Munich Personal RePEc Archive
Microcredit for self-employed disabled
persons in developing countries
Mersland, Roy
Atlas Alliance, Norway
October 2005
Online at
https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/2068/
Microcredit for self-employed
disabled persons in developing countries
Input to donors, microfinance institutions, disabled people’s organizations and
advocates interested in increasing the outreach of sustainable microcredit to
disabled self- employed persons in developing countries
“When we have money, they call us by our names, not by our disabilities”1
Roy Mersland*
Commissioned by:
Atlas Alliance
2* Roy Mersland is a microfinance specialist with an extensive consulting and management
practice from the microfinance industry in Latin America, Africa and Asia. Mr. Mersland
holds a Master of Business Administration degree from the Federico Santa Maria
University in Chile and a Master of Business and Marketing degree from the Norwegian
School of Management. Besides working as a consultant he is also a ph.d. candidate at
Agder University College in Norway.
1
Lizzie Longshaw, quoted in Lewis (2004).
2
ABSTRACT
Microcredit has become a popular instrument to promote economic empowerment among
poor entrepreneurs, and is increasingly being recommended to improve economic
rehabilitation among persons with disabilities. However, the majority of the advocates of
microcredit for persons with disabilities seem not to be informed on the involved “rules of
the game”. At the same time the microfinance community lacks information on disability
issues. In this report we aim on closing the gap in knowledge and culture between the
disability- and the microfinance communities. We apply resource based theory to analyze
when microcredit for disabled persons is an appropriate tool and when it is not. We argue
that asymmetric information between microfinance institutions and the disabled population
is probably the main hindrance for increased penetration of microcredit services to disabled
persons. We recommend disabled entrepreneurs with the necesarry resource base to be
included as regular clients in mainstream MFIs or as regular members in self helping
microfinance systems like ROSCAs. We provide lists of recommendations that are both
easy to understand and to apply for MFIs, DPOs and donors. Due to the lack of theoretical
and empirical knowledge available we see this report as a starting point and we advocate
FOREWORD
Disabled persons constitute today an important target group for development efforts. At the
same time microcredit has become an important and popular tool for enhancing
development. However, when it comes to microcredit for disabled persons there is little
knowledge available. Assessments and recommendation in this report is therefore to a
considerable degree based on general economic, sociological and development theory.
Further, existing recommendations and practices in the microfinance community, as
expressed for instance by C-GAP3 is used as a point of departure. When writing the report,
the author has also attempted to take into account general recommendations on disability
issues. Additionally, considerable input has been brought into this study through our own
experience from many years in the field of microfinance.
We will encourage readers of this report to try out some of the ideas mentioned in this
paper in addition to their own ideas and thoughts. It is important to reveal what kind of
means that have an effect and document any new knowledge by for instance inviting
researchers to accompany new ventures. Hopefully, this report can then be replaced by
other more comprehensive and empirical based reports in the near future.
In this study we make use of the following definition of disability; “substantial functional limitation of daily life activities of an individual caused by physical, sensory or mental impairment and environmental barriers.”4
We appreciate the considerable input that has been brought in to the report by Terje Berg
Utby and personnel at the Atlas Alliance.
3
A consortium of 28 public and private development agencies working together to expand access to financial services for the poor (www.cgap.org)
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ... 2
1. CONTEXTUAL BACKGROUND ... 6
1.1 Rationale for this study... 6
1.2 A prioritized target group for development efforts ... 7
1.3 Between participation in economic growth and social protection... 8
1.4 Microcredit, only one of many microfinance services ... 8
2. PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES... 9
2.1. Market size and characteristics... 9
2.2. Categories of persons with disabilities ... 9
2.3. Income options for persons with disabilities ... 12
2.4. Ownership and self-employment... 13
3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK... 14
4. INTERVENTION STRATEGIES TO INCREASE INCOME FROM SELF-EMPLOYMENT ... 16
4.1. Improved access to markets... 16
4.2. Improved access to technology ... 17
4.3. Improved skills ... 17
4.4. Improved self-esteem ... 18
4.5. Improved access to capital... 18
5. MICROCREDIT KNOWLEDGE ... 22
5.1. Microcredit is a contracted debt ... 22
5.2. The financial nature of loans ... 22
5.3. Rationale for microcredit... 23
5.4. Social Impact of microcredit ... 24
6. TYPES OF MICROCREDIT SCHEMES... 25
6.1. Self helping schemes ... 25
6.2. Institutional schemes ... 26
6.3. “Ad-hoc” microcredit ... 27
7. MICROFINANCE SCHEMES AND DISABLED PERSONS ... 29
7.1. Mechanisms benefiting persons with disabilities ... 30
7.2. Mechanisms excluding persons with disabilities ... 31
7.3. Supply and demand for microfinance in the disabled persons’ market... 32
8. SELF HELPING MICROFINANCE SCHEMES FOR DISABLED PERSONS... 38
8.1. The relationship between self helping scheme and Community Based Rehabilitation ... 39
9. INTRODUCTION TO DISCUSSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ... 42
10. COMMON APPROACHES AND THEIR LIMITATIONS ... 43
10.1. Special institutions for disabled persons ... 43
10.2. Special loan products for disabled clients ... 43
10.3. Credit components or programs within DPOs... 44
10.4. Tracking systems to monitor number of disabled persons reached... 44
10.5. Subsidized interest rates ... 45
10.6. Quick impact projects... 46
11. EFFICIENT PARTNERSHIPS ... 47
12. WHAT CAN MFIs DO? ... 49
12.1. Send a message... 51
12.2. Inform the organization ... 51
12.3. Create incentives ... 52
13. WHAT CAN DPOs AND ADVOCATES DO?... 53
14. WHAT CAN DONORS DO?... 55
15. CONCLUSION ... 58
1. CONTEXTUAL BACKGROUND
1.1
Rationale for this study
Equalization of opportunities is according to the United Nations a right for persons with
disabilities (UN, 1993). Disabled persons are therefore (Alter et al., 1994)an important
target group for development efforts. However, even if most donor agencies express their
priority towards the disabled population, persons with disabilities continue to be a low
priority or wrong-treated target group when it comes to socio-economic integration (ILO,
2002, Lewis, 2004).
During the last decades microcredit has become an important and popular tool for
enhancing development. The year 2005 has therefore been declared by UN to be the Year
of microcredit. The question then arises; when, where and how should microcredit be
promoted for the disabled population? This study aims on providing some insight into how
to face this challenging task.
