An Examination of Perspectives on Community Poverty: A Case Study of a Junior Civic Association

University of South Florida

Scholar Commons

Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School

3-24-2016

An Examination of Perspectives on Community

Poverty: A Case Study of a Junior Civic Association

University of South Florida, [email protected]

Follow this and additional works at:http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd

Part of theSociology Commons

This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please [email protected].

Scholar Commons Citation

Heimos, Monica Heimos, "An Examination of Perspectives on Community Poverty: A Case Study of a Junior Civic Association" (2016). Graduate Theses and Dissertations.

An Examination of Perspectives on Community Poverty: A Case Study of a Junior Civic Association

by

Monica Heimos

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts Department of Sociology College of Arts and Sciences

University of South Florida

Major Professor: Emelda Curry, Ph.D. Margarethe Kusenbach, Ph.D.

William Tyson, Ph.D.

Date of Approval: March 10, 2016

Keywords: theories of poverty, organizational values, community development, civic associations, small nonprofit organizations, community poverty

i

Table of Contents

List of Tables ... iii

List of Figures ... iv

Abstract ...v

Chapter 1: Introduction ...1

Chapter 2: Literature Review ...4

The Importance of Organizations for Families in Poverty ...4

The Culture of Nonprofit Organizations ...6

Civic Associations ...8

Theories of Poverty ...10

Chapter 3: Methods and Data ...16

The Settings: Tampa Heights ...16

Tampa Heights Plan: Rebuilding Community ...18

Tampa Heights Junior Civic Association ...19

Theoretical Approach...22 Field Access ...22 Interviews ...23 Participants ...24 Ethical Concerns ...25 Chapter 4: Findings ...26

Perceived Causes of Poverty ...27

Views on Family Structure ...27

Lack of Parental Involvement ...28

Problems with Youth ...31

Lack of Access to Resources ...34

Perceived Solutions to Poverty ...40

Alternative Environments ...41

Creating Lifelong Learners ...43

Influencing Family Achievement ...44

Chapter 5: Discussion ...48

Participant Values and Theories of Poverty...48

ii

The Complexity of Applying Theories of Poverty ...50

Chapter 6: Conclusion ...52 Limitations ...53 Future Research ...53 Positionality ...54 References ...56 Appendix A: Addendum ...62

Appendix B: IRB Approval Letter ...64

Appendix C: Informed Consent ...66

iii

List of Tables

iv

List of Figures

v

Abstract

Nonprofit organizations have become a necessary staple in the lives of people and communities experiencing poverty. Many of these organizations provide services that they think their

communities need. The solutions and services these organizations provide are incumbent on what the organizations think causes poverty. Although the motivations behind these

organizations have good intentions, their approach to poverty could further jeopardize people and communities by not providing proper or necessary services that have the ability to help people get out of poverty. To explore how organizational values and perspectives on poverty are operationalized, I examined one nonprofit grassroots organization in Tampa Heights, Tampa, Florida. I applied the following four theories of poverty: individual, cultural, political-economic, and geographic to explain how participants discussed poverty in Tampa Heights. Interviews revealed that while many participants subscribed to multiple theories of poverty, each participant held one dominant view. This finding, among others, exposed the complexities of how

individuals understand poverty as well as how nonprofit organizations approach these

multifaceted issues. Thus, indicating the need for a clearer explanation of how and why people use these theories or combinations of theories to explain both causes and solutions to poverty.

1

Chapter 1: Introduction

Nonprofit organizations that focus on youth have become an important part of the lives of poor urban families (Dominguez & Watkins, 2003). These organizations not only give children a place to socialize after school, but they also provide additional education (Dominguez &

Watkins, 2003). Furthermore, these types of organizations primarily serve youth from minority communities (Dominguez & Watkins, 2003; Bradshaw, 2007; Nichols, 2013). Young people who experience systemic inequalities are provided skills and opportunities that can improve their quality of life and bridge some gaps of inequality. Therefore, it is important to understand how these organizations can help bridge gaps of inequality for structurally disadvantaged youth and families.

This research studies one small nonprofit grassroots organization to understand the values and perspectives on poverty of voluntary nonprofit organizations and explore how those

perspectives are operationalized. The primary research question is what theoretical perspective does the Tampa Heights Junior Civic Association espouse? Within this question, I ask two sub-questions: what are the perceived causes of poverty? And what are the perceived solutions to poverty? I addressed these questions for two reasons. One, there is a significant gap in research exploring community development programs in small, nonprofit organizations. While there is some literature on how nonprofit organizations operate, their perspectives on poverty, and the values they espouse, most of this body of literature has studied large, well-known, nonprofit organizations. Small nonprofit grassroots organizations, on the other hand, are highly

2

understudied because they are difficult to access due to little public knowledge of their existence. Two, I wanted to be part of the conversation of finding more effective strategies to create

positive change for structurally disadvantaged youth and families.

This research focuses on The Tampa Heights Junior Civic Association (THJrCA), a nonprofit organization that serves poor, urban, primarily minority youth, ages 6-18, in Tampa Heights, Tampa, Florida. The THJrCA is a grassroots organization, created by the people of Tampa Heights. Tampa Heights’ residents played a role in selecting some services that the THJrCA offers. Larger, established organizations that plant themselves in disadvantaged communities often do not ask for community input or do not offer appropriate services.

Therefore, it is important to examine grassroots organizations because they can have a significant impact on disadvantaged neighborhoods.

