COPING MECHANISMS OF STUDENTS OF THE COLLEGE OF THE HOLY SPIRIT OF MANILA WITH OFW PARENTS
A RESEARCH PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF NURSING OF COLLEGE OF THE HOLY SPIRIT OF MANILA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF SCIENCE OF NURSING
By
Ma. Juvilisa B. Dioneda Janela Feb C. Ligutan
Chapter I
Introduction
Background of the study
Working in a foreign country is doubly harder for people who have a son or daughter to leave behind in the Philippines. The decision to accept a job offer abroad may mean that you will miss some of the growing up years of your child. Though some overseas Filipino workers
(OFWs) are luckier because their host country and visa may allow them to bring dependents along, majority of the OFWs have to face the reality of being away from their children.(OFW Guide, 2012).
A week away from the people you love can be difficult to bear. It‘s so much worse if the time period is in months or even years, and in another country to boot. Staying in touch with all your kids and keeping tabs on the goings-on in their lives becomes a challenge, especially if you‘re a parent to young children and teenagers. (Villarin, 2010)
Children and adolescent cope differently when they are left behind depending on their stage of development and who is the migrating or left behind parent or guardian. (Tobin, 2008)
Coping is intimately related to the concept of cognitive appraisal and, hence, to the stress relevant person-environment transactions. Most approaches in coping research follow Folkman and Lazarus, who define coping as `the cognitive and behavioral efforts made to master, tolerate, or reduce external and internal demands and conflicts among them. (Krohne, 2002)
Coping is an important construct in understanding how adolescents react to the extensive stressors and adjustments they experience. (Garcia, 2010)
The events laid led the researchers to initially find out any difficulty experienced by both boys and girls students and mainly focus on how they cope with the difficult experience without their parents.
The fifteen students‘ individual differences as far as their coping mechanisms are concerned are given focused in this study. Their individual differences comes not only from their demographic profile and diverse family backgrounds, but will also be coming from their means of coping with their difficulty experience.
In addition, this study is concerned with the coping mechanisms of the students with Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) parents at College of the Holy Spirit of Manila. It will also seek to find out the coping strategies of the students in terms of their identified difficult experiences. Their identified individual experiences come not only from their demographic profile and diverse family backgrounds, but will also be coming from their means of coping mechanisms.
Identifying the difficult experiences of the student during challenging times provides us the opportunity to emphasize the coping mechanisms and strategies of student with OFW parent. This quantitative phenomenological study has a great opportunity in appreciating and
understanding the psychological and emotional problems of student with OFW parent and their coping strategies during that phase.
This phenomenological study is of great benefit for the students to be aware of their coping mechanism and strategies employed by them during challenging times since they are the primary respondents of this study.
Statement of the problem
This study aimed to know the coping mechanism of the students with Overseas Filipino Worker (OFW) parents at College of the Holy Spirit of Manila, this will provide necessary intervention to help students in their adjustment.
Purpose of the study
General objective:
This study generally aims to know the coping mechanism of the students whose parents are overseas Filipino workers.
Specific objectives:
This study specifically aims to:
1. Determine the demographic profile of the students enrolled at College of the Holy Spirit of Manila based on the following:
a. age
c. gender
d. Years in the College of the Holy Spirit of Manila?
2. Determine the general profile of the students according to family background based on the following:
a. parents living together
b. parents working abroad
3. Determine the most difficult experience they encounter in College of the Holy Spirit Manila
4. Determine the three most employed coping mechanism in the identified difficult problem
Hypothesis
HO:
T h e r e i s n o s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n O F W p a r e n t s a n d t h e a c a d e m i c performance of the student.
H1:
T h e r e i s a s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n O F W a n d t h e a c a d e m i c performance of the students.
Conceptual Framework
Figure 1
This study which mainly aims to identify the coping mechanisms employed by students is mainly grounded on three theories. The above figure show theories on how the development of a person is influenced by different factors based on theoretical foundations, specifically in this study are those of the Social Cognitive and Birth Order Theories. The Social Cognitive Theory of Bandura tell us that a person‘s gender development is not just only influenced by biological, behavioral or environmental factors alone but through the interplay of the three. Adler‘s theory on the other
Alfred Adler’s Birth Order Theory Bandura’s Social
Cognitive Theory
ENVIRONMENT COPING MECHANISM
Lazarus and Folkman’s
hand is also a personality theory that explains the relation of a person‘s birth order to his personality. Both these theories are important for us to identify the individual difference of a person from another.
The third theory on this study which is Lazarus and Folkman‘s theory on the Transactional Model of Stress and Coping explains to us that stress is a person-situation interaction that is influenced by the person‘s environment. Within the said environment that poses events that may be threatening, harmful or taxing of resources, a person develops coping mechanisms.
Significance of the study
Since this research would determine the Coping Mechanisms of the students with Overseas Filipino Worker (OFW) parents at College of the Holy Spirit, Manila for School Year 2012-2013, the results will benefit a number of sectors namely:
The primary respondents of this study will be able to identify and be given increased awareness on the difficulty they are experiencing as well as their coping mechanisms in the identified difficulty. Awareness of their response to the identified difficulty would help them improve their participation and involvement in school activities. This study would also create opportunities for the primary respondents to openly communicate their frustrations and feelings in relation to a particular circumstance. Sharing and discussing it with the researchers would also have the potential to lessen the tensions coming from the identified difficulty or experience.
For the researchers, it will help them prepare and create a more comfortable and conducive atmosphere of learning for the students that would encourage active participation and healthy competition. They shall also be able to respond more effectively to the learners‘ individual differences.
For the administrators, it will guide them as they respond to the needs of every learner. It will also equip them with more useful information regarding the student‘s behaviors and identify the areas that are needed to be improved.
For the Guidance Counselors, this study will aid them in the process of enhancing the components of their guidance curriculum which can be more suitable to the felt needs of the students.
For the Parents of the students will also gain a better understanding of their children‘s difficulty and behaviors in school. This would enable them to help their child identify more appropriate coping mechanisms in times of difficulties.
For the Future researchers it will also benefit from this study by gaining insights on coping mechanisms employed by the students during challenging times. They also used this study for future references
Scope and limitation
This study is limited only on the ―Coping Mechanisms of Students with OFW parents at College of the Holy Spirit of Manila‖ school year 2012-2013. This study focuses attention only on the students whose parents are overseas Filipino workers. This study includes the
demographic profile of students enrolled at CHSM. It will give emphasis on identifying most critical experience they had. It will also determine the coping mechanism employed by the students in their identified critical experience.