Already from the beginning of this report we will highlight our own position regarding how
prior assessment and utilization of microcredit has been made. According to our view, there
has been a tendency during the last years to see microcredit as a panacea and a magic
formula for development among poor. Such a position reveals a lack of understanding of
microcredit’s pros and cons. We also believe that it reveals an underestimation of the
enormous challenge of facilitating development for the billions of poor, particularly the
disabled among them. In this study we will therefore highlight the need for a balanced and
critical position when the issues involved are to be analyzed.
The promoters of the importance of targeting the disabled are generally social oriented
individuals and organizations without comprehensive economic and financial knowledge.
At the same time, the microfinance community – at least some of the practitioners and
have an economic point of departure for their analysis. It is the aim of this study to bridge
this gap in knowledge and cultures. Still, in this study we utilize a commercial approach
when assessing microcredit for the disabled population. We therefore employ commercial
terms and economical analysis in the report. For the readers coming from the traditional
groups focusing on disabled persons’ rights and development, this approach might be
unfamiliar and in some cases even frightening. Nevertheless, we believe that if the disabled
population is to be included as regular clients in microfinance institutions in the long run,
this group must be assessed as a market segment based on economical rationale.
1.2
A prioritized target group for development efforts
“People with disabilities face numerous barriers in realizing equal opportunities; environmental and access barriers, legal and institutional barriers, and attitudinal barriers which cause social exclusion. Social exclusion is often the hardest barrier to overcome, and is usually associated with feelings of shame, fear and rejection. Negative stereotypes are commonly attached to disability. People with disabilities are often assigned a low social status and in some cases are considered worthless” (DFID, 2000, p. 5).
Hence, there are good reasons to have disabled people as a prioritized target group for
development efforts. However, it often seems to be forgotten that disabled persons are not
necessarily destitute. Many disabled persons take action to improve their own lives. Many
have proven their capability to run businesses on their own account. Nevertheless there are
still much to be done to secure that small enterprise schemes and microfinance institutions
(MFIs), recognize this potential and actively seek to support its development (DFID, 2000).
People with disabilities, especially those with permanent limitation in their daily activities
due to their disability, are in need of interventional strategies that can improve their
condition on a permanent basis. General recommendations for interventions aiming at
improved living conditions for disabled people do therefore highlight the importance of
including disabled persons into mainstream private and public services and development
access to microcredit should therefore focus on including the disabled into existing
microfinance sustainable systems. According to our view, there are only two appropriate
systems available, the institutional system and the self-helping system. These approaches
are discussed in detail in chapter 6.
1.3
Between participation in economic growth and social protection
A common assumption about persons with disabilities is that they are economical inactive
and cannot be expected to work. However, many working age persons with disabilities can
and want to work, and do not wish to be considered “welfare cases”. However,
Self-employment in developing countries can be harsh and many times, also for non-disabled
persons, harmful for the health. Many disabled persons must take especially care of their
health to avoid further aggravation of their disability. These considerations are particularly
important to bear in mind when promoting self-employment for disabled persons living in
countries with lacking efficient social security systems. Many disabled persons are in need
of social protection, and we will warn against forcing or tempting disabled persons into
types of self-employment that might be harmful for their future health. We will also warn
against any attempt to utilize microfinance as a substitute for social policy. Most traditional
social protection policies can not be replaced by microfinance.
1.4
Microcredit, only one of many microfinance services
This study is mainly about microcredit, but it is important to highlight that microcredit is
only one of many financial services needed by the disabled population. Access to safe and
convenient savings, money transfer systems and insurance facilities is probably as
important as microcredit. For disabled persons we believe that such services are of
particular importance. We have therefore included some basic and brief oversight on these
2. PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES
2.1.
Market size and characteristics
Disabled persons represent an enormous market. Global estimates of disability indicate that
about 10% of a given population can be defined as disabled (World Bank 2002, as quoted
in Dyer 2003). In some developing countries, up to as many as one of every six of the poor
can be categorized as disabled. (Elwan, 1999). Further, more than 80% of people with
disabilities live in developing countries.
Poverty and disability are often interrelated (DFID, 2000, ILO, 2002, NORAD, 2002). “It is often noted that disabled people are poorer, as a group, than the general population, and that people living in poverty are more likely than other to be disabled” (Elwan, 1999, p 1). However, this does not mean that all disabled persons are poor. Disabled persons are by no
mean a homogeneous group. Persons with disabilities vary regarding to type and extent of
disability, access to networks and resources, economic power and degree of being
empowered. Further, disability does not only affect the person itself, it also affects the
family, the networks and the surrounding in general. It is estimated that as many as 29% of
all families live with disability (Elwan, 1999). This market size makes disabled persons and
their families an interesting segment for all enterprises, particularly in this case for MFIs.
2.2.
Categories of persons with disabilities
Persons with disabilities are as mentioned not a homogenous group. Nevertheless a
classification based on a disabled person’s ability to run a viable business and fulfill any
repayment commitment, can be useful. For the purpose of microcredit for self-employed
disabled persons, we chose to segment the market into five groups:
1. Persons with disabilities with existing viable businesses and with established access
2. Persons with disabilities with existing viable businesses, but without access to
microcredit.
3. Persons with disabilities with existing, but still not viable (from a banking point of
view) businesses.
4. Persons with disabilities without existing businesses, but with the necessary
resource base5 to run viable businesses
5. Persons with disabilities without existing businesses and without the necessary
resource base to run viable businesses.
A classification like this will always be a simplification of the reality. A particular concern
is related to the fact that subjective preferences will influence the classification. In worst
case a classification as the one presented here can be used to further stigmatize the disabled
population. Nevertheless, a classification is necessary to enable the design of efficient
interventions, but this should go hand in hand with capacity building of the ones being
responsible for the classification. In the following we provide some input for intervention
strategies within each category.
Category 1: Persons with disabilities with existing viable businesses and with
established access to microcredit.
At first glance one might think that this group should not be a core target group for
interventions to increase outreach to the disabled population. We claim the contrary. This
group is maybe the most important when it comes to changing the existing organizational
culture in MFIs. This group can also serve as a benchmark for other groups and show other
persons with disabilities that microcredit can be an efficient way to increase their income
from their business activities. We therefore recommend any effort that can display the
success of persons with disabilities holding microcredit loans.