The mission of the THJrCA is to “provide youth the opportunities to build leadership skills and civic involvement through mentoring, caring, and support” (THJrCA, 2015). This research is the first to study the THJrCA’s values and perspectives on poverty and how they influence the programs they offer. This study may position the THJrCA to be used as a model for how to create programs for families in poverty that work, and to tailor particular programs that may not be working for all families. Civic associations as well as small nonprofit organizations that focus on youth are understudied (Smith, 1997; Chen et. al, 2013). This study will expand research by focusing on a small nonprofit civic association that focuses on youth. This is important because values shape programs and impact effectiveness; values, which are drawn from culture, are the defining principle of how organizations conceptualize their goals and strategies and how to enact programs which influence outcomes (Chen et. al, 2013).

3

To understand the importance of nonprofit organizations, how nonprofit organizations operate, and the role that theories of poverty have in creating and implementing community development programs, I provide a review of the literature. This section will be followed by a chapter on methodology, in which I delineate the logistics of my research. The chapter on methodology will detail my research setting, as well as describe how I collected my data. In the next chapter, I will discuss my research findings, which are categorized by themes that emerged in the data. The discussion section of this thesis will connect my findings to cultural values, Bradshaw’s theories of poverty and how these values and perspectives on poverty influence the services the THJrCA provide. I conclude this thesis with overall implications of my research, ideas for future research, limitations I encountered, and my positionality.

4

Chapter 2: Literature Review

This chapter will discuss four pertinent areas of literature: The Importance of

Organizations for Families in Poverty, The Culture of Nonprofit Organizations, Civic Associations, and Theories of Poverty with key works from Domínguez and Watkins (2003),

Chen, Lune, and Queen (2013), Andrews, Ganz, Baggetta, Han, and Lin (2010), and Bradshaw (2007). These works bring together social movement, organization, and community and family literature. This literature gives a background on why families need community-based

organizations, how cultural values shape these organizations, the structure of civic associations, and how values, strategies, and programs work together to break the cycle of poverty through community development programs.

The Importance of Organizations for Families in Poverty

Organizations are pivotal to families living in poverty (Domínguez & Watkins, 2003). These families have a lack of economic power and insufficient assets for sustainability, causing them to rely more heavily on extended family, or kinship, and organizations (Stack, 1974; Payne, 1998; Domínguez & Watkins, 2003). However, when families are unable to balance reciprocity, navigate physical distance, and deal with family tension, these networks become strained. Thus, families then turn to organizations for acquiring and maintaining daily needs. Seeking assistance from organizations is less time consuming for families, as there is less of an emphasis on

5

also offer resources for families that serve as “social mobility bridges, connecting low-income mothers with appropriate strategies and tools” (Domínguez & Watkins, 2003). These particular organizations can improve the quality of life for families by offering practical programs tailored to their needs.

Community-based organizations can also be a source for building and extending networks. McMahon and Felix (2011) found organizations serve as a way for youth to create their own kinship networks through the interactions with peers. Peers played a crucial role in developing youth’s perception of self worth in the sample of 6th

to 8th graders. Furthermore, particular educational programs in schools, targeted at the low-income students, have also been shown to increase the confidence of students and their guardians (Strozier et. al, 2005). In a study about relatives who raise the children of other relatives, Strozier, McGrew, Krisman, and Smith (2005) found that programs that offer services to both caregivers and youth yield more holistic results, creating positive change for the entire family. Group support, counseling, advocacy, and case management services for caregivers, increased their knowledge, confidence, and comfort with school personnel leading them to feel less stressed and more connected to other caregivers. Mentoring and tutoring services provided youth with: problem-solving skills,

character building, social skills training, goal setting and accountability, and homework assistance. These services increased the children’s self-esteem and academic performance (Strozier et. al, 2005).

Other activities of community-based organizations include developing entrepreneurial and leadership skills, as well as emphasizing education, in hopes of creating social and human capital. Social capital is the development of networks within a professional environment (Leitch, McMullan, & Harrison, 2013). The procurement of social capital is critical to developing human

6

capital, the possession of desirable skills by a population (Putnam & Feldstein, 2003; Leitch, McMullan, & Harrison, 2013). Furthermore, both social and human capital is an integral part of developing communities (Putnam & Feldstein, 2003). Organizations concerned with social and human capital typically utilize a Capacity-Focused Development model which builds their communities from the inside-out, rather than outside-in , which is known as a Deficit-Based

Development Model (Kretzmann & McKnight, 1993). The Capacity-Focused Development

approach focuses on recognizing the skills of residents and current assets of a community. Neighborhood organizations build off this assessment unlike organizations outside of a community who focus on identifying problems by which there may be no logical answer

(Kretzmann & McKnight, 1993; Mancini, Bowen, & Martin, 2005; Bradshaw, 2007). This model is most often used among community-based organizations that focus on low socioeconomic status neighborhoods and will be used as a framework in my analysis of the THJrCA (Kretzmann & McKnight, 1993).

The Culture of Nonprofit Organizations

Culture is the foundation for how we understand our symbolic world. Culture shapes our beliefs, daily practices, language, etc., which influences values, actions, and how we strategize our actions (Swidler, 1986; Chen et. al, 2013). Individuals and organizations use this tool kit to delineate values, goals, appropriate actions to successfully reach goals, as well as a systematic outline of how successful organizations should be organized and function (Chen et. al, 2013). The tool kit culture provides is important because it supports stability by having a specific set of strategies of action, yet it enables change by allowing people to create new combinations of practices (Swidler, 1986; Minkoff, 2002; Chen et. al, 2013). Combinations of practices and

7

strategies are contingent on which values are utilized and the intended outcome of individuals and organizations (Chen et. al, 2013). Furthermore, outcomes are contingent on whether values and strategies are appropriate for the target population (Chen et. al, 2013).