Definition of terms
The following terms are operationally defined to identify and clarify how they will be used in the study:
Age is the period of human life, measured by years from birth. It was used to determine patterns of similarities or differences that could be factors for the coping mechanism employed. Birth Order refers to the position of birth of the respondents in their family which will also be
used to determine patterns of similarities or differences that could be factors for the coping mechanism employed.
Coping Mechanisms are ways by which the students manage a difficult situation or experience. Coping Scales refers to the eight Coping Mechanisms used in this study which are as follows:
Confrontive Coping (Scale 1) describes aggressive efforts to alter the situation and suggests some degree of hostility and risk-taking. Distancing (Scale 2) describes cognitive efforts to detach oneself and to
minimize the significance of the situation.
Self-Controlling (Scale 3) describes efforts to regulate one's own feelings.
Seeking Social Support (Scale 4) describes efforts to seek informational support, tangible support, and emotional support.
Accepting Responsibility (Scale 5) acknowledges one's own role in the problem with a concomitant theme of trying to put things right. Escape-Avoidance (Scale 6) describes wishful thinking and behavioral
efforts to escape or avoid the problem. Items on this scale contrast with those on the Distancing scale, which suggests detachment. Planful Problem Solving (Scale 7) describes deliberate problem-focused
efforts to alter the situation, coupled with an analytic approach to solving the problem.
Positive Reappraisal (Scale 8) describes efforts to create positive meaning by focusing on personal growth. It also has a religious dimension.
Family Background includes the name, marital status, occupation and the work place of the parents and the type of family. It will be used to identify patterns of similarities or differences that could be factors for the coping mechanisms employed.
Gender is the division of people into two categories, ―men‖ and ―women,‖ that will also be used to identify similarities or differences that could be factors for the coping mechanisms employed.
Ways of Coping Questionnaire is an instrument that can identify the thoughts and actions used by an individual to cope with a specific stressful encounter.
Chapter II
Review of Related Literature
This chapter presents the literatures related to the study on the Coping Mechanism of Students with Overseas Filipino Worker (OFW) Parents at College of the Holy Spirit of Manila for School Year 2012-2013.
Coping Mechanisms of Adolescents
Studies that directly examined the breadth of coping strategies found that, in general, children and adolescents‘ coping repertoires increase with age. As children grow older, instrumental action is supplemented by planful problem-solving, which is among the most common strategies adolescents report using when they encounter challenges. Distraction tactics also become more diverse; compared to children, adolescents more often draw upon both
behavioral and cognitive strategies. The use of both behavioral and cognitive strategies may also occur with the coping strategy of escape, although findings were less clear. Further, adolescents are better able to attend to and reflect on their own internal emotional states, and increasingly rely on more sophisticated strategies to deal with emotions. During adolescence, such emotion-focused strategies can also lead to more rumination, which may even become more common into early adulthood. At the same time, other useful coping strategies are on the rise, including
self-reliant as cognitive strategies become more powerful in guiding action and regulating emotions in the face of situational pressures. (Gembeck & Skinner, n.d.)
Other indications of increasing differentiation were evident when we compared general findings across studies of older adolescents to those of children and younger adolescents—age differences in coping among older adolescents are more dependent on the type of adversity studied (e.g., coping in response to specific, self-identified stressors vs. general coping patterns). An expanding and differentiated repertoire of coping actions coupled with an increasing
appreciation of the specific requirements of different stressful situations is associated with increases in coping flexibility from early childhood to adolescence. As noted by Compas et al. (2001). (Gembeck & Skinner, n.d.)
Greater diversity and flexibility in the range of coping responses available to the individual is expected to develop during middle childhood and adolescence. In addition, with increasing metacognitive skills in early adolescence, a greater ability to match coping efforts to the perceived objective characteristics of stress is expected. (Gembeck & Skinner, n.d.)
However, it is important to note that, although some studies did provide support for increased flexibility of coping among adolescents, especially older adolescents compared to younger groups, it is possible that less flexibility will occur with age as young people more routinely rely on the coping strategies that work well in particular situations (e.g., problem-solving for controllable stressors compared to distraction for uncontrollable ones; Sorgen &Manne, 2002) (Gembeck & Skinner, n.d.).
Results also clearly showed that early strategies, such as behavioural distraction or contact seeking, do not disappear. In fact, one trend, which was hard to verify with the current
set of studies, suggested that it is adaptive to maintain access to these more ‗‗basic‘‘ coping strategies. Early behavioural forms of coping may actually be more effective when dealing with extreme forms of stress, and so older children and adolescents (maybe even increasingly and intentionally) continue to draw upon them when they are needed (Gembeck & Skinner, n.d.).
For example, the supposition that behavioural distraction (i.e.,doing something fun) is more effective than cognitive distraction(i.e., thinking about something pleasurable) in taking one‘s mind off seriously troubling events, may account for the increased use of distraction even during adolescence when dealing with life-threatening uncontrollable events, like parental cancer (Gembeck & Skinner, n.d.).
Many of these age differences suggest a pattern of normative improvements, as would be expected. However, some age comparisons suggest increasing struggles with stressors and coping, especially during the transition to adolescence (Donaldson, Prinstein,Danovsky, & Spirito, 2000). Compared to older adolescents, young adolescents sometimes showed lower levels of help-seeking and effort expenditure even in domains where they would be helpful (e.g., school). Moreover, although overall levels were low, there is a rise during early adolescence in some of the potentially more maladaptive stress reactions, such as cognitive escape, rumination, verbal aggression, and venting. It is even possible that developmental advances may introduce new vulnerabilities. For example, young adolescents‘ increasing capacity to reflect on their own emotions brought with it increasingly sophisticated emotion regulation strategies, such as positive self-talk. However, it may also open the door to emotional vulnerabilities, such as increases in rumination and blaming others. In a similar vein, the same forward-looking
capacities that allow adolescents to plan for the future also allow them to worry about the future. And the increasing autonomy of adolescents, although generally a positive development, may
also permit them to escape more effectively from home, when, for example, home contains a parent suffering from cancer. Coping developmental gains and losses (Baltes, 1987) (Gembeck & Skinner, 2011).
Children and adolescents report that they experience stress in their lives and that they attempt to cope with that stress. Although most research on stress and coping has focused on adults, recent attention to adolescents suggests there are developmental changes in coping during adolescence and that particular coping strategies vary with gender and the type of stressors adolescents‘ experience. Older adolescents used a greater variety coping strategies and used methods that directly reduce the impact of the stressor and involved a cognitive component (e.g., planful problem solving; reappraisal) more often than younger adolescents. Adolescents in all age groups varied their strategies in relation to the type of stressor, but there were no significant gender differences. The findings suggest that significant changes during a relatively short period during adolescence may affect adaptive processes and have implications for intervention efforts aimed at reducing the negative effects of stress during this period of development. (Williams & McGillicuddy, 2000).