Category 2: Persons with disabilities with existing viable businesses, but without
access to microcredit.
5
This group should benefit from access to microcredit on equal terms with able persons.
Throughout this report we present the mechanisms hindering equal access as well as we
present how these excluding mechanisms can be confronted.
Category 3: Persons with disabilities with existing, but still not viable (from a banking
point of view) businesses.
This is a group that must be handled with much care. MFIs aiming on their long term
sustainability should only be dealing with clients running viable businesses. For persons in
this group a loan can easily end up in a debt trap where the business fails, but the loan will
still have to be repaid. MFIs should therefore not be forced or tempted to give loans to
persons with disabilities in this group. However, one must also understand that accessing
the viability of a business and the repayment capacity of a potential client is not easy. Due
to misjudgments or prejudices many persons with disabilities can easily be categorized into
this group while actually belonging to category number two. A common mistake when
screening persons with disabilities is that the credit officer may fail to assess the total
resource base of the potential client. Inexperienced evaluators may have difficulties in
assessing the real abilities of a disabled person. Hence, evaluators must be trained to see
through the disability to be able to see the ability of an entrepreneur.
Another potential mistake is the inclusion of clients from this category into sustainability
oriented MFIs. This is frequently promoted by donors or advocates of persons with
disabilities’ rights with limited knowledge regarding microfinance. This can both put the
sustainability of the MFI in danger at the same time as it may lead the persons with
disabilities into a debt trap. For this group we therefore recommend a throughout
assessment to verify if the persons with disabilities really belong to this group, and if this is
so, that other interventions like for instance training in business skills or access to equity
capital are considered.
Category 4: Persons with disabilities without existing businesses, but with the
This category is definitely interesting when it comes to making a living from
self-employment. That does not, however, mean that this category should necessarily be a target
group for microcredit. From a sound financial point of view debt is normally for working
capital for existing businesses or assets that can be collateralized. Research also indicates
that the probability of survival is rather limited for new organizations in general (Freeman
et al., 1983). Stinchcombe (1965) labeled this phenomenon the “liability of newness,” and
argued that new organizations’ general resource poverty, lack of legitimacy, and weak ties
to external actors provide them with reduced capacity when competing with established
players. This “liability of newness” is also well known in the informal sector. MFIs should
therefore be very conservative when dealing with start ups. Credit to this category should at
least partly be backed with income from sources beside the new business. If this is not
possible we recommend strategies aiming on injecting equity capital into the new
businesses or guarantee schemes that can cover part of the risk involved for MFIs willing to
serve this group.
Category 5: Persons with disabilities without existing businesses and without the
necessary resource bases to run viable businesses.
For this group, at their current existing resource base, self-employment is not
recommended. For many in this group self-employment is without reach. Nevertheless for
some in this group self-employment can be within reach if their resource base, particularly
their networks, can be mobilized.
2.3.
Income options for persons with disabilities
Persons with disabilities, as others, can earn their income from employment or
self-employment.6 So far, it seems that most “think tanks” on economic rehabilitation for the
disabled have concentrated their efforts on employment promotion (ILO, 2002, UN, 1993).
We consider that this bias towards employment promotion is due to the fact that most fights
for the equalization of rights have been fought in developed countries where employment is
more common than self-employment. In developing countries, however, self-employment
6
is considerable and in many countries more than 50% of the work force will be
self-employed. In particular for the disabled in developing countries self-employment is often
the only option due to exclusion mechanisms in the society that hinder the employment
option.
2.4.
Ownership and self-employment
All over the world poor people have been grouped together to form cooperative businesses.
This has also been the case when it comes to disabled persons. We admit that in some cases
a business owned and operated by disabled persons together can have a marketing
advantage in some specific markets. However, our experience is that such enterprises, if not
very well connected,7 will rarely be an economic success. A cooperative owned enterprise
can in some specific situations be a competitive advantage, but in most cases a private
owned enterprise will outperform the cooperatives due to the personal incentives involved
(Hansmann, 1996). We therefore recommend that disabled persons, when assessing
self-employment, are generally motivated to run their private owned business. If others are to be
involved, these should be trusted persons that can benefit the enterprise by means of
competences, networks, reputation etc.
7
3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Though environmental influence on organization survival is well documented (Aldrich,
1979, Sandberg and Hofer, 1987, Freeman et al., 1983, Hannan and Freeman, 1977,
Gartner et al., 1998, Cooper, 1993), research has shown that successful management of
internal resources can significantly improve venture performance and the likelihood of
survival (Shephard et al., 2000, Boeker, 1989, Hambrick et al., 1996, Hambrick and Mason,
1984, Smith, 2002). However, for companies in general and start-ups in particular, the
resource base has to be frequently extended and renewed. Hence, the ability to acquire and
maintain resources is key to survival of firms (Pfeffer and Salancik, 1978).
According to Barney (1991) firm resources can be classified into three categories: physical
capital resources, human capital resources, and organizational resources. Physical capital resources include the firms’ physical assets such as equipment an access to raw materials etc. Human capital resources include individual skills and capabilities associated with the people working in a company. Organizational capital resources include informal relations among people within a firm and between the firm and its environment.
Although this theoretical framework is developed based on insight from businesses and
companies in regularly markets, the logic is applicable also in developing countries and for
disabled entrepreneurs in particular. Let us illustrate this by means of an example of a
disabled person opening up a little shop to sell soft drinks. First, this entrepreneur needs the
soft drinks she intends to sell. To purchase the soft drinks she needs an object of exchange.
In many instances this means that this entrepreneur needs money. Further, she needs a
location for this venture. This may be a room in her house or a rented place. These
resources are examples of what Barney (1991) labels physical capital resources. An
entrepreneur is in need for many such resources and the usual way of acquire these
resources are by means of money transactions. Secondly, the entrepreneur needs to possess
the adequate knowledge and skills to run a store. She needs to know how to set prices, how
to keep the right stock on hand, how to keep her accounts right etc. Such resources are
be achieved through training and education. Finally, having the right skills and the money
to purchase the necessary resources, our entrepreneur needs to get in touch with suppliers
and customers. In many instances the entrepreneur has a family member or a friend that
knows someone that sells soft drinks. Further, another acquaintance may have a car and
will bring the soft drinks to the store. Such social relations or “networks” may constitute
valuable and necessary resources for our entrepreneur to start her venture. These resources
fall within the category which Barney label organizational capital resources.