One way culture shapes preferences, interests, and how individuals and organizations choose to reach their goals is through institutional logics (Friedland & Alford, 1991; Chen et. al, 2013). Institutional logics identify a set of activities or practices best suited for specific ends or goals (Friedland & Alford, 191; Hoffman & Ventreseal, 2002; Thornton, 2004; Chen et. al, 2013). Although culture offers an array of values and combinations to create and reach specific goals, these logics create a hierarchy of values and delineate appropriate actions to carry out values (Zucker, 1983; Chen et. al, 2013). Therefore, institutional logics provide values, goals, information on which values and goals are best, and instructions on how to "properly" use values to create and meet goals.

Furthermore, culture delineates two types of organizations that best manage

organizational operations; bureaucratic and democratic. Most organizations in the U.S. illustrate bureaucratic practices and are characterized by the following: "a division of labor, hierarchy, rules, separation of private and collective property, career ladder, and other bureaucratic

practices" (Chen et. al, 2013, p. 861). On the other hand, in a democratic model authority stems from members' collective interests. Equality among members in rank, tasks, property, and ownership, flexibility of rules, collective decision-making, and belief in a collective mission set these organizations apart from bureaucracies (Rothschild & Whitt, 1986; Chen et. al, 2013). Recent research has indicated that some organizations combine the two practices (Chen, 2009; Chen et. al, 2013). Both bureaucratic and democratic practices have strengths and weakness. By combining these practices, organizations can avoid under-organization and over-organization.

8

Finding a middle-ground allows organizations to be structured enough that they are efficient but not restrictive (Chen, 2009; Chen et. al, 2013).

For example, voluntary nonprofit organizations that view advocacy as an objective typically fall into the category of mixed practices. These types of organizations are value-driven and aim to spread their desired values with the goal of reshaping society (Chen et. al, 2013). In order to enact shared values, which do not receive proper support from local organizations and government agencies, outside support is essential (Putnam, 2000; Hooghe, 2003a; Chen et. al, 2013). Since democratic or collectivist practices are considered less legitimate than bureaucratic organizations, a mixture of the two can allow for more collective decision-making and the perception of a "professional" and "legitimate" organization when seeking funding and meeting the expectations of their donors (Chen et. al, 2013). In these instances bureaucratic practices become a coping mechanism (Martin, 1990; Riger, 1994; Polletta, 2002; Schmid, 2006; Chen et. al, 2013). While this research informs us of how most large for-profit and nonprofit

organizations operate, there has been little research on the structure and operations of small private organizations (Chen et. al, 2013). Previous research gives vital background knowledge to assess how values and ends are promoted. Continuing to expand this knowledge to the small private organization sector will further our knowledge of how these organizations operate and what its members contribute to its practices and ends.

Civic Associations

The civic association is one type of community-based organization that grew out of a need for change in urban communities. A broader discussion of civic engagement, which prompted the creation of civic associations, began in 1901 with the book The Improvement of

9

current community conditions, Robinson (1901) urged citizens to beautify their communities, a course of action that was not supported and enforced by local organizations or government entities. Suggestions for beautification ranged from clean streets and street lamps to gardens, parks, playgrounds, and art galleries. As popularity of civic engagement rose, scholars began to contribute to the discourse by translating these ideas into ways in which “good citizens” behave. Civic associations then emerged out of these ideals. There was a need to create an organization that can promote civic engagement and create spaces and plans for such “good citizenship” (Chambliss, 2010). These ideas led modern scholars to characterize civic mindedness as “the qualities of mind and character that…are an essential part of the infrastructure of a thriving free society” (Davenport and Skandera, 2003). These grassroots organizations operate on the

contributions of members’ money, time, effort, and skill (Andrews et. al, 2010) to create and maintain their efforts (Andrews et. al, 2010). They utilize democratic practices like group decision-making, but also have bureaucratic practices like a self-selected hierarchy of leaders (Gecan, 2004; Andrews et. al, 2010).

Many scholars have studied civic associations and social change (Andrews et. al, 2010; Davenport and Skandera, 2003). However, among these topics, there has been a lack of research on junior civic associations, which primarily focus on the youth in a particular community. Junior civic associations are important to study, because their focus is on disadvantaged youth in impoverished urban areas. These youth lack opportunities and the social capital needed to pull them out of poverty. These types of organizations serve as an avenue to break the cycle of poverty. From my experience with the THJrCA, I understand their organization as not only a civic association that focuses on civic engagement, civic mindedness, and community

10

model. Research on these types of organizations will not only benefit the literature of civic associations and community centers, but also bolster the literature on families and youth and small nonprofit organizations.

Theories of Poverty

Community development programs predominantly aid individuals lacking sufficient resources to meet their needs, and communities in poverty who need assistance (Bradshaw, 2007). This American tradition aims to solve poor urban community issues such as social and economic inequality and disinvestment (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, & Tipton, 1985; Chavis & Wandersman, 1990; Bradshaw, 2007). With the primary goal of fixing poverty, community development organizations can take several different approaches: individual, cultural, political-economic structure, geographic, and cumulative and cyclical (Bradshaw, 2007). The approach organizations take is incumbent on their perception of poverty, which is shaped by political biases and values (Bradshaw, 2007). These political biases and values are reflected in how people view and discuss poverty as well as strategies of action taken against poverty (Bradshaw, 2007). Table 1 displays each theory of poverty; causes, how it works, community development responses, and tactics community developers use to reduce poverty.

