middle _sectors of Chilean _{society - professional} men, commercial _{and government} functionaries, businessmen,

small industrialists _{and manufacturers - expanded} to _meet

the

demands

_of

_the

_economy.

_Perhaps

_more

_striking

_still,

the _{processes of internal migration were stimulated and}

an urban _{proletariat was created.} Farm _{workers, deprived of}

their _{traditional occupation by a decline in}

agriculture _and attracted by the prospect of higher _{wages and} better _opportu-

nities* flocked to the _{major cities and} the _{new productive zones} in the _{north and} the _{south of the country. By 1907,43%}

of all Chileans lived in towns _{as compared with 27% in 1875. (13)}

During _almost the _{same period, the population of the nitrate} provinces more than trebled _and the _{coalmining and manu-}

facturing _{zone around Concepcidn in the}

south experienced (12) _{See Anibal Pinto,}

ed. Chile, Hoy (Santiago, 1970) pp9-16, for _{a brief} but _{clear discussion of the}

impact _{of the nitrate industry}

on the economy. (13) _{Julio Cesar Jobet Enaa}

0 12 0

a similar increase. (14) By 1910, some 50,000 workers were employed in the nitrate fields, 10,000 in the coal mines, 17,000 on the railways and 71,000 in manufacturing

industries. (15)

With

_the

_{concentration}

_of

large

_numbers

_{of workers}

in _{working and} living _{conditions which were often} harsh _and very different from those to which the worker had been ac-

customed in the countryside, a strong sense of class iden-

tity _{and consciousness} began to develop. For the first time the _{worker was exposed} to the _{regimentation of} industrial

life _{and dependent on wages} for his daily _{survival; any}

illusion _{which the migrant may} have brought from the fundo

concerning _{a community} of interest between employer and em- ployee _{was swiftly} eroded. Indeed, as an increasing number of _{workers were} becoming dependent _{on wages,} Chile itself

was _affected by a slow but persistent inflation. The value of the _peso fell by two-thirds between 1880 _and 1910 _while, according to another source, the real cost _of consumer

articles increased fourfold between 1891 _and 1908. (16)

It _{was, perhaps,} this inflationary _{pressure as much as the} different _{working and} living _{conditions which the migrant}

worker experienced which helped to develop _{class conscious-} ness _- and which led to the creation _{of organisations}

specifically designed to defend the interests _of the _working

(14) _{Enrique Reyes El Desarrollo do In Con dencia} Proletaria (Santiago, _{1973)t ppa}

-3 " (15) _{Jorge flarrfa Seren Los}

inovimientos sociales de

principios del _{sip lo} XX Inerooria, Univereidad de Chile, 1953) _{pp10_13.}

(16) _{Ibid. p18: Julio Cesar Jobet}

. 13 .

classes.

Perhaps

_nowhere

is

the

_process

_of

the

formation

_of

working class consciousness better seen than in the nitrate

provinces of Antofagasta and Tarapacä. There, large numbers of _{workers, often} recruited by unscrupulous means, were

herded _together in _{poorly constructed camps} in the hostile

isolation _{of the Atacama} desert. Lacking in the _{most rudi-} mentary _amenities, the camps were the _private kingdoms of

the _{nitrate companies.} The _{compp6ny store provided} the _worker with the necessities of life at its own prices and convenience while the company police controlled access to _and departure

from _{the camp and maintained order and} discipline

- sometimes in _{a brutal and arbitrary fashion. The} truck _{system, poor}

water, the _{absence of civil rights,} the lack _{of schools and} impartial _{justice, the open toleration of prostitution,}

gambling and illegal distilling of liquor, the lack _{of proper} medical _{attention -} these were the perennial _{complaints of}

the _{nitrate workers.} (17) Moreover, _{living cheek by jowl} with the nitrate workers was a scattering of _{administrative}

personnel whose lifestyles, pastimes _{and often} language

were very different. Small _wonder that the _{nitrate workers}

developed _{a particularly strong sense of class identity and} solidarity which was regularly transmitted to _{other parts}

of Chile when, by necessity or _choice, they _returned to the central _and southern _provinces.