In order to create a viable business, an entrepreneur needs resources within all three
resource categories. We can simplify this by advocating that a viable company needs
resources according to the three C’s; Competence, Capital, and Contacts. First, one needs
the competence necessary to perform the tasks the micro-entrepreneur is supposed to carry
out for the customers. Second, the micro-entrepreneur needs capital to buy raw materials,
rent a stand in the market etc. And finally the micro-entrepreneur needs contacts to get in
touch with the customers of its product/services and the suppliers of raw materials etc.
In this report we focus on the provision of physical capital resources necessary for creating
viable businesses. That is, we focus on how the disabled persons possessing the necessary
competence and contacts may utilize microcredit in order to enhance their chances of
success and survival. Still, we do not advocate for the use of microcredit in isolation.
Hence, in the next chapter we discuss means of enhancing and improving self employment
4. INTERVENTION STRATEGIES TO INCREASE
INCOME FROM SELF-EMPLOYMENT
Due to the enormous attention microcredit has received during the last couple of decades
one can easily be led to believe that this is the only, or at least the most efficient,
intervention method available to help poor entrepreneurs to increase their income from
self-employment. This is definitely not allways the case. Microcredit may not be the best suited
instrument when the entrepreneurs lack resources within other resource categories. In the
following we will present some commonly used strategies to facilitate for the establishment
and maintenance of entrepreneurial ventures. Later in this report we will discuss when
microcredit can be an efficient strategy and when other strategies should be applied.
4.1.
Improved access to markets
The donor community has spent considerable amounts on sewing machines, vocational
training and organizational issues just to find out that there was no market available for the
ventures involved. Doing business is about selling products and services on a local,
regional, national or international market. Often, especially in rural areas, there is no easy
access to the market. Further, even if there is a market available, the business might not
present enough competitive advantages to survive in a competitive market.
The fair trade initiatives we have witnessed during the last decade or so is an honest try to
give poorer entrepreneurs access to western markets.8 Other initiatives aim at bringing
products from rural to urban markets; facilitating the construction of markets; make
transportation available etc. A particularly important strategy to improve an entrepreneur’s
access to market is to facilitate relevant information she can use to improve her business
and/or reach out to new customers.
8
4.2.
Improved access to technology
Technology changes are fuelling economic growth. At business level, improved technology
makes it possible to increase the efficiency and become more competitive. One important
benefit from microcredit is that this makes it possible to invest in assets with a more
efficient technology. Interventions that make available more efficient technologies for poor
entrepreneurs will therefore theoretically be of benefit. However technology without skills
is of no use. A sewing machine won’t bring much benefit if the person involved doesn’t
know how to operate it.
4.3.
Improved skills
There are particularly two types of skills needed to become successful in business;
vocational skills and business skills.
a. Vocational skills
Training in vocational skills has been, and still is, a major component in thousands of
development projects, especially so for the ones aiming on the disabled population.
Vocational skills are important, but there seem to be a lack of understanding which skills
are demanded by a market. How many low quality tailors, basket weavers or soap makers
are needed in a global market? Probably less than the millions trained through various
donor funded programs at many locations in the world today. Further, an increased supply
of expertise in certain areas will, when the demand for the products is held constant,
increase competition and thereby drive prices down. Increased competition raise the
probability of bankruptcy for the companies involved and increases unemployment among
experts within the specific fields. Hence, efficient vocational training must be based on
demand in a market in addition to the personal skills and preferences of the persons
involved.
b. Business skills
Self-employed need business skills. When introducing poor women to business, Pact’s
(PACT, 2004). This simple sentence provides very good common sense when it comes to
the viability of a business. It often seems like such basic lessons are forgotten in
development projects aiming on self-employment. We believe that general business skills is
widely lacking and projects aiming on providing such skills can have the opportunity to
become both efficient and effective.
4.4.
Improved self-esteem
Successful self-employed persons have often a high degree of self-esteem. One needs to
believe in oneself to be successful in business. Any efforts that can lead to improved
self-esteem can therefore easily end up being beneficial for entrepreneurial ventures.
Particularly so for disabled people that due to pre-justice and low degree of empowerment
often have low self-esteem.
4.5.
Improved access to capital
Finally, we now end up assessing how access to capital can be of benefit for the act of
entrepreneurship. But first it is important to understand that access to capital is not limited
to loans, we must also include equity.
a. Equity capital
Equity capital is needed in all business ventures. No business should run only with the help
of external capital. To be committed to the venture, the entrepreneur needs to share both the
upside and downside of the business. Further, it will be much easier to obtain external
finance when the entrepreneurs themselves provide some of the capital needed. That is, an
investor, including a MFI, will be more afraid of the entrepreneur acting opportunistically
and therefore more reluctant to invest or give out a loan, when the entrepreneur does not
have a stake in the venture. Hence, internal capital is needed to create viable businesses.
This is a major challenge for poor people. Nevertheless this basic financial reality should
not continue to be ignored in development efforts. Doing so will only create an unsound
loans (MFI). Access to equity can be done through self accumulation (savings) by the
person herself or it can be provided from others. Once again this highlights the importance
of developing safe and convenient savings possibilities, but is also leaves us with a
question: When and how can poor entrepreneurs be provided with equity?
New businesses face a whole series of difficulties and pressure. In addition, their cash flows
situation is in general weak. A totally structured loan repayment schedule, as most
microcredit schemes present, can therefore often be a fatal factor for new ventures. Equity
funding is therefore generally preferred for start up businesses (Sonfield and Barbato,
1999). This knowledge seems to be nearly entirely lacking within the field of microfinance.
We believe that there are three factors leading to the dominating role of loans instead of
equity within microfinance:
1. General financial knowledge is lacking within many promoters of microfinance.
2. Equity support, at least as grants, is obviously more difficult to fund than loan
support. This is also in conflict with the general trend of demanding sustainability in
all kinds of development efforts.
3. It is more difficult to design provision of equity in such a way that responsibility
among the recipients can be assured.
We will return to the nature of debt in the next chapter, however, we want to highlight that
provision of equity is generally overseen when it comes to capital provision for micro
entrepreneurs. We believe that the challenge lies in designing provision of equity in such a
way that it seems nothing like charity, but becomes a real financial tool.