Common Stressors
Of the many stressors, problems with other people are the most commonly reported and can be significant sources of distress for many adolescents. Compared to children, adolescents encounter many new, potentially threatening or challenging social experiences. These escalate all the way through later adolescence (about ages 20 to 22) when there may be significant social
transitions, such as leaving home, finding satisfying educational or career paths, and forming intimate partner relationships.
Outcomes of Stressful Experiences
It is probably not surprising that significant life events and many of the common stressors of adolescence have been linked to mental health and behavioral problems. These problems include depression and anxiety, as well as externalizing behaviors, such as aggression and antisocial acts (Compas, Connor-Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wadsworth, 2001).
Few studies have directly examined the positive outcomes of coping with stressful events for adolescents. However, related research has demonstrated that experiences of dealing with just manageable challenge are important to the development of a wide variety of capacities and skills. Researchers point out that mistakes, setbacks, and failures are potential springboards for
discovery and learning, offering adolescents the opportunity to build resources for coping with future negative events (Aldwin, 1994). Most researchers also agree that the outcomes of stressful life events and daily hassles will be positive or negative depending on how adolescents respond to them.
Stress Reactions and Appraisals
The impact of stressful events is dependent not only on the objective stressors
potential impact or threat to well-being (Lazarus, 1991). For example, a stressful event can be appraised as a loss, threat or challenge (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Skinner & Wellborn, 1994). Appraisal of
loss implies a harm that has already transpired, whereas appraisal of threat implies an
anticipation of harm in the future. An appraisal of challenge identifies a stressful event that can potentially result in some positive outcome. These appraisals are linked with emotional reactions to stressors and coping responses. Situations perceived as more threatening prompt certain emotions and coping strategies, such as more fear and more use of escape, withdrawal and support seeking. Situations perceived as more challenging prompt different emotions and coping strategies, such as more interest and problem solving (Irion & Blanchard-Fields, 1987; Skinner, Edge, Altman, & Sherwood, 2003; Zimmer-Gembeck, Lees, Skinner, & Bradley, under review).
Another important appraisal is the controllability of a stressor (Rudolf, Dennig, & Weisz, 1995; Skinner, 1995). Some stressors, such as academic difficulties, are perceived as more open to influence through effort. As a result, adolescents respond to them more instrumentally, using active strategies, persistence, exertion, and problem-solving. When stressors are appraised as lower in controllability or as inescapable, such as for parental conflict or medical events, they are more likely to prompt withdrawal, the use of cognitive distraction, seeking social support, or responses aimed at reducing emotional distress. As would be expected, adolescents‘ stress appraisals are important correlates of their mental health (Compas et al. 2001). For example, the appraisal of a stressful event as more threatening has been associated with self-reported
symptoms of anxiety, depression, and conduct-related problems following parental divorce (Sandler, Kim-Bae, & MacKinnon, 2000).
Coping Responses
Coping describes the transactional processes through which people deal with actual problems in their everyday lives (Aldwin, 1994; Skinner & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2007, in press). Coping encompasses a range of emotional regulation strategies, thought processes, and
behaviors. This means that coping is founded in an individual‘s physiological responses to stress, their appraisals of events, their attention, and their goals or the outcomes they desire. Coping also depends on
social contexts and interpersonal relationships. Recent conceptualizations of coping have
highlighted the importance of two processes: stress reactions, which are largely involuntary and might include behavioral and emotional impulses, and action regulation, which are purposeful and serve to modulate or boost reactivity to stressful events (Skinner & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2007, in press). Most interventions target intentional ways of coping, but the ability to cope well depends on coordinating all of these systems under conditions of threat, challenge, or loss (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Skinner & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2007).
Categories of coping responses
In order to describe how people cope in response to different stressors and to identify adaptive means of relieving stress and building resilience, researchers and practitioners need some way of organizing the multitude of coping responses. Yet, there is little consensus about how to do this.
In one organizational scheme, coping behaviors have been grouped into those that 1) are more engaged and approach oriented, 2) serve to avoid or minimize stress, 3) depend on seeking others for support, and 4) involve withdrawal or helplessness (Ayers, Sandler, West, & Roosa, 1996; Seiffge-Krenke, 1995; Zimmer-Gembeck & Locke, 2007). The first category, approach-oriented coping, has included direct problem-solving and actions taken to increase understanding of the
problem. The second category includes coping strategies that have a common function of avoiding or minimizing the stress, such as trying not to think about the event or distracting oneself. The third category of coping involves other people as resources, either for emotional support or for direct assistance. Finally, the fourth set of strategies includes escaping or becoming helpless and doing nothing.
The development of commonly used coping strategies during adolescence
It is clear that there are individual differences in how adolescents respond to stress, but there are also typical patterns of change. Coping experts have concluded that attempts and behaviors aimed at changing the stressful situation (i.e., instrumental coping) are very common, but decrease in use during adolescence, whereas coping that is focused on managing emotions and reducing tension increases (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2000). In a recent review, we focused on specific families of coping and summarized what is known about three families used most often by adolescents –support seeking, problem-solving, and distraction (Skinner & Zimmer-
Support seeking. Support seeking includes seeking information, emotional support, and
instrumental help. Adolescents‘ patterns of support seeking differ from those of both children and adults. Compared to children, adolescents are more likely to go to peers for emotional support and help with daily hassles. At the same time there are declines in seeking support from adults. However, these changes are dependent on the type of stressor. When in situations that are appraised as uncontrollable or in which adults are known to have authority, adolescents typically seek support from adults more often as they get older. Hence, adolescents, especially those between 10 to 16 years old, still benefit from adult guidance and they typically become better able to identify the best source of support for particular problem domains. At the same time, adults often find it challenging to provide adolescents with developmentally-attuned support. Adolescents benefit most from support and guidance when it fits with their needs for autonomy and increasing skills at self-regulation (Zimmer-Gembeck & Locke, 2007).
Problem-solving. When assessed as cognitive rather than behavioral activity to guide mastery
over a problem, attempts at problem-solving increase with age. These increases are found
throughout adolescence, and between adolescence and young adulthood. This is particularly true for self-reliance in decision-making and use of cognitive decision-making strategies to deal with stress. These increases continue even into early adulthood. As would be expected from recent research on brain development (Spear, 2000), the use of particular cognitive strategies such as strategizing, decision-making, planning, and reflection does not seem to be widespread until late adolescence or even early adulthood. In fact, the pubertal transition marks a time of less
problemsolving may correspond to a particular time of heightened stress reactivity that limits a young
person‘s capacity to direct attention to problem-solving coping strategies. At the same time, increases in distraction, rumination, aggression, and avoidance are apparent.