(17) _{See Enrique Reyes,}

op _{ccit, pp129-211} for _{copies of} the _{nitrate workers' complaints and the responses}

. 14 .

The _nitrate fields _were by _{no means} the _{only places} where conditions helped to foster a strong sense of class

identity. Conditions in the _{southern coalfields mirrored} those found _{in the nitrate provinces while} the _experiences

of the migrant worker in the towns tended towards the forma- tion _{of similar attitudes,} if in _{a less} intensive form.

While _the development _{of a clear sense of class}

consciousness had profound significance for the development of the _working class movement in Chile, the first form of worker organisation which that country experienced belonged

to _{an earlier stage of 1s} development. £id-century _economic and social change _and the creation of an urban artisan class produced the first _{mutualist society} in 1853. The rnutualist

society, _which remained the most usual form of worker organisa- tion _{until well into the twentieth century, provided social}

security _and educational benefits for its _members. Generally, it _{was organised on a trade} basis, _{was not political in a}

partisan sense and was not concerned _with fighting _employers for better _{pay and conditions.} Under the _{impact of late}

nineteenth century change the _{mutualist movement grew con-} siderably and in 1902 created _{a national organisation,} the

Congreso Social Obrero, _{which claimed 20,000 members in that} year. (18) Associated _with the _{mutualist societies were}

the _{philharmonic and} instruction _{societies which were} particularly concerned with music _{and education.}

(18) _{Jorge Barria Serön pp}

. 15 .

Towards the _{end of} the _{nineteenth century, sharpen-} ing _{class conflict and} the _{penetration of anarchist} ideas

produced a new form of worker organisation _- the resistance

society _{- specifically} designed to fight for better pay _and conditions for its members by direct _and militant action.

First _{founded by railway shop workers in Santiago} in 1898, the _{resistance society spread} to _{other groups of workers}

elsewhere in the country _- including _miners in Lota, port-

workers in the northern provinces _and bakers _and seamen in Valparafso. (19) Shortly _after the first _{resistance society} was founded, _another form of worker organisation _{appeared -}

the _{mancomunal. The mancomunal, which} first _{appeared in}

Iquique _{in 1900, combined the essential} features _{of both the} mutualist _and the _{resistance society and was} the true _pre-

cursor _of the _modern Chilean trade _union. Associated _with socialist _rather than _anarchist influence, _mancomunales

were _created in Tocopilla, Taltal, Copiap6, Lota, Coronel

and Lebu in the years following 1900. However, _while the

resistance society and the mancomunal _were influential _amongst certain sectors of workers, they do _{not appear} to have had

a long life. A government survey _{of all} forms _{of worker}

organisation in 1910 reported that _{of a total of} 433 _organi- sations claiming 59,136 _{members, only} 7 were _resistance

societies while the mancomunal _seems to have disappeared

(19) _{For general accounts}

of the _working class _organisa- tions in Chile _{in the late nineteenth and early}

twentieth _{centuries see Julio Cesar Jobet Aecabarrent} Los _{on ones del movimiento obrero del}

socialismo chileno (Santiago, 1955); _Alejandro Chelen _Rojas Trayectoria _{del Socialismo (Buenos Aires, 1967)}

and Marcelo _{Segall Desarrollo del Capitalismo}

. 16 .