When it comes to the provision of equity to poor entrepreneurs, this can basically be
provided either as grants or as venture capital. We will look at the latter alternative first.
Venture capital for micro entrepreneurs is generally speaking an unknown area when it
comes to micro- and small enterprise development in developing countries. In essence,
venture capital refers to investor buying shares in young and growing unlisted companies.
That means that the venture capitalist becomes a co-owner in the business. In general,
that yield high profits on their investment. Venture capitalists do therefore conduct
extensive screening before placing a new investment. In many countries various approaches
to venture finance have been tried out by means of governmental intervention and funding
to enhance the probability of survival and success of entrepreneurial ventures. The question
then arises; may the concept of venture capital be employed to develop micro-businesses?
This is an interesting avenue not yet explored by researchers and practitioners. Still,
extensive research are committed within the field of venture capital and this may be an
valuable source for developing similar concepts for micro enterprises in developing
countries.
Equity can also be provided as grants. This way of providing poor people, particularly
disabled persons, with the needed capital to become self-employed is tempting for many
donors. Provision of equity through grants will however not be efficient if there is not a
throughout pre-investment screening process installed. From this point of view, we believe
that there is much to be learned from venture capitalists and their screening methods. A
throughout screening process of the person and business idea involved is needed. Of
particular importance is assessing the resource base of the person involved.
A general problem with most development programs providing equity-capital seems to be
their general lack of business structure and monitoring. In their training module C-GAP
gives the following guidelines for micro-grants:
- include a graduation process
- is carefully structured and monitored
- is linked to training or mentoring
- Encourage savings
- Requires a cash contribution from the recipient
We also believe that micro-grants should be designed in such a way that it enables the
There are few examples of well structured micro equity schemes. However, Pretes (2002)
presents an interesting exception. For many persons with disabilities interested in
self-employment, micro-equity, either as grants or as investment, may present a more efficient
solution to their capital need. We therefore recommend that parties interesting in promoting
self-employment for persons with disabilities invest in research and pilots to document
knowledge within this area.
b. Provision of debt (e.g. microcredit)
Finally, we now reach intervention through debt as a tool to strengthen self-employment. In
the following chapters we will try to provide knowledge of microcredit and its relevance for
5. MICROCREDIT KNOWLEDGE
5.1.
Microcredit is a contracted debt
Among many promoters of microcredit there seem to be a general misunderstanding of
what microcredit really is. Microcredit is a contracted debt that needs to be repaid with
interests within the accorded time. Most policy guidelines (e.g. the different C-GAP
guidelines) recommend that the interest rate should cover all the involved costs. This may
easily lead to very high interest rates since the involved costs of offering microcredit are
generally high9. Others argue that the interest rate, as many other public goods, can in some
cases be subsidized (Aghion and Morduch, 2005). However all seems to acknowledge that
at least the initial loan amount must be fully repaid. This is what makes microcredit distinct
from grants.
The understanding that microcredit is contracted debt is fundamental when promoting
microcredit for the disabled population. Promoters, especially donors, must be fully aware
that by contracting debt the persons with disabilities takes on an additional burden. “Credit is also dept, and constitutes a risky strategy for the poorest and most vulnerable to economic stress.” (Montgomery, 1996 p. 292,). Also David Hulme expresses this concern in his article called “Is microdept good for poor people? A note on the dark side of microfinance” (Hulme, 2000). See also (Hulme and Mosley, 1996) for a better understanding on these issues.
5.2.
The financial nature of loans
Loans are in general best suited for ongoing businesses. This is also highlighted by C-GAP:
“Microcredit is generally most appropriate where ongoing economic activity and sufficient household cash flow already exist, as it may otherwise create an excessive debt burden.”10
The nature of a loan is that such funding will normally be for assets and activities with
9
There are basically four costs involved in offering microcredit: Operational cost, financial costs, default costs and equity cost (program surplus). Particularly the operational costs can be very high since the cost involved in administrating small amounts of loans is very high.
10
limited risk. In general, debt prices (interest rates) are reflecting high repayment rate on the
debt portfolio. For more risky investments (where repayment rates are lower due to higher
probability of bankruptcy), equity is more common11. Thus, equity finance is normally
needed for new ventures, new product developments, research etc. This is also reflected in
sustainable microfinance institutions. Such institutions do generally target persons with an
existing income stream. Normally, most of the repayment capacity will be calculated based
on existing income streams and not on possible income streams coming from the new asset
being purchased with the new loan (Aghion and Morduch, 2005). Accordingly, microcredit
for disabled persons should normally target persons with existing businesses with positive
cash flows. Such businesses may be ongoing business as shops, small farms etc. held by
disabled persons.
A particular criticism of most microcredit is that the loan term does not match the income
stream from the asset being purchased. A four months loan with fixed monthly installments
is not suited to finance an immature buffalo that can first start to produce income (milk,
calves, draught animal etc.) after more than one year. With the existing microcredit
technology most microcredit offered today is designed to finance working capital in
commercial activities. This means that if persons with disabilities are to get loans from
most MFIs they should be involved in businesses that produce an immediate income stream
allowing for starting to pay installments within 1-4 weeks.
5.3.
Rationale for microcredit
The most common rationale behind microcredit is that people need access to more capital
than what they can accumulate through their own savings. This rationale is the same as the
rationale for a regular company where too little debt may easily lead to capital starvation
and sluggish growth. Microcredit enables poor households to increase their productive
capital. By increasing their capital such households can invest in new productive assets that
11
can be used to increase the volume of their businesses. Increased access to capital also
makes it possible to invest in new and more efficient technologies, to take advantage of
business opportunities, to cope with business cycles (e.g. farming) and to engage in capital
intensive marketing activities like for instance selling their products on credit.
At the macro level, studies also show that well developed banking systems have a positive
impact on economic development (King and Levine, 1993). Efficient microcredit schemes
can therefore have a positive effect on a country’s economic development.
5.4.
Social Impact of microcredit
When it comes to access to microcredit, studies show that this can have a positive social
impact for the clients, but studies also show that the level of impact depends among others
on the following factors:12
- There is greater impact on clients who begin with more financial, physical,
or social resources than on clients starting with a very limited resource base.
- There is greater impact on clients who have been clients for a longer time
than on clients who have been clients of MFIs for a short time. This calls for
sustainable institutions that can provide services through time.