Table 1. Five Theories of Poverty and Community Anti-Poverty Programs Theory What causes poverty? How does it work? Potential

community development responses Community examples to reduce poverty

Individual Individual laziness, bad choice, incompetence, inherent disabilities

Competition rewards winners and punishes those who do not

Avoid and counter efforts to

individualize

Drug rehabilitation, second chance programs, making

11 Table 1. (Continued)

Theory What causes poverty? How does it work? Potential community development responses Community examples to reduce poverty Individual (Continued)

work hard and make bad choices

poverty, provide assistance and safety net

safety net easier to access, use training and counseling to help poor individuals overcome problems

Cultural Subculture adopts values that are non-productive and are contrary to norms of success

Use community to the advantage of the poor; value diverse cultures, accumulation, and community building; alternative

socialization

Head Start, after school leadership development within subcultures, asset-based community development

Head Start, after school leadership development within subcultures, asset-based community development Political-Economic Structure

Systematic barriers prevent poor from access and accomplishment in key social organizations including job, education, housing, healthcare, safety, political representation, etc.

Selection criteria directly or indirectly exclude some groups of persons based on inappropriate criteria Community organizing and advocacy to gain political and economic power to achieve change; create alternative organizations Policies to force inclusion and enforcement

Geographic Social advantages and disadvantages concentrate in separate areas

Agglomeration, distance, economies of scale, and resource distributions reinforce differences National redistributions, concentration of development on local assets Redevelopment areas, downtowns, rural networking, urban revitalization Cumulative and Cyclical Spirals of poverty, problems for individuals (earnings, housing, health, education, confidence) are interdependent and strongly linked to community deficiencies (loss of businesses, inadequate schools, inability to provide social services, etc.)

Factors interact in complex ways. Community level crises lead to individual crises and vice versa, and each cumulate to cause spirals of poverty Breaking the spiral of poverty with a spiral of success through a comprehensive program that addresses both individual and community issues Comprehensive CDC programs that build self-sufficiency in a community reinforced environment,

programs that link individuals and community

organizations, asset-based approaches

12

As seen in Table 1, different perceptions of poverty yield different strategies. According to Bradshaw, these strategies produce a variety of results; some more effective than others.

Nonprofit organizations that focus on community development typically take the cumulative and cyclical approach to poverty. Individual, cultural, political-economic structure, and geographic theories demonstrate the complexity of poverty, but they address poverty from only one angle (Bradshaw, 2007). Community development programs typically utilize all of these approaches to create comprehensive programs that address poverty as a multi-faceted complex issue (Bradshaw, 2007). The individual approach holds that any person has the ability to succeed if they work hard enough, remain persistent, and are consistently motivated (Asen, 2002, p. 29-34; Bradshaw, 2007). This strategy is threaded throughout most public policy programs and typically results in little positive change and is the least likely approach for community-development organizations to take (Campbell & Wright, 2005; Bradshaw, 2007). Although community developers favor more positive theories and approaches, the individual approach is community development’s natural foundation (Bradshaw, 2007). All community development programs and strategies have been created from the idea that there is something wrong with the current state of an individual or community (Bradshaw, 2007). Therefore, although many community developers do not take an individual approach, the existence of the organization and programs is due to an individual theory of poverty.

The “culture of poverty” theory expands upon the individual theory by claiming that poverty is a subculture in which those in poverty develop a shared set of beliefs, values, and norms different from what is acceptable in middle and upper class culture (Bradshaw, 2007). This approach typically focuses on building off of existing culture and yields mixed results (Goetz, 2003; Goering, Feins, & Richardson, 2003; Bradshaw, 2007). After-school programs fall

13

into this category because organizations remove children from their everyday cultural environment and place them in a different cultural environment that they have created

(Bradshaw, 2007). They typically feel that the environment they create is more appropriate and positive than the environment outside of the organization (Bradshaw, 2007). After-school programs generally yield positive results (Bradshaw, 2007). These programs provide alternative socialization within a safe setting with the hopes of reducing generational poverty (Zigler & Styfco, 1996; Levitan et. al, 2003; Bradshaw, 2007). Community developers often create teen after-school programs so teens can be monitored, away from gangs and other negative

influences. Simultaneously, program coordinators can instill positive social values (Levitan et. al, 2003; Bradshaw, 2007).

The political-economic structure perspective of poverty contends that social and

economic systems are responsible for individual poverty situations (Tobin, 1994; Jencks, 1996; Blank, 1997; Quigley, 2003; Bradshaw, 2007). With a specific emphasis on education, this perspective holds that inequality is reified through schools, because schools in poor areas receive less funding leading to low achievement and the unlikelihood of pursuing higher education which result in a lack of wealth and power (Chubb & Moe, 1996; Bradshaw, 2007). Community development programs aim to change these types of systems through either social movements, the creation of alternative organizations, and changing public policy (Page & Simmons, 2000; Quigley, 2003; Rank, 2004; Bradshaw, 2007). Among these three strategies, the creation of alternative organizations is the most popular among community developers. Within this

development model, there is an emphasis on community owned businesses, housing, and schools that promote the social and human capital of individuals in poverty (Bradshaw, 2007, p. 17).