Distraction. Most people, regardless of their age, rely on distraction to cope with stress as much
or more than support seeking and problem-solving. Young children rely on coping strategies like playing with toys, reading or other behavioral distractions. Adolescents continue to rely on behavioral distraction, but the use of cognitive distraction (such as thinking about something positive) is increasingly used. Following a pattern similar to advances in cognitive ability, there are increases in the use of cognitive distraction strategies beginning at about age 6 and
continuing to about age 14. Distraction is often used to supplement other coping strategies, and the ability to shift between strategies, for example using both problem-solving and distraction to full advantage, becomes more advanced throughout adolescence and into early adulthood (Skinner & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2007).
The Well-Being of Children: Does Migration Matter?
Comparisons between the children of migrants and the children of nonmigrants (and further comparisons of the children of different types of migrants) provide some measure of migration outcomes on selected indicators of well-being. By limiting the respondents to children coming from two-parent families, the comparisons will not be affected by extraneous factors. This detail is important to keep in mind in the interpretation of the findings. We begin by turning to
dimensions which show marked differences in the conditions or perceptions of the children of migrants relative to the children of non-migrants.
Where Migration Clearly Matters
Socio-economic Status
The family‘s socio-economic status (SES) shows a very clear divide between the children of migrants and the children of non-migrants. This came out whether the measure was perceived social class or the more ―objective‖ indicators, such as home ownership and ownership of durable goods. The children‘s perception of their family‘s class status was measured by the question: ―Filipino families have different statuses in life. Some are poor, some are not poor, and some are in the middle. In this card, where would you locate your family?‖ Most of the children, especially the children of migrants, put their families in the middle. Compared with non-OFW children, fewer OFW children considered their families as poor (31.2 percent among non- OFW children vs. 12 percent among OFW children); conversely, more OFW children considered their families as not poor compared with non- OFW children (28 percent vs. 19 percent). The
children‘s perceptions about their families‘ SES are also supported by children‘s reports on home ownership and ownership of durable goods. Families of migrants are more likely to own homes than non-migrant families. Also, migrant families owned more appliances than non-migrant families (8.41 vs. 5.65). Ownership of major appliances was distinctly higher among migrant families. The access of migrant families to communication facilities is also very notable _ OFW families are twice more likely to have a landline telephone connection than non-OFW families (63 percent vs. 29 percent). Ownership of cell phones is even more telling: some 94 percent of migrant families had cell phones as opposed to 60 percent among non-migrant families. Children
of migrants have also become part of the proli-feration of cell phones _ more than a third (35 percent) of OFW children had their own cell phones compared with only 12 percent among non-OFW. This access to communications technology plays an important part in linking family members separated by borders.
Where Migration Seems to Matter, But…
Being Family/Family Relationships
To have a better gauge about the parents' marriage, the study looked into the children's
perception of their parents' relationship. In general, the children viewed their parents' marriage as positive _ less than three percent noted that their parents were often not in good terms. Majority of the OFW and non-OFW children (59 percent) described their parents' relationship as very good (magkasundong-magkasundo). More OFW children described their parents' relationship as very good compared with non-OFW children (70 percent vs. 59 percent). However, among the children of migrants, the children of migrant mothers were the least likely to describe their parents' relationship in the same light.
The mean scores of the children's assessment of their parents' relationship and their own relationship to various family members show interesting patterns. Mean scores were computed using a four-point scale ranging from "1" (not very good) to "4" (very good). The mean scores indicate that the children saw their parents' relationship as good to very good (mean of 3.57), with OFW children reporting a higher mean score compared to non-OFW children (3.66 vs. 3.56). Among OFW children, however, the children of migrant mothers had the lowest score compared to children from other migrant and non-migrant families. The Battistella and Conaco
study (1998, 1996) also noted that children in mother-absent families were more likely to describe their parents' relationship as problematic. The persistence of this finding over time suggests that the cracks in the marriage in mother-absent families may have prompted the mothers' migration. Where divorce is not an option or legal separation is a long process,
migration is one of the few options available to women wanting a way out of a difficult marriage.
On the whole, most of the children reported good to very good relationship with other family members. Mothers figured as the family member the children were closest to. In addition, mothers were also mentioned as the persons they wanted to be close to (see also Liwag et al., 1998). Other male family members were more likely to be mentioned as persons in the family the children felt distant to. The strength of family relationship, particularly the children's closeness to their parents, is reflected in the children's choice of their parents as role models. Indeed, despite the hype about celebrities and sports personalities, majority of the children (64.1 percent) chose their parents as the persons they would like to be. Similar findings were tapped by other studies among young people (Abrera, 2002; Sandoval et al., 1998). Although the age group (15-21 years old) is different, a Social Weather Survey of young people in 1996 found that young Filipinos were more likely to report a good relationship with their parents compared with young Americans (Sandoval et al., 1998).
Communication Makes Family
Most of the children - about three in four - said that they could talk to their parents about
anything. However, the frequency of communication between children and parents is on the low side: majority of the children (58.3 percent) reported that they talk with their parents only "sometimes."
For the children of migrants, the majority said that they had regular communication with their migrant parents. At most, some 10 percent (the children of seafarers) reported that they had no regular communication with their migrant parents. The importance of keeping in touch between those left behind and those who migrated was particularly highlighted in the FGDs. Separated by migration, participants, particularly the caregivers, related that communication not only kept family members updated about what goes on in their daily life (for migrant parents, hearing the voice of their family members was very important), but it has also made it possible for fathers and mothers to continue their parenting role. Through phone calls, migrant parents are consulted over decisions affecting the family, including discipline issues concerning the children.
Letters, the traditional way of communication between migrants and the left-behind families, have definitely been replaced by the telephone and SMS (short messaging services) or texting. As may be recalled, the children of migrants had higher ownership of cell phones compared to the children of non-migrants; OFW families also had higher ownership of landline telephones and cell phones. With cheaper long-distance calls, the FGDs confirm the frequency of contacts and more opportunities for family members, including children, to communicate with migrant family members.10
Academic Indicators
As noted earlier, more children of migrants were enrolled in private schools than the children of non-migrants. The investments OFW families make on education are not surprising since providing for the education of children (and other family members) is one of the reasons motivating people to work abroad.
Nine out of 10 children reported that they were happy or very happy with school. The children's responses to the importance they attached to high grades, gaining knowledge, learning good manners and seeing their friends in school were quite similar across all groups. Getting high grades registered the highest importance.
At least during elementary, the children of migrants perform well in school. In fact, they have fared slightly better than the children of non-migrants in several indices of academic
performance. As a measure of school performance, the study looked into the child's general weighted average (GWA) during the past school year (2002-2003), awards received in the past three years, inclusion in the honor roll or top 10, participation in extra-curricular activities, and experience of failing or repeating a grade level.