- There is greater impact on clients living in stable socioeconomic and
political conditions than those living in unstable conditions.
With the knowledge that microcredit often will not generate much impact and in some
cases, especially on the poorest segments, can even have negative impact (Hulme, 2000),
there has been an increasing claim for sustainable multi-service institutions that can provide
poor people with banking services on a long term basis. This has led to the promotion of
the institutional scheme instead of more “ad-hoc” type of microcredit schemes. This is in
turn leading to a professionalization of the actors and the slow emergence of what is now
referred to as the microfinance industry. C-GAP is an important promoter of the
institutional scheme instead of “ad-hoc” schemes. The different types of microfinance
schemes are discussed in the next section.
12
6. TYPES OF MICROCREDIT SCHEMES
Microfinance is practiced in a variety of ways and the difference among the ways is
considerable. We divide the practices in three main groups; self helping schemes,
institutional schemes and “ad-hoc” microcredit. There is no clear dividing line between the
three schemes and often a microfinance model can be a combination of two or even all
three schemes. In the following we explain each scheme.
6.1.
Self helping schemes
This is the most common form of microfinance practiced through centuries by people all
over the world. Self helping schemes are often referred to as ROSCAs (rotating savings and
credit associations) or ASCAs (accumulating savings and credit association). In these
schemes people form their own groups, typically 15-30 persons, where they regularly, often
weekly or monthly, pool savings and distribute these as loans among the members. The
difference between a ROSCA and an ASCA is that in a ROSCA the pooled savings is
distributed among the members as a prize and where each member receives the “prize”
before starting a new round. In an ASCA the savings are accumulating and given out as
loans, normally with interest, to some of the members based on pre-established criteria.
One often tends to forget these traditional schemes, but they represent an interesting and
efficient banking model for poor people. Informal traditional schemes like ROSCAs and
ASCAs have been around for more than 1200 years (Fikkert, 2003) and now exists in
virtually every village in developing countries (Ashe, 2002).
The fact that different forms of self helping groups, here referred to as ASCAs, have
existed through centuries without any form of outside support indicates that this scheme is
highly valuated by poor people. From this we can deduce that poor people themselves
experience positive impact from participating in such groups (Rutherford, 2000). This is
probably why the modernization of the self-helping schemes has attracted considerable
One should beware of that the traditional ROSCAs and ASCAs are often inefficient.
Transparency can be low and failure to repay savings to members can be high. Ashe (2002)
therefore recommends that donors should aim at modernizing the traditional schemes so
that they can be more transparent and efficient and thereby be a better vehicle for economic
empowerment among poor (Ashe, 2002). On the other side, Bouman (1995) warns against
intervening in these traditional schemes fearing that such donor intervention might weaken
these independent schemes (Bouman, 1995). During the last decade some important
modernizing efforts have taken place and generally these seem to have generated a positive
influence on the traditional schemes making them more transparent and efficient. Examples
are Care International’s village savings and loan programs in Africa (Allen, 2002) and
Pact’s program called Worth (Ashe and Parrott, 2002).
6.2.
Institutional schemes
The institutional scheme observed today13 started out about three decades ago with
organizations offering microcredit not unlike what we call “ad-hoc” microcredit (see
below). Today this is the scheme promoted by most microfinance technologists and
observers. In this scheme microfinance is gradually growing into becoming a type of
banking industry for poor people. Still the participants heavily disagree on how this
industry should look like and if there should be a for-profit investor focus or a more social
oriented, but still sustainable focus. One of the main theses in this scheme is that
microfinance must be delivered through specialized and sustainable institutions often
referred to as MFIs (microfinance institutions).
Microcredit is still, at least in most areas, the most common microfinance service, but the
promoters of the institutional scheme increasingly promote multi-services like loans,
savings, money transfers, insurance etc. Sustainable interest rates and high repayment rates
are fundamental pillars in the institutional scheme. Microcredit is normally organized as
13
standardized methodologies, either as individual loans, solidarity loans (where a group of
commonly 4-8 persons guarantee the loans for each other), or village banking schemes.14
Despite that it has been demonstrated that microcredit does not always fulfill the
expectations when it comes to impact, poor people continue to heavily demand such
services. One should, however, know how to distinguish between the demand for
microcredit provided by sustainable institutions and “ad-hoc” programs. Often when poor
people and/or disabled persons express their need for microcredit to a donor agency they
have subsidized credit in mind. They will not necessarily be willing to pay for the services
when provided by sustainable institutions claiming high interest rates on the loans.
6.3.
“Ad-hoc” microcredit
“Ad-hoc” microcredit is what many non-specialists have in mind when they think about
microfinance. The idea is that by providing a poor person with a one-time loan the person
will invest this amount in a business, often a start up of a new business, and with the help of
this business the person will be able to work herself and her family out of poverty. High
repayment rates is not a major issue since the focal point is more on the sustainability on
the poor person’s level (ability to generate a sustainable business through the loan), and not
the institutional level. Interest rates are often subsidized. The focus is often on special
groups like disabled persons, rural women, victims of conflicts etc. In “ad-hoc” programs
microcredit is often only one of many components (training, health services etc.) all aiming
on empowering the special group in mind. Most existing practices of microfinance for
disabled persons can be catalogued as “ad-hoc” microcredit.
Most microcredit initiatives have been, and are still being, set up by social oriented persons
and organizations with little banking knowledge. The focus has been, and often still is, on
serving the poor people’s need of today and not on building institutional governance
mechanisms that can protect and develop the microcredit provider during the decades to
come. With the understanding that efficient microfinance services should be provided by
14
sustainable institutions, there has been a growing understanding that institutions providing
microfinance should be specialized institutions and not multipurpose organizations like
social NGOs, disabled persons’ organizations (DPOs) or churches. If multipurpose NGOs,
DPOs or churches are to participate in developing microfinance, this should be as a
promoters and protectors of microfinance programs and not as a provider of such services.
Most “ad-hoc” types of microcredit activities that we know of have not been able to
generate much long term impact. We will therefore recommend that institutions interested
in promoting self-employment for disabled persons should not engage in ad-hoc types of
microcredit. There is little evidence that such involvement will benefit the persons involved
in the long run. Only activities that can be catalogued as self-helping microfinance schemes
7. MICROFINANCE SCHEMES AND DISABLED
PERSONS
People in general relate persons with disabilities to the lack of resources. Accordingly,
disabled entrepreneurs are often regarded as having competitive disadvantages due to
increased labor cost (e.g. the need for hiring a person to carry merchandise instead of
carrying it oneself, transportation cost, slower production etc.). In some cultures, due to
prejudice, superstition etc., being disabled can also result in a marketing disadvantage since
consumers might not want to contract products or services from disabled entrepreneurs.