14

Finally, the geographic perspective contends that particular areas are impoverished due to their geographic location, which lacks sufficient resources that generate well-being and income (Bradshaw, 2007). These particular populations also lack the power to leave these locations (Bradshaw, 2007). Since certain areas, both urban and rural, lack certain resources community development programs focus on creating a self-sustaining population with hopes of increasing opportunities for residents (Morril & Wohlenberg, 1971; Bradshaw, 2007). To create a self-sustaining community, developers focus on redevelopment or revitalization, civic improvements, the promotion of economic development, and investments in roads, parks, and schools as well as other community organizations (Bradshaw, 2007). These efforts are carried out within severely distressed and disinvested areas experiencing extreme poverty (Bradshaw, 2007).

As previously stated, community development programs typically build off the previous theories through a cumulative and cyclical perspective. This theory views individuals and communities as caught in a spiral characterized by a lack of opportunity and a specific set of problems in which there is no adequate response (Bradshaw, 2000; Bradshaw, 2007). This is why community development programs take a complex, multi-faceted approach. Organizations utilize asset mapping from a capacity-based approach, by identifying strengths of the community and using those strengths to create solutions (Kretzmann, 1993; Bradshaw, 2007). Furthermore, to break the cycle of poverty, community development programs focus on the following three strategies: comprehensive program, collaboration, and community organizing (Bradshaw, 2007). Comprehensive programs provide an array of services that attempt to link individual and

community needs (Bradshaw, 2007). Collaboration refers to creating a network of supporters to properly manage programs and provide complementary services. Lastly, community organizing

15

encourages local people to break the cycle of poverty. It takes an entire community effort to empower individuals and break the cycle of poverty (Bradshaw, 2007).

As shown in the research presented by Bradshaw, the cumulative and cyclical approach to community development yields the most positive long-term results compared to any other approach. Although this approach yields the best results, no federal programs utilize these comprehensive programs (Bradshaw, 2007). The implementation of these programs is left up to foundations and small nonprofit organizations (Bradshaw, 2007). Small nonprofit organizations are understudied due to difficulty recognizing and accessing them (Chen et. al, 2013).

Furthermore, there is very little literature on Junior Civic Associations, which focus on community development. This proposed research study will examine the structure, function, values, and programs of a small nonprofit community-based Junior Civic Association focused on community development. This study will expand on the literature of organizations, civic

16

Chapter 3: Methods and Data

In this section, I will discuss the setting of Tampa Heights from a historical perspective and how Tampa Heights’ history has led to the Tampa Heights’ community rebuilding plan. This section will also outline how the Tampa Heights Junior Civic Association came to fruition, how the organization operates, the organization’s mission, and what programs they offer. Finally, I will provide the logistics of my research. These logistics include: my theoretical approach, how I gained access to the THJrCA, the interview process, information on participants, and ethical concerns.

The Setting: Tampa Heights

Tampa Heights, the first suburb of Tampa, Florida, was founded in 1889 as a residential community for Tampa professionals and tourists escaping harsh northern winters (Leonard, 1978). Characterized as a “healthy” place to raise a family, the Tampa Heights community expanded their neighborhood to include “beautiful” churches and some of the nation’s first schools (Leonard, 1978). Caucasians, Latinos, and African Americans populated separate sections of Tampa Heights, contributing to the diverse rich culture of the area (Leonard, 1978; Tampa Heights Citizen Advisory Committee, 2003). Although the middle-class population of Tampa Heights had been increasing for nearly 30 years, the community began experiencing a slow decline during the expansion of downtown Tampa and modern housing along the waterfront of Bayshore Blvd., on Davis Island, and the Interbay area (Tampa Heights Citizen

17

Advisory Committee, 2003). By the 1930s, many families relocated to those areas and Tampa Heights lost its prestige. Over the next thirty years poverty and deteriorated housing began to characterize what was once Tampa’s most desired neighborhood of 1889 (Leonard,

1978). Tampa Heights lies one mile north of Downtown Tampa, consisting of a population density of 3,996 persons per square mile, compared to the average of 1,862 in the city of Tampa, according to the 2010 census.

Figure 1. Map of Tampa Heights Tampa, FL (Tampa Heights Citizen Advisory Committee, 2003)

Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard creates Tampa Heights’ northern border. The western boundaries lie at North Boulevard and the Hillsborough River. Nebraska Avenue is Tampa Heights’ Eastern border. Finally, the southern borders are Scott and Cass Streets. In 2010, the population distribution of Tampa Heights residents consisted of 45% young to middle-aged

18

adults (18-49 years), 32% children (under the age of 18), with the remaining 23% consisting of residents ages 50 to 85 years or older. Just over half of the population identify as female (52%). 59% of Tampa Heights residents are black, 32% are white, and the remaining 9% are other races. Tampa Heights’ residents make nearly 33% less ($16,599) per capita than the average Tampa resident ($28,891). Over half of residents ages 18-64 live below the poverty level. In 2013 1,777 (households received food stamps and 195 (households received cash benefits, with food

assistance having a slight decrease since 2012 yet a substantial increase since 2011 (Landry & Johnson, 2014).

Tampa Heights Plan: Rebuilding Community

During the decline of the Tampa Heights community, residents came together to devise a community plan in 1999. Their goal was to create a document that would serve as a guide to rebuilding Tampa Heights. This document was a collaborative effort between leaders of the community and numerous residents and businesses, prompted and headed by the Tampa Heights Civic Association. The development of the Tampa Heights Plan began in 1999, finally ending in a 41 page document, outlining current and future prospects, in 2003. Plans include: better public transportation systems, diverse and affordable housing, greenways, financial stability, an

increase in shopping and local business, a safe community, increased social fabric, a

neighborhood identity, and much more (Tampa Heights Citizen Advisory Committee, 2003). To rebuild their community Tampa Heights residents asked, “What resources do we have to solve this problem ourselves” (Tampa Heights Citizen Advisory Committee, 2003)?