Although the children of OFWs had higher general weighted average compared to non-migrant children (83.7 vs. 82.3) last school year, the dif-ference is not so marked. In terms of awards received in school in the past three years, around 31 percent of the children of migrants have received various awards in school, with 23 percent receiving academic awards. The
corresponding figures among children with both parents present are much lower, at 20 percent and 13 percent, respectively. When the grades and awards of parent absent children were compared, the children of mother-absent families did not do as well in school as those who had fathers working abroad or both parents working abroad.
Many more children of migrants are included in the honor roll and are more involved in extracurricular activities. The data on failing or repeating a grade level also attest to OFW children's good performance: fewer OFW children (three percent) repeated a grade level compared to children of non-migrants (11 percent).
Turning to factors that could account for these school outcomes, the study examined the number of hours children spent studying, the number of hours spent in school, and number of absences. Around 60 percent of children, regardless of parents' migration status, spend one to two hours studying at home. However, non-migrant children spend longer hours in school than the children of migrants. About 65.5 percent of non-migrant children reported spending nine hours or more in school compared to 56.3 percent among children of migrants. The children of migrants have slightly fewer absences compared to those of non-migrants for both the present and the previous school years. During the month preceding the interview, chil-dren of non-migrants averaged 2.08 absences, while children of migrants had a mean of 1.93. Sickness was the most common reason why the children missed school.
In general, thus, the children of migrants are doing well in school, registering even better school outcomes than the children of non-migrants. Among the OFW children, however, the children of migrant mothers tend to score lower than the other children. This finding also came out in the 1996 study and seems to suggest the importance of mothers' presence in the academic
performance of the children.
Physical Health
The study tried to get some objective indicators of physical wellbeing, like the height and weight measurements of the children. However, such infor-mation was patchy, except for those in Negros Occidental, which provided complete data. Because of this, the analysis of the height and weight data would be limited to the Negros sub-sample.
Based on the data, the children of migrants are generally taller and heavier than the children of non-migrants. Among the females, the children of sea-based fathers are the tallest (mean height of 145.32 cm) compared to the children of other migrant groups. They are also the heaviest (mean weight of 42.45 kg). With the males, however, the children with both parents absent are the tallest (mean height of 143.36 cm) and the heaviest (mean weight of 44 kg) compared to children of other migrant groups. Comparing children across migrant categories, those with land-based fathers working abroad were found to be the shortest and lightest, regardless of gender. In the pre-teen age group (10-12 years), the female children were also found to be taller and heavier than their male counterparts, since most of the children have yet to experience physical changes due to puberty.
Unlike the 1996 study, the present study did not find any negative impact of mother's absence on the children's physical well-being. It appears that the higher socio-economic status of parent absent families may have more bearing on the nutritional status of the children. The role of caregivers of parent-absent children may also be a factor in affecting the children's physical well-being. Caregivers seem to have ensured that the children's health does not suffer in the absence of their parents. Similar findings also emerge in the children's susceptibility to common ailments.
A. Susceptibility to Common Ailments
Susceptibility to common ailments was explored by the question: "How often do you experience any of the following: cold, coughing, fever/flu, headache, stomachache, and loss of appetite."11 Children's responses were categorized into: (1) not experienced it at all, (2) rarely, (3)
sometimes, and (4) oftentimes. Based on the children's self-report, the study found that, in general, the children of non-migrants are more susceptible to illnesses than the children of
migrants - this is suggested by the slightly higher mean scores of the children of non-migrants vis-à-vis the children of migrants. This finding differs from the 1996 study which did not find appreciable differences in the health outcomes of the two groups.
When comparing the mean scores among the children of parent absent families, mother-absent children were observed to be the most susceptible to cold, cough, headache, stomachache and loss of appetite. The differences are slight, but they suggest that the mother's absence is
associated with the children falling ill. In contrast, children with both parents who are migrants appear to be the most resistant to common ailments. Fewer children with both parents abroad reported experiencing cold, headache and stomachache.
B. Healthy Practices
Simple indicators of health-promoting practices and behaviors were explored in terms of the amount of sleep and personal hygiene.
Most of the children enjoy adequate sleep, with about 70 percent sleeping more than eight hours daily. However, more children of non-migrant parents get more than eight hours of sleep daily compared to children of migrants (70.4 percent vs. 65.3 percent). Among parent-absent children, those with mothers absent get the least amount of sleep per day (60 percent).
For personal hygiene, basic health practices such as hand washing, tooth brushing and bathing were asked of the children. Of these measures, some variability was noted in the children's daily bath habits. Children of migrants reportedly take a bath more often weekly than non-migrant children.
General Well-being
An overall measure of well-being was tapped by the children's responses to the following question: "Overall, would you say that you are very happy, somewhat happy, somewhat
unhappy, and very unhappy?" On the whole, the mean scores suggest that the children described themselves as somewhat happy to very happy. Looking at the response categories, it is
interesting to note that none of the children considered themselves as very unhappy; rather the responses generally reflect much optimism. Although the differences are slight, among the children of migrants, the children of migrant mothers and those with both parents abroad tend to have lower mean scores than the children of migrant fathers.
The study also probed into specific aspects of daily life which the children were busiest with, what posed the most problem to them, and what made them happiest. Among the choices presented to them, the children said they were most preoccupied with school (69 percent). Moreover, school matters not only kept the children busy, they also posed the most problem (or stressor) to them. The emphasis on education (specifically, doing well in school) in Filipino families can be a source of stress to the children (Arellano-Carandang, 1995; 2001). Although respondents also acknowledged problems with other issues - money, family, relationship with teachers and classmates, relationship with friends - school was mentioned by most respondents (32 percent). On the other hand, the source of happiness for the majority of children (67 percent) was the family. Among the children of migrants, children who had both parents abroad were the least likely (49 percent) to identify the family as that which made them happiest. Thus, during this period, children are most pressured by school requirements while the source of their happiness is the family.
A. Emotional Health
Several questions measuring anxiety and loneliness were included in the survey. A modified Social Anxiety Scale (SAS) and Loneliness Scale (LS) were computed to provide summary measures. The modified SAS ranged in value from 0 to 12 while LS values went from 2 to 24 _ the higher the score, the higher the levels of anxiety and loneliness, respectively. Other indicators of emotional health can be gauged from the mean scores on children's responses to specific feeling states.
The present study suggests that the children of migrants are less anxious and less lonely
compared with the children of non-migrants these findings depart from what was observed in the 1996 study. What is consistent with the earlier study is the pattern of children of migrant mothers scoring higher in anxiety and loneliness scales. It must be qualified, however, that the differences are slight. When the other measures are considered, the same pattern holds. The children of migrant mothers reported feeling lonely, angry, unloved, unfeeling, afraid, different from the other children, and worried compared to all other groups of children, including non-OFW children.