Hence, being disabled may turn into a competitive disadvantage when a disabled
entrepreneur faces the competition from non-disabled entrepreneurs. Nevertheless, the
resource deficit as it is perceived by others may not reflect the real resource constrains
associated with disabled entrepreneurs. It is therefore important to assess the real resource
base and not only the perceived resource base when dealing with persons with disabilities.
However, the resource demands for disabled entrepreneurs are in general significant and
may be harder to obtain than for non-disabled entrepreneurs. This may include resources
within all the mentioned resource categories. Insights from resource based theory are here
in line with major findings when it comes to impact from microcredit which indicates that
there is greater impact on clients who begin with more financial, physical, or social
resources than on clients who start from a very low resource base.
Disabled persons are generally underserved when it comes to microfinance services. The
penetration of microfinance services, particularly microcredit, to disabled persons is
generally very low (Lewis, 2004, Hulme, 2000). In this section we focus on how
microcredit may help disabled entrepreneurs to enhance their chances of creating and
maintaining viable businesses. We first look at how various market mechanisms both
augment and limit the market opportunities for disabled entrepreneurs. We then look for
different explanations to why the poorest are often excluded from microcredit services.
Further, we make use of general economy theory to analyze challenges in the supply and
7.1.
Mechanisms benefiting persons with disabilities
In some cases persons with disabilities might “benefit” from some market mechanisms like
for instance consumer behavior preferences. With all other things equal some consumers,
due to a feeling of solidarity or compassion, might want to prefer doing business with
persons with disabilities instead of with non-disabled persons. Consumers might prefer to
shop in stores run by disabled persons, prefer furniture made by disabled persons or have
their shoes repaired by disabled shoemakers. This market mechanism must be taken into
account when assessing the resource base of a disabled person. One must though bear in
mind that this market mechanism varies in different cultures. Some cultures present a
higher degree of solidarity while others have less.
Related to the previous mechanism is the information advantage experienced by some
persons with disabilities. Many disabled are often well known persons in their community.
“Everybody” knows about them. This information advantage can in some cases result in a
marketing advantage working for the benefit of the disabled person and her business.
Another mechanism often forgotten when assessing disabled persons´ resource bases is the
network associated with people with disabilities. Many persons with disabilities benefit
from many helpers, family members, community members, social workers etc. If the
network stands up for the disabled this may form a powerful team. A blind person in
Uganda once told me; “Remember Roy, I can also run a shop.” Particularly in developing
countries the whole family often participates in business ventures. A blind person can easily
be in charge of a shop and be responsible for the involved strategic decisions. At the same
time family members might want to back up a disabled person by financial contribution.
The mechanisms mentioned above are of course not as widespread that disabled persons in
general are provided with more resources than what is perceived. However, we want to
highlight that MFIs when screening potential disabled clients should include the total
7.2.
Mechanisms excluding persons with disabilities
Simanowitz (2001) describes four mechanisms that lead to the exclusion of the poorest
from microfinance services. The four mechanisms suggested by Simanowitz are
self-exclusion, exclusion by members, exclusion by staff and exclusion by design (Simanowitz,
2001). We believe that these four mechanisms are also the ones hindering persons with
disabilities from being included as regular clients of MFIs. In the following, insight from
Simanowitz’s framework is employed and adapted to persons with disabilities.
Self-exclusion.
Self-exclusion is the lack of self confidence and knowledge regarding how the services can
be beneficial to the individual. This may be a particular problem for persons with
disabilities. During life persons with disabilities may experience a considerable amount of
exclusions and rejections, which may affect their behaviour regarding services like
financial provisions. This accumulation of exclusions produces secondary incapacities like
lack of self esteem etc. This can easily lead to self exclusion from microcredit by persons
with disabilities (ILO, 2002).
Another type of self-exclusion is the expectation of some disabled persons and their
families to constantly receive charity (Thomas, 2000). Such attitude is incompatible with
sustainable MFIs and will naturally lead to exclusion by the MFI of such potential clients.
Exclusion by other members.
Most MFIs use different types of group methodologies for microcredit like self helping
groups, solidarity groups, village banking etc. These methodologies are based on
self-selection of members. A core element in group methodologies is that all members are
jointly liable for each individual’s loan. There is therefore an increased likelihood that
poorer and more vulnerable members tend to be excluded from such groups. There are also
studies showing that poorer persons that do join a group have a shorter membership time
than average (Montgomery, 1996). These exclusive attitudes must be confronted both by
Exclusion by staff.
Due to attitudes and prejudices in the society the staff of an MFI will often deliberately or
unconsciously exclude persons with disabilities. The personnel is often lacking the
necessary experience and training to distinguish the difference between real credit risk and
perceived credit risk when it comes to persons with disabilities. If an MFI practices any
form of group methodology there is also evidence that ‘staff pressure’ trigger the ‘peer
pressure’ leading to exclusion of poorer members (Montgomery, 1996). MFI staffs, and
particularly the credit officers, are therefore a core target group to influence when increased
outreach the disabled persons is the objective. Such influence should however, if it is to be
efficient, be backed by MFI´s top management.
Exclusion by design.
The credit methodology utilized by MFIs might hinder persons with disabilities in
participating. For example, weekly repayment frequency might be a higher obstacle to
achieve for a disabled person than for a non-disabled person. Another example is
compulsory upfront savings or fees sometimes as high as 20% of the loan amount. Another
major challenge in micro credit methodology is the dependence on credit history. In many
ways credit history is replacing formal demand for collateral or guarantees. The main
challenge is therefore to get the first loan so that a relationship with the MFI can be
established. To evaluate a possible client a MFI looks at personal skills and character in
addition to assessing the business. But for many Credit Officers (COs) facing persons with
disabilities, it is difficult to measure personal skills and character. Often the CO is not able
to see through the disability and recognize the real ability of a disabled person.
7.3.