Consistent with the capacity-focused development model, residents recognized the following assets: skills, talents, and experiences of residents (including individuals labeled as welfare

19

recipients, homeless, and elderly), local and home businesses, organizations (cultural,

communications, religious), and residents’ income (Tampa Heights Citizen Advisory Committee, 2003, p. 3). “Schools, housing, public institutions and services, welfare and capital improvement expenditures, and public information (Tampa Heights Citizen Advisory Committee, 2003, p. 4)” are also considered assets to the community. The residents of Tampa Heights have also

acknowledged forces working against their neighborhood: perpetual economic dearth, a lack of social integration, isolation, and the individual and social behaviors from these forces (Tampa Heights Citizen Advisory Committee, 2003).

Tampa Heights Junior Civic Association

The revitalization plan identifies children as a priority, which prompted the creation of the Tampa Heights Junior Civic Association (THJrCA). THJrCA is a non-profit neighborhood center in Tampa Heights tasked with creating long-term community change, starting with youth. Their mission statement is as follows:

“Tampa Heights Junior Civic Association is a community-based, resident driven organization that connects youth and families in the community; provides youth the opportunities to build leadership skills and civic involvement through mentoring, caring, and support; and secures resources to respond to identified needs” (THJrCA, 2015).

The THJrCA has been in existence since 1998. Their programs for youth include: after-school programs, summer camps, academic goal planning, leadership development, college preparatory tutoring, and college or technical school visitation. The THJrCA’s first site is located at the Mobley Park Apartments in Tampa Heights and is utilized for children in middle school or

20

younger. This site was established shortly after the THJrCA left the Tampa Heights YMCA facility after two years of operating from that site. The Mobley Park Apartments agreed to lease a small education center to the THJrCA, free of charge, if they provide free after school care to the apartment residents. An increase in youth utilizing their services pushed the THJrCA to find an additional space just for teens. They secured an old church a few blocks away and have nearly finished renovations. The THJrCA was cleared through the City of Tampa to open and is

currently operating their teen program out of this facility. Currently, this facility offers teens tutorial services, such as tutoring and mentoring, in their own space, but will offer more

entrepreneurial programs tailored to them in the future. Future programs include: leadership and sports development, business and entrepreneurship, financial literacy, workforce and college preparation, computer training, and academic support and remediation (THJrCA, 2015). Through these programs teens will be able to learn culinary and business skills, the financial ins-and-outs of running a business and budgeting, strategies for obtaining a job after high-school or moving on to college, establish support groups, and much more (THJrCA, 2015). The THJrCA also offers a summer program they call Summer Enrichment (THJrCA, 2015). The THJrCA Summer Enrichment program “offers leadership training and opportunities, sports and health awareness, entrepreneurship and community service activities in a fun-filled

environment.” During this program they take the youth on fieldtrips to further their life skills. Similar to their programs during the school year, the summer program requires a minimal fee from parents if they can afford it. If not, the fee is waived (THJrCA, 2015).

The role of the THJrCA is not to administer services they think families need; their role is to tailor programs to meet the goals of the community plan, a collaborative community effort, and give families the services they request. Families using the services of the THJrCA were

21

given a survey in 2004 asking what services they needed for their child. Furthermore, when parents enroll their children in the program there is a space for them to describe their children’s needs. Board members and staff are receptive to all necessary changes and accommodations. Parents can always approach the staff with concerns and changes they need for their child and those changes will be implemented. For example, if a child is mostly receiving help with math and science and a parent comes to the staff concerned about their child’s grade in English, the THJrCA will spend more time on English. Lastly, the THJrCA holds an annual meeting for parents to voice their concerns and make suggestions for programs. The THJrCA gives families multiple avenues and opportunities for voicing concerns and making suggestions so programs are truly tailored to meet their needs.

A community garden has also been added on the grounds of the second THJrCA site. The community garden serves as a space for community gatherings (barbeques, yoga, etc.),

harvesting for the future culinary program, and educational programs for youth. Older students in the culinary program will primarily use the vegetables from the garden for cooking, while

younger students have plots they plant, maintain, and harvest. Once vegetables are harvested, youth sell them at their own farmer’s market. The proceeds are divided among the youth in the program and deposited into their bank accounts set up by the THJrCA. Members of the Tampa Heights community also purchase plots, making them responsible for planting and maintaining their particular space. There are also communal areas of the garden which all members are required to maintain together (Tampa Heights Board of Directors). The community garden not only provides healthy foods for youth and plot owners and enables members of the community to communicate and connect, but also provides a positive space for youth and other members of the community to interact.

22

The THJrCA operates on board and staff members’ time, effort, and skill, as well as grants and outside funding. They utilize a combination of democratic and bureaucratic practices. The THJrCA engages in collective decision making and has a collective mission, but all board and staff members have individual titles and there is a hierarchy of leaders. Although a hierarchy exists, tasks are split evenly or according to a member’s skill set or the amount of free time board members have. Board members meet on the last Monday evening of every month from six to eight o’clock. The president or vice president runs meetings unless told otherwise by the president. During meetings, board members discuss any new business and report on assigned tasks from the previous month.

Theoretical Approach

I take a grounded theory approach, an inductive method that builds theory from emerging data, rather thantrying to fit data within a particular set of contingent theoretical guidelines (Strauss & Corbin, 1990; Charmaz, 2002). Methods of grounded theory include: analyzing data as it is collected, creating conceptual categories that explain observed social processes, and using these categories to create a theoretical framework that illustrate observed social patterns

(Charmaz, 2002). Grounded theory is particularly useful when the researcher has few

preconceived notions and wants flexibility in analyzing data (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss & Corbin, 1990; Richards & Morse, 2007).

Field Access

In order to build relationships with board and staff member, as well as learn the ins-and-outs of the organization, I worked with the THJrCA nearly every Saturday for approximately one

23

year (January 2015 to January 2016). I volunteered at their second site, helping finish most of the renovation process. I painted, cut wire for lights, cleaned, and completed various other tasks that required unskilled labor. This site is a space for youth as well as offices for specific board and staff members. Currently the entire building has been renovated, except the sound studio and commercial kitchen. While working at the new center, I had established a good relationship with some of the board members. Those board members encouraged me to attend monthly board meetings so I could meet other members. These meetings allowed me to introduce myself and my research as well as recruit participants. Furthermore, I have attended public events with board and staff members and their families, such as a diabetes awareness walk, and worked with board and staff members in the Tampa Heights Community Garden on many occasions.

Interviews

I conducted ten semi-structured formal interviews in the fall of 2015 at public locations that were most convenient for participants. Out of a total of fourteen board members and four staff members, I interviewed seven board members and three staff members. Interviews lasted between 37 and 90 minutes. All participants indicated they were comfortable with being

recorded on the formal written consent forms. Finally, interview questions were open-ended, not limiting responses participants provided. The interview guide is available in Appendix B.

Interviews were essential for studying the perspective of board members and possibly teasing out unwritten values and goals of the THJrCA. This method allows researchers to ask direct questions to give them a glimpse of the participant’s point of view (Mack et. al, 2005). Semi-structured interviews allowed me to ask direct questions about the organization, programs, and clients they service from an interview guide, yet allowed me flexibility to stray from the

24

guide when necessary. As the face or voice of the organization and given that most are working professionals, some board and staff members of the THJrCA have experienced formal interviews through seeking funding and in dealing with the news media. Therefore, participants felt more comfortable discussing their programs in a more formal setting within the context of formal language.

Finally, qualitative data analysis software MAXQDA was used to analyze the data. A qualitative data analysis program was necessary to keep data organized since there were ten interviews. MAXQDA allowed me to organize my data into themes, allowing for a more thorough analysis. The organizational feature of this software brought clarity to my analysis by separating and color-coding themes. This aided me in drawing connections between larger themes, from which I drew conclusions.

Participants

Board and staff members of the THJrCA are an educated and diverse group of people. Participant demographics were collected through a free online survey website. The survey consisted of five questions asking participants to identify their sex, age, race or ethnicity, annual household income, and educational attainment. Participants were provided a list of options for each question and selected the answer that best described them. Survey results delineate that three participants identify as female and seven participants identify as male. One participant is between the ages of 20 to 24, one is between the ages of 30 to 34, two are between the ages of 35 to 39, two between the ages of 40 to 44, one is between the ages of 60 to 64, one is between the ages of 65-69, and one participant is between the ages of 70 to 74. Five participants identified themselves as black or African American, three participants identified themselves as white or

25

Caucasian, one participant identified themselves as Asian Indian, and one participant identified themselves as Hispanic, Latino, or Spanish origin. Two of the ten participants earn an annual household income of $25,000 or less, one participant earns between $25,000 and $50,000, two participants earn between $50,000 and $75,000, two participants earn between $75,000 and $100,000, and three participants earn an annual household income of more than $100,000. Two participants have earned an associate’s degree, three have earned a bachelor’s degree, and five have earned a master’s degree.

Ethical Concerns

Before I began my research I obtained the THJrCA’s formal written consent, as well as IRB approval. Since poor communities have a history of being exploited for research, I wanted to make sure the THJrCA was supportive of my research. Once I received a letter of support, I began interviewing participants whom consented to the research study. Also, pseudonyms have been assigned to each participant in order to protect their identity. Furthermore, board and staff member’s titles have not been used so as to create anonymity since it is such a small organization with one distinct position for each individual. Instead, there are descriptions of board members duties and how they operate as a collective group. Although real names and titles are not public, I have this information recorded in a private file only for my access. I did not reveal any

interview information to other participants. Personal information about participants was completely confidential.

26

Chapter 4: Findings

This section is separated into broad themes: perceived causes of poverty and perceived solutions to poverty. Each broad theme is then organized into sub themes which outline board and staff members’ specific perceived causes and solutions to poverty. Participants attribute poverty to (a) a lack of family structure, (b) a lack of parental involvement, (c) problems with youth, and (d) inadequate access to resources. Participants feel their organization could solve these community issues through (e) creating alternative environments to alter problems with youth, (f) creating life-long learners, and (g) influencing family achievement.

In this section, it is clear that some participants’ associate poverty with individual

character flaws and cultural ignorance, while others subscribe to the view that poverty is created by a political and economic structure or agenda out of residents’ control, and isolation due to geographic location. It is important to understand how participants view poverty in order to delineate what values the THJrCA espouse. These values and theories are used to create community development programs, which have the potential to break the cycle of poverty. However, depending on which values and theories are utilized, these programs, which intend to pull people out of poverty, may keep people trapped in their current situation and perpetuate negative ideologies of people in poverty.