B. Access to Social Support
Almost all of the chidlren (98.5 percent) claimed that they had close friends. Their usual activities with their friends were playing, helping each other withschool-work and talking. The study probed whether children had encountered problems in several life areas - assignments and school-related work, relationships with teachers, classmates, siblings and parents, and "crushes" - and whether they had access to some support if they did. Virtually everyone reported having had
problems with school-related work; the least of their problems had to do with crushes (28.9 percent said that this was not a problem). When the problem relates to school matters, children readily seek out other family members - typically, mothers, and to some extent, siblings and fathers (some departures are observed in the case of OFW children). If the problem concerns teachers, classmates and siblings, at least nine out of 10 children approach someone; if the problem has to do with parents or crushes, 22 percent and 25 percent, respectively, do not approach anyone. Other than approaching mothers and other family members, children also turned to teachers (particularly when the problems concern classmates) and friends (specifically for concerns related to crushes). At this stage, children are dependent on family members, es-pecially mothers, for support. Due to the changed configuration and composition of migrant households, a lower percentage of the children in migrant families consulted with mothers. What is important to highlight is the fact that children have access to some support and that for the most part, they take an active part in doing something about difficulties that they encounter.
Where Migration Does Not Seem to Matter
In the earlier sections, we have considered outcomes in terms of measures such as the economic status of the children's families, gender roles in the family, family relationships, academic performance and so forth. In addition to outcomes, the 2003 Children and Families Study also probed into the socialization of children, i.e., the "inputs" side of the equation, which may have a bearing on indicators of outcomes.
In the Philippines, many studies have documented the contributions of children in household chores. The FGDs with caregivers confirm the importance of assigning some chores to children as part of responsibility training. According to, the most common chores assigned to children are cleaning the house (90 percent) and setting the table/washing dishes (83 percent). Close to half of the children said that they render help in the following: taking care of their siblings, helping siblings with school assignments, buying items, and watering plants/taking care of animals. Fewer children were assigned cooking/marketing and washing/ironing clothes. Chore by chore, the study found that more non-OFW children are given assignments: non-OFW children have, on the average, 4.17 chores while OFW children were assigned 3.63 chores.
Values and Spiritual Formation
The transmission of values, including spiritual formation, from one generation to the next is one of the major responsibilities vested in the family. Data in indicate that whether parents are present or other caregivers are stepping in as parents, the values taught to children are very similar. The rankings of the values may differ somewhat for children in OFW families and those in non-OFW families - likewise, the rankings may shift a little among children of different migrants - but what is quite striking is the convergence in the kinds of values passed on to children. The top ranking values nurture sensitivity to other people: good manners/kindness, generosity and obedience. Foremost child psychologist Arellano-Carandang (2001) noted that a Filipino child has to learn a lot of pakiramdaman (feeling out) in navigating through the
extended family system. Interestingly, fostering independence is less emphasized.
Almost all the children had a religious affiliation. The majority -- 82 percent -- were Roman Catholic. The rest identified themselves as belonging to other religions or churches: 4.5 percent
were Iglesia ni Cristo; 2 percent were Protestant; 4.4 percent were born-again; 0.6 percent was Islam; and 6.6 percent belonged to other churches. Belief in God was not only nearly universal (98.6 percent), but also very important in the children's life. Asked to rate the importance of God in their lives on a 10-point scale, about nine in 10 children across all groups answered "10." In terms of religious practices, the picture is less solid. The modal response to frequency of visits to the church or mosque is "sometimes" (49.3 percent). Only 30 percent said that they often went to the church or mosque, with the figure being higher among the children of migrants than among non-migrants (42 percent vs. 30 percent). More children reported saying prayers often (49 percent), and again, more children of migrants reported that they prayed often than the children of non-migrants (57.1 percent vs. 48.5 percent). Close to 90 percent of respondents said that they prayed as a family, with most respondents reporting that they "sometimes" and "often" prayed together.
The Problem of Estrangement among OFW Children
When asked, ―Why are you going abroad?‖, OFW parents will almost always say that it is for their children. But many OFW parents are now finding out that their working abroad has
seriously damaged their relationship with the very people whose interests they have gone abroad to serve.
Some stable families have weathered the separation of parents and children. Fr. Nilo Tanalega has attributed this to what he calls ―enhancements in global parenting‖, in which technology has encouraged parental presence, participation and engagement in the lives of children. Parents who express interest in the activities of their children and make a point to be available at set times more likely enjoy healthier relationships with their children.
But Fr. Tanelaga qualifies that communication mediated by technology cannot replace face to face interaction. Topics of long distance communication may go no deeper than grades and the day‘s happenings at school. By contrast, face-to-face conversations allow parents to ask ―How are your friends? What are your dreams? What is hurting you?‖ Long distance communication between parents and their children has produced superficial relationships. As one OFW child has said: “My Mom tries to parent me when she is home. But I don’t feel she has the right anymore
to do this because she does not know me at all.” How heartbreaking it is for a parent who has
made so many sacrifices to come home to estrangement. “I miss my Mom,” said another OFW child. “We used to talk a lot, but now I do not know what to say to her.”
OFW parents tend to overcompensate for their absence by indulging their children materially, giving them more than what is proper, more than they need. It is unsurprising that many of these children develop into materialistic, often rebellious, individuals with a well-entrenched sense of entitlement. Moreover, the child-centered goals of the OFW effort tend to foster narcissism in the children, instead of a healthy parental respect, other-centeredness, and love.
Before we say we are going abroad to work for the sake for our children, let us prayerfully consider the consequences and think twice.
Chapter III
Research Methods
This chapter presents the research methods used in this study such as the research design, sampling technique, settings, research instrument, and data gathering procedure.
Research design
The researchers in this study used the descriptive research. As a methodology, it involves collecting, analyzing, and quantitative approaches at many phases in the research process, from the initial philosophical assumptions to the drawing of conclusions (Cresswel & Clark, 2006).
Descriptive research involves gathering data that describe events and then organizes, tabulates, depicts, and describes the data collection. It often uses visual aids such as graphs and charts to aid the reader in understanding the data distribution. Because the human mind cannot extract the full import of a large mass of raw data, descriptive statistics are very important in reducing the data to manageable form. When in-depth, narrative descriptions of small numbers of cases are involved, the research uses description as a tool to organize data into patterns that emerge during analysis. Those patterns aid the mind in comprehending a quantitative study and its implications.
In this study, the researchers investigated the Coping Mechanisms of the Students of College of the Holy Spirit of Manila with OFW parents.