altogether. (20) The vast majority of worker organisations

then, _{were mutualist, philharmonic and} instruction societies. One of the _{major reasons} for the _relatively short life _of the _{resistance society and} the _mancomunal was their

involvement _{in strike actions.} The increasing frequency of strikes in the first decade of the twentieth century was

not viewed by the authorities with equanimity and they

resorted to judicial process and physical repression in an effort to crush the more militant type of worker organisa-

tion _and the _{strikes with which} they _{were ässociated.}

Although _{most strikes were settled peacefully and quickly}

by direct _negotiation between _{employer and employee without} government intervention, others dragged on for long periods and some _ended in bloodshed. Police and Army killed tens and sometimes hundreds of workers in strikes in Valparaiso

(1903), _Santiago (1905) _{and Antofagasta} (1906). (21) While the _strikers themselves _{sometimes occasioned riots and civil} disturbances _which, to _{some extent, excused} the _vigorous

responses of the authorities no such justification _can be

found for the treatment _{meted out to strikers in Iquique in} 1907 _{where government repression reached its climax for that} decade. There, Army _{machine-gunn©rs opened fire on a dense} but _{peaceful crowd of striking nitrate workers and their}

families _gathered in _{and around the Escuela Santa} Maria;

(20) _{Jorge Barrfa Ser6n op.}

cit. p67-

. 17 .

some 2,000

people

died,

(22)

The

repression

_of

_the

_Iquique

strike

dealt

_{a physical}

and moral

blow

to

_the

_Chilean

working

class

movement;

_recovery

took

_several

_years.

The established

political

_parties

_were

_not

_unaffected

by the _{social developments produced by late nineteenth}

century _{economic change.} In 1901, the PC formally incorpora- ted _{the social christian principles laid down in the papal}

encyclical Rerum Novarum into its ideology; the PL and the Partido _{Liberal Democrätico(PLD), formed by balmacedistas}

after the 1891 Revolution, _{eventually accepted} the idea that the _{state should intervene in the settlement of labour} dis-

putes _while, in 1906, _{the PR proposed} that the _{state should} play _{an even} larger _{role in the regulation of class relation-}

ships. (23) While these _{parties showed varying} degrees _of paternalistic _concern for the _{condition of} the _{new working}

classes, _{none of} them tried to _{capture their political sup-} port by _{adopting programmes specifically} designed to _meet

their _{needs. In political terms the working classes}

were seen _{as a problem} to be _{solved rather} than _{a force to be} harnessed.

The first

_political

_party

_{to make a concerted}

attempt to represent and _appeal to the _{working classes as} such was the Partido DemScrata(PD), founded _{by a group of} dissident Radicals _{in 1887. Aiming}

at nothing less than the political, social _{and economic emancipation of the people}

(22) _{First official reports}

of the _{massacre claim only} 140 dead _{and wounded (La Patria, Iquique,}

24.12.1907) but the figure _{of 29000 dead is}

not generally _dis- puted now.

(23) _{See Peter G. Snow, Radicalismo}

.

18 .

the PD adopted _{electoral means} to fight for the implementa-

tion _{of a rather} incoherent _{reform programme which, even} if enacted in its _entirety, would have fallen short of the

stated objective. (24) Several different factions soon emerged _within the PD which, _almost from the first, was affected by serious internal divisions caused by political

and personal differences. Perhaps the issue which caused most conflict in the early years of the PD was the question

of _whether to participate in the coalition politics of the

day _and, if _{so, which of} the two _{great coalitions should} be supported _- the Alianza Liberal, based on the PL, or the

Coalicidn, based _{on the} PC. (25) These _{questions, and the}

approach of presidential elections, oponed a breach in the PD in 1901 between the _{reglamentarios, who argued against parti-}

cipation in either coalition, _and the doctrinarios, who urged support for the Alianza Liberal. (26) Even _at this _stage,

the _conflict between _{reglamentarios and doctrinarios was}

complicated by the existence of _{a third socialist or social}

democratic _current. The _socialist Democrats, _{who had begun} to _appear in the 1890s, differed from _{the other currents in} the _{greater emphasis} they _{placed on the need to create}

workers' organisations and to direct the PD's _activities

(24)

_Julio

_Cesar

_Jobet,

_Recabarren,

pp126-128.