Supply and demand for microfinance in the disabled persons’
market
When analyzing why the outreach of microcredit to disabled persons seem to be lower than
expected in a well-functioning market, one can assess if this market mismatch is due to
problems at the supply side or the demand side of the market. Such analysis is important to
Supply side
Disabled persons are generally speaking worthy beneficians of public and private support.
Regretfully, such support is limited in poor countries and rightfully the disabled persons
reclaim for increased attention and support from both public and private sources. However,
such reclaims turn into a problem when directed towards microfinance institutions
operating in a market and making their living through the delivery of financial services.
Such institutions have neither the resources nor the public obligation to serve the disabled
persons much differently than how they serve the rest of their customers. This could
actually jeopardize their sustainability. Nevertheless microfinance institutions, as the rest of
the society, do have the obligation not to discriminate any persons due to their physical or
physiological disabilities. The problem therefore arises when it comes to the MFI’s ability
to assess disabled persons the same way as they assess any potential client.
The selection criteria in a professional MFI should be based on the potential client’s
character, her repayment capacity and the viability of the business involved. Assessing the
real ability instead of the disability is however a challenging task even for persons and
institutions claiming that they have a non discrimination policy. As long as suppliers of
microcredit are not able to assess the real risk involved in serving a disabled person we can
conclude that interventions, aiming on changing MFIs and their staffs attitude and provide
them with the right knowledge, are needed.
However we must mention that a particular problem in most microfinance institution is
their low level of institutional sustainability. What most providers of microcredit actually
need at the moment is donors and other stressing the importance of achieving long term
sustainability. From this point of view, this report can easily be seen as just one more of the
thousands of other special interests trying to be imposed on microfinance institution. If
microcredit for poor is to be an ongoing service throughout this century, the microfinance
industry must be brought into a more sustainability oriented track. Nevertheless, the right of
equal participation in the society is a human right so strong that no institution can ignore it.
In this report we do not claim for special conditions for disabled persons, but we promote
sustainability of the microfinance industry. Rather, disabled persons may actually turn into
an interesting market segment for committed MFIs.
In a recent study we conducted in Uganda we found the following in relation to the
suppliers of microfinance and their attitude towards including disabled persons as clients:
(Mersland, 2005)15
- All MFIs visited highlighted a non-discrimination policy
- Most MFIs did not see a reason for tracking disability specifically. This could
even distort the work of the Credit Officers whose job is to evaluate business
viability and repayment capacity and not physical ability/disability.
- The MFIs admitted that their personnel, as the society in general, probably have
a tendency to miscalculate or underestimate the abilities of a disabled person.
- All MFIs welcomed any efforts that can help them to evaluate disabled the same
way they evaluate able persons.
- The MFIs did not know about any reliable market information regarding the
disabled persons segment.
- All MFIs using a group methodology admitted that this methodology might lead
to the exclusion of disabled persons. But by having their credit officers to
promote the inclusion they would probably be able to influence the groups to
take in more disabled persons as members.
Responding to the question of why the MFIs do not have more disabled persons as clients
the following seemed to be the main answers in practically all institutions:
- “We haven’t thought of this”
- “There is probably not so many disabled persons running viable businesses”
- “We do not have any knowledge on how to serve this segment”
- “It will not be cost effective for us to specifically target this segment” (through
special loan products/methodology etc.)
15
Demand side
Disabled persons in need for additional capital for their businesses often end up demanding
microcredit. However this demand requires closer analysis. Is there actually a high demand
among self-employed disabled persons for microcredit? As for the supply side there is
limited existing research to build upon. The following remarks are therefore based on our
own experiences and they should only be taken as a starting point when trying to
understand the demand for microcredit from disabled self-employed persons.
During the mentioned study in Uganda we also met with 12 self-employed disabled
persons. Our findings through meeting with these entrepreneurs confirm our findings from
meetings with other disabled persons around the globe. We therefore believe that the
following remarks are worth reviewing when trying to understand the demand for
microcredit by self-employed disabled persons.
- Most disabled persons running their own viable business prefer not to contract
microcredit, even if such service is available in their neighbourhood.
- Disabled persons often represent an enormous ability to adapt and learn. Life
has taught them to cope with challenges. Such abilities are a major asset when
contracting loans from a MFI.
- Disabled persons seem to be more risk averse than others. They are more afraid
of loosing what they have. The consequences of losing what they have might be
more dramatic. They often do not dare to take a loan.
- Disabled persons running their own businesses do not seem to understand the
pros and the cons of taking a loan. They regard loan as the last resort, something
that is only taken when things are really bad. They generally lack the knowledge
regarding when and how a loan can improve their businesses.
- Disabled persons often do not know how to approach a MFI.
- Disabled persons have often accumulated so much bad experience when it
comes to approaching offices, private or public, that they prefer to avoid such
- Disabled persons, as many other vulnerable groups, are misinformed about
MFIs. They often believe them to be some type of social offices and not
institutions that operate (at least try to operate) under market conditions.
- Disabled persons tend to be waiting for special conditions, programs etc. coming
from the government or donors. They prefer waiting for such programs instead
of contracting loans on market conditions from MFIs.
- Disabled persons, as other vulnerable groups, tend to be misinformed. In this
case when it comes to real interest rates, collateral requirements, risks etc.
- Some disabled persons feel self pity and think that they should have better
conditions (e.g. interest rates, grace periods) than others.
- Often disabled persons believe that they are discriminated due to their disability
when the real reason for not qualifying for a loan is that they do not qualify due
to business viability and repayment capacity.
- Some disabled persons have higher costs than able persons. This can be due to
their need of hiring help, e.g. carrying merchandise, need of public
transportation instead of walking/riding a bicycle etc.
- Generally speaking being disabled is representing a disadvantage when it comes
to running a business. However, some disabled persons also admit that they
might have some “competitive advantages” (mentioned above)
Disabled persons’ organizations (DPOs)
Influencing the demand for microfinance from disabled persons are the DPOs. There seem
to be an indefinite number of different associations and organizations for disabled persons.
We believe that such organizations can play an important role when it comes to
encouraging disabled persons in their ventures. However we have also found that such
organizations may negatively influence a disabled person’s ability and motivation to be
involved in business. Due to their focus on rights and lacking conditions we believe that
these organizations can easily end up discouraging entrepreneurs with disabilities. DPOs
are simply not used to being involved in issues that is dependent merely on market forces.
The organizational culture and tradition of most DPOs is not nourished to foster such