The researchers aimed at understanding the condition of our respondents on how they cope with their identified difficult situation or experience.
Sampling technique
The respondents of this study were chosen through a purposive sampling design. Purposive sampling is a decision concerning the individuals to be included in the sample are taken by the researcher, based upon a variety of criteria which may include specialist knowledge of the research issue, or capacity and willingness to participate in the research. Some types of research design necessitate researchers taking a decision about the individual participants who would be most likely to contribute appropriate data, both in terms of relevance and depth (Oliver, 2006).
Settings
The study was conducted at College of the Holy Spirit Manila, saint Arnold Jansen Building 2nd floor in the library. The library is a good place to conduct an interview were the place was quiet, secured in any disturbances and a well good ventilation.
Research instruments
To obtain necessary information from the respondents, the researchers made use 1 kind of data gathering instrument that gave quantitative data.
The instrument used composed of: first is contained the interview guide questions which composed a) demographic profile b) family background c) the survey questionnaire they had on CHSM.
The likert‘s scale of 4, 3, 2, and 1 used. 4 correspond to ―Always‖ which means that the coping statement was used. 3 correspond to ―sometimes‖, 2 correspond to ―seldom‖ and 1 corresponds to ―never‖.
Data gathering
The researchers personally gave a letter of request to the dean asking for permission to conduct the interview and administering questionnaire to selected students. When approval is given, the researchers were endorsed to the guidance of college department for briefing, assistance and the schedule for the data gathering process. Before the actual data gathering process, the researchers introduced first themselves and discussed the purpose of the study the respondents were assumed that their answers were to be confidential.
During the actual data gathering process, the respondents will give a survey questionnaire and asked to fill- out the demographic profile sheet to have initial information. The researchers explain each items found on the questionnaire in answering the ways of coping mechanism and indicate by checking the extent a coping mechanism was used in the situation.
Chapter IV
Presentation, Analysis and Interpretation
1. Determine the demographic profile of the students enrolled at College of the Holy Spirit of Manila based on the following:
Table 1 Age of the Fifteen respondents
Respondents Age 1 19 2 19 3 20 4 19 5 18 6 18 7 18 8 16 9 20 10 16 11 22 12 19 13 23 14 19 15 16
Table 1 shows that the Respondent‘s age range in this study form is from 16 to 23years old.
Table 2 Birth Order of the Fifteen respondents
Respondents Birth order
1 1st born 2 1st born 3 1st born 4 1st born 5 1st born 6 1st born 7 1st born 8 4th born 9 1st born 10 3rd born 11 1st born 12 1st born 13 1st born 14 1st born 15 3rd born
Table 2 shows that twelve of the Respondent s are first born, two of the Respondent s are 3rd born and 1 of the Respondent s is 4th born child.
Table 3 Gender of the Fifteen respondents Respondents Gender 1 Female 2 Female 3 Female 4 Female 5 Female 6 Female 7 Female 8 Female 9 Female 10 Female 11 Female 12 Female 13 Female 14 Female 15 Female
Table 4 Years in the College of the Holy Spirit Manila of the Fifteen respondents
Respondents Years in the college of the holy spirit manila
1 4 2 3 3 4 4 4 5 3 6 3 7 3 8 5 9 4 10 1 11 1 12 3 13 4 14 1 15 5
Table 4 shows that five of the respondents are stayed for four years in the College of the holy spirit of Manila, Five of the Respondent s are stayed for three years in the College of the holy spirit of manila. Three of the Respondent s are stayed for 1 year in college of the holy spirit of manila and two of the Respondent s stayed for 5 years in college of the holy spirit of manila
2. Determine the general profile of the students according to family background
Table 5 Years of parents in abroad of the Fifteen respondents
Respondents Years of parents in abroad
1 10 years 2 5 years 3 5 years 4 10 years 5 8 years 6 5 years 7 7 years 8 18 years 9 15 years 10 9 years 11 8 years 12 10 years 13 10 years 14 5 years 15 8 years
Table 5 shows that all of the respondents has a parent working abroad for more than 5 years. The range is between 5-18 years.
Table 6 Parents living together of the Fifteen respondents
Respondents Parents living together
1 Yes 2 Yes 3 Yes 4 Yes 5 yes 6 No 7 No 8 No 9 No 10 yes 11 yes 12 yes 13 yes 14 yes 15 yes
Table 6 shows that eleven students is living with their parents, while the other four are not living with their parents.
Table 7 OFW parent/s of the Fifteen respondents
Respondents OFW parent/s
1 Both 2 Both 3 Father 4 Father 5 Mother 6 Mother 7 Mother 8 Father 9 Father 10 Father 11 father 12 father 13 Mother 14 Both 15 Father
Table 7 shows that three out of fifteen respondents that both of their parents are OFW, while twelve out of fifteen respondents has a single parent working abroad as an OFW.
3. Determine the most difficult experience they encounter in the College of the Holy Spirit of Manila
Table 8 Respondent’s difficult experience of student with OFW parents
Respondents Difficult Experience
1 I had difficulties during 1st year and 2nd year college because I didn‘t fit well
2 My difficult experience is in the academic factor because of pressure on studies
3 Group activities regards to informing
4 Academic Factor because some subjects are
difficult to understand
5 School rules because I have difficulty of my class schedule
6 Academic factor because im not in favor of my course
7 Academic factor because it‘s hard for me to concentrate in my studies
8 Academic area because difficulty in
9 School rules it is hard to act because of school policies
10 Academic Difficulty because it is Not that difficult but need to prioritize
11 Academic factor because it is hard to cope with one of my subject
12 Academic factor because it is hard to understand
13 Academic factor because some of the lesson is hard to understand
14 Group ActivitiesBecause sometimes we don‘t
have the same ideas in doing the activities.
15 Group Activities because At first, I was
hesitant to come within reach of my classmates
The above table shows the Respondent difficult experience of student with OFW parents. Three of the respondents has a difficulty in group activities, and one of the Respondent s has a difficulty regarding school rules/ policies and it is about how the school deals in a class schedule. The rest are concerned about the difficulties they face in academic area.
4. Determine the most employed coping mechanism in the identified difficult problem
Table 9 The Over-All Top Three Most Employed Coping Mechanism, It’s Mean and Interpretation
Scale Mean Interpretation Rank
Positive reappraisal 6.7 Sometimes 1st
Accepting responsibility 4.72 Sometimes 2nd Planful problem solving 3.82 Seldom 3rd
The above table shows the top 3 mostly employed coping mechanisms of the fifteen students from College of the Holy Spirit Manila.
All the respondents used the 8th coping scale known as the Positive Reappraisal with a mean of 6.7. This shows that when experiencing difficult events they became quite inspired to do something creative, they change and grow as a person in good way, they found now faith,
rediscovered what is important in life, change something about themselves and they pray. These behaviors describe their efforts to create positive meanings by focusing on their personal growth.