(25) _{Both the CoaliciSn}

and the Alianza Liberal _{were cre-} ated in 191 _when the _{support of a majority} in Cong-

ress became _essential for _presidents. Although the CoaliciSn _{survived until 1919, when it was replaced}

by the UniSn _{Nacional, and the Alianza Liberal until} 1925, their _{component parties tended to change sides} when they _wished. Presidents, for their _part, felt

no binding _obligation to _{rule with} the _{coalition which} had _{elected them. Lia Cortes and Jordi Fuentes Dic-}

cionario Politico do Chile (Santiago, 1967) _pp31-33" (26) _{f; ctor do Petris Giesen, llistoria del Partido}

Democra- tico (2vemnoria, _{Universidad de Chile, 1942) ppl}

. 19 .

more strongly towards the 'moral and economic betterment

of the working class'. (27) Howevor, although most of the socialist Democrats supported the doctrinarios in 1901,

they did _not begin to _{act as a faction within} the _{PD until} 1905. _{In 1906, the socialists managed to capture control}

of the PD for _{a brief} period but the reglamentarios and doctrinarios _combined to break _{their hold. In 1906, the}

socialists took _{a further step} towards becoming _{a more}

cohesive _group by forming the Escuela Socialista in Santiago. The _{Escuela Socialista came to have some 200 members and}

provided the Partido Obrero Socialista(P0S), the immediate precursor _of the PCCh, _{with many of} its leaders. (28)

Not

_all

_socialists

_belonged

_to

_the

_{POS nor was}

socialism the _only ideology to lay _claim to the _allegiance of the _{working classos.} (29) An ideology _{which attracted} lasting _{support and which probably had}

greater influence

amongst the Chilean _{working classes} during the first two decades _{of this century was anarchism. Like socialism,}

anarchism began to bear fruits at the turn _of the _{century -} anarchists, for example, were the _{prime movers} in the forma-

tion _of the _{resistance societies and were prominat in}

a

(27) _{Enrique Reyes, op. cit.}

p42.

(28) _{Andros Escobar y Carvallo in Hevista Occidente,}

no. 122(JMn. /Feb. 1960) _{pp6-1 , gives an} interest-

ing _{account of the early struggles of the socialists} inside the _{PD. Other articles by the same}

author in I(evista _{Occidente, nos. 119,120 and 121}

are

also useful in the _{study of} the _{early working class} organisations in Chile.

(29) _{See Julio C6sar Johet's Hiecabarren,}

pp93-101 for _a brief _{account of other socialist parties}

. 20 .

number of important strike movements, including the ill- fated Iquique _{strike of} 1907. Although the _{groups and} organisations generated by anarchism were usually short-

lived, its ideological impact _stretched far beyond those

who formally embraced its ideals. In particular, anarchism helped to form _{and articulate} two _{major and complementary}

working _{class attitudes} which survived for some years.

These _were, firstly, _{a complete rejection of} the bourgeois political _process and, hence, a rejection of electoral

politics; _and, secondly, a belief in independent, direct

action by workers' ortranisations. Both;. attitudes were to present the POS and the PCCh with formidable obstacles in

the _years to _come.

The _{POS grew out of} this background _of burgeoning labour _{organisations and out of the spread of socialist}

ideas. _{But before proceeding} to _{examine the POS and} its development, _{mention must} be made _of the _{man who came} to

dominate _{working class politics} in the _second decade _of this century and who is considered, to this day, to be the _most

prominent figure produced by the Chilean _working class move- ment. Luis Emilio Recabarren was born into _{a modest} family

in Valparaiso in 1876. At the _{are of fourteen he loft}

school to learn the trades of printing _and typesetting. In 1891, he first _showed his _mettle by joining the Balmacedista

Army _with the _{express purpose of subverting} it from _{within -} only his youth saved him from the firing squad. Later, he