27

Perceived Causes of Poverty

Views on Family Structure

Board and staff members seem to be concerned with the structure of today’s poor families. Andy, a board member of the THJrCA, discussed a cultural shift that he thinks has contributed to poverty.

I mean, there was a time when communities, or they talk about the village. You know, it takes a village to raise a child where everybody didn’t do everything, but everybody was taken care of. When kids needed to do something, maybe it was three or four of the parents, they took all the kids! Not just their kids, everybody. So, people didn’t feel alone. If the village ate, you ate. We don’t have that today.

In this quote, Andy reminisced of times where an entire village raised children. He spoke of families working together to raise children, claiming families were less stressed and strained because raising children was not as individualistic. Andy recognized that raising children used to be a collective community effort, but many cultures have changed. He asserted that today, people do not take care of each other. People worry about their own families and do everything

themselves and that can make life very lonely and contribute to poverty. Thus, the structure of today’s families is responsible for community poverty and denotes a cultural view of poverty. Andy feels that there is an inherent deficit in the way people raise their children today.

While Andy discussed a historical-cultural shift in family structure, others conveyed a concern for current household structure in relation to absent fathers. Kevin, another board member of the organization, was particularly concerned about the lack of structure he sees in poor communities like Tampa Heights. When I asked why he feels there is a lack of structure at these youths’ homes, Kevin responded with the following example:

28

Most of these families they don’t have a father figure in their household. They’re divorced or they’re in jail or they’re just out running around doing their own thing… I can’t speak professionally on this, but I hear many many stories about how not having a healthy family can create lots of issues outside of home.

Kevin believes that the absence of fathers is an indication that households may be unhealthy and lack the structure he thinks is necessary to mold a successful child. Discussing the structure of households, and their deficiencies as a unit, shows that Kevin explains poverty through a cultural perspective. During interviews, all participants echoed similar concerns about single-mother households. However, most participants were not concerned with how fathers left their families, but the challenges single-mothers face after fathers have left.

Lack of Parental Involvement

All board and staff members agreed that being a single-parent home can add to

community issues outside of households, but six participants added that a lack of involvement from the parents are what’s really hurting the youth of Tampa Heights. Toby, a board member, believes that many parents just use the THJrCA as a babysitting service and that if parents became more involved with the center and their children, then Tampa Heights could become a better and stronger community. In the following quote, Toby explains how parental involvement would benefit the THJrCA and Tampa Heights:

I think that would be a tremendous boost as far as the program is concerned. The more family and the more adult involvement then the larger and stronger it [the organization] can be. That would be building a better community. That would be building a better, more responsible, better educated community where people in the neighborhood in the community can understand there is a ladder out there that it is possible for them to apply and achieve more for themselves.

29

In this quote, Toby explains a lack of individual and community achievement through cultural norms. According to Toby, becoming engaged in community organizations that provide

important resources will lead to success. Unfortunately, he feels the Tampa Heights’ community exhibits norms that are contrary to what he thinks will make them successful. He discloses that if parents become involved with the youth center, the community center can become more

prominent in Tampa Heights and adults will finally be able to recognize that there are opportunities for them to achieve a better life, if they work hard and apply themselves. He presumes that families of the youth utilizing the THJrCA have not recognized the community center’s full potential to create change due to a lack of involvement. This cultural view of poverty indicates that parents have the opportunity to achieve more for themselves if they become engaged and understand that if they work hard or apply themselves then they can be successful.

Andy, on the other hand, stated that parents initially viewed the THJrCA as just a free service, but after using the services, parents recognized the value of the THJrCA.

The parents in some cases brought them to the program because they need after [chuckles] hours care, some of them, but when they realized it’s more of a program, it’s not babysitting, the parents realized that’s what we needed. That care, that activity, not only got them to when I can come home and my child’s homework’s done, they’ve been engaged, and they’ve been safe. I think that’s what the parents needed. We know what the students needed, some very smart students, needed someone to care about their school and attention and give them attention related to that.

Andy agrees that many parents originally signed their kids up for the THJrCA program because they needed a babysitter, but later families realized the THJrCA was exactly what their children needed. Their kids needed the attention they cannot dedicate to them and parents recognize the THJrCA’s efforts as a valuable service.

30

Other participants spoke about the level of involvement with parents between their kids and the program. Stanley, for example, made it very clear that not all parents are disengaged. He divulged that the parents he sees that are engaged with their children are those who have gone through “trials and tribulations.” He believes these parents know the “do’s and don’ts” and try to motivate their children to stay in school. Even though some parents encourage their child to study and make the decisions they wish they would have made, the THJrCA feels their program is a necessary component to achieve the goals and education the parents were unable to

accomplish.

While all participants were concerned about the challenges of single-parent households, Andy had a unique perspective on parental involvement of people experiencing poverty. He stated,

They make a decision that I’m not going to spend time with you. I’m going to go to work so I can feed you, clothe you, and house you. They give up. That’s the thing that we really find that’s most important. You have kids that turn out great when they didn’t have a lot of food, they had to wear old raggedy clothes, and go home to a house without heat, but their parents were home all the time with them. [Laughs] Those kids actually turn out fine. Kids that have a play station, a nice decent apartment, and ride in the car, and eat every night, but they never see their parents. Those are the ones we lose, but it’s hard to tell someone it would almost be better if you were on the street and you were with them the whole time than you’re in an apartment working 14 hours a day and come home too tired to talk to them, agitated and irritated, angry, and that’s what’s killing them.

Andy explains the challenges of parents being involved in their child’s life through the individual theory of poverty. In order to fulfill their child’s basic needs, parents choose to