On the other hand, the respondents‘ second most employed coping mechanism, is the 5th
coping scale known as the Accepting Responsibility as their foremost employed coping mechanism with a mean of 4.72. This means that the respondents acknowledges their own role in the
problem with a parallel theme of trying to put things right. They manifest the common behaviors as follow: quite a bit criticized or lectured themselves, apologizes or did something to make up, realized that they brought the problem, and made a promise that things will be different next time.
Meanwhile, the 7th coping scale known as Planful Problem Solving is the respondents‘ third most employed coping scale with a mean of 3.82. This shows that they quite concentrate on what they have to do next, make a plan of action and follow it, they change something so it would turn out all right, they looked at their past experiences and did the same thing, they doubled their efforts to make things work and they come up with a different solutions to the problem or difficulty. These actions describe their deliberate problem-focused efforts to alter the situation, coupled with an analytic approach to solving the problem.
Respondent 1
Respondent 1 is a female and is 19 years of age. She is the first child of her parents. She has already stayed for three (4) years in the College of the Holy Spirit of Manila and is now in her 4th year. Her parents are both OFW for almost 10 years.
Difficult Experienced
Respondent 1 identified his difficulty to be one from the Academic Area. She said that,‖I had difficulties during 1st yr and 2nd yr‖, her reason was, ―I didn‘t fit well.‖
Coping mechanism Employed
Table 1. Top 3 Coping Mechanisms Employed by Respondent 1
Coping Scale Mean Interpretation Rank
Positive Reappraisal 7.2 Often 1st
Accepting Responsibility
4.25 sometimes 2nd
Distancing 4.16 sometimes 3rd
Table 1 shows the top three coping mechanism employed by Respondent 1. The Positive Reappraisal coping scale, with a mean of 7.2 , ranked first. It was followed by Accepting
Responsibility coping scale with a mean of 4.25. Third on his rank is the Distancing with a mean of 4.16.
Respondent 2
Respondent 2 is a female and is 19 years of age. She is the first child of her parents. She has already stayed for three (3) years in the College of the Holy Spirit of Manila and is now in her 3rd year. Her parents are both OFW for almost 10 years.
Difficulty Experienced
Respondent 1 identified an academic difficulty. She said that she got pressured on her studies. According to her, ―every year kasi tumataas yung stress siyempre yung major subject mahirap tapos yung mga minor imbis na minor, nagpapamajor tapos kunyari sa major subject yung ang daming lesson na kailangan basahin yung hindi na kinaya ng utak ko na iabsorb lahat.‖
Coping Mechanism Employed
Table 2. Top three (3) Coping Mechanisms Employed by Respondent 2
Coping Scale Mean Interpretation Rank
Positive Reappraisal 8.29 Always 1st
Planful Problem Solving 7.33 Sometimes 2nd Accepting Responsibility 7.00 Sometimes 3rd
Table 1 shows the top three (3) coping mechanisms employed by Respondent 1. The Positive Reappraisal Coping Scale, with a mean of 8.29, ranked first. It was followed by Planful Problem Solving Coping Scale with a mean of 7.33. For the third rank, the Accepting
Responsibility Coping Scale with a mean of 7.00.
Respondent 3
Respondent 3 is female and is 20 years of age. She is first born child of her parents. She has already stayed for four years in the college of the Holy Spirit manila, and now in her 4th year of college.
Difficulty experienced
Respondent 3 her difficulty came from group activities. She said that it regards to informing. According to her, ―she wait for the final result of the election or the outcome of the process but unfortunately, we were informed by some of the students who were already
appointed that there are already appointments made for the new officers. Nobody informed us‖.
Coping mechanism employed
Table 3. Top three (3) Coping Mechanisms Employed by Respondent 3
Coping Scale Mean Interpretation Rank
Positive Reappraisal 6.71 Sometimes 1st
Seeking social Support
Accepting responsibility
6.5 Sometimes 3rd
Respondent 4
Respondent 4 is a female and is 19 years of age. She has already spent four (4) years in the College of the Holy Spirit of Manila and is now in her 4th year. Her father is an OFW for almost 10 years.
Difficulty Experienced
Respondent 4 identified an academic difficulty. She said, ―some subjects are difficult to understand.‖ She further stressed: ―yung mga past lesson kasi usually yung nahihirapan talaga ako sa math ayun talaga yung pinaka nahihirapan ako kasi kahit anong gawin ko hindi
maintindihan siguro kasi ayaw ko sa subject na yun.‖
Coping Mechanism Employed
Table 4. Top three (3) Coping Mechanisms Employed by Respondent 4
Coping Scale Mean Interpretation Rank
Self controlling 5.31 Sometimes 1st
Accepting Responsibility
5.25 Sometimes 2nd
Table shows the top three coping mechanisms employed by Respondent 4. The self- controlling coping scale, with a mean of 5.31, ranked first. It was followed by accepting Responsibility coping scale with a mean of 5.28. third on her rank is the escape- Avoidance Coping scale with a mean of 4.99.
Respondent 5
Respondent 5 is a female and is 18 years of age. She is the first child of her parents. She has already spent her 3 years in the College of the Holy Spirit of Manila and is now on her 3rd year.
Difficult Experienced
Her difficulty came from school rules from which according to him ―there are times that I don‘t have classes every Monday- Wednesday because of my class schedule.‖
Coping Mechanism Employed
Table 5. Top 3 Coping Mechanism Employed by Respondent 5
Coping scale Mean Interpretation Rank
Positive appraisal 8.14 Always 1st
Seeking social support 8 Always 2nd
Planful Problem solving
Table 5 shows the top three coping mechanism employed by Respondent 2. The positive appraisal coping scale with a mean of 8.14 ranked first. Followed by seeking social support coping scale with a mean of 8 ranked second. The third is Planful Problem solving with a mean of 7.
Respondent 6
Respondent 6 is a female and is 18 years of age. She is the first child of her parents. She has already spent her 3 years in the College of the Holy Spirit of Manila and is now on her 3rd year college. She lives with her grandmother.
Difficultly Experienced
Respondent 5 identified an academic difficulty as well. She said, ―when I was 1st year of college kasi ayaw ko talaga and course na nursing kaya hindi ako nagfocus kaya ngayon
nagsisisi ako at nahihirapan ako sa academic.‖
Coping Mechanism Employed
Table 6. top three(3) Coping Mechanisms Employed by Respondent 6
Coping Scale Mean Interpretation Rank
Accepting Responsibility
9.00 Always 1st
Positive Reappraisal 7.28 Sometimes 2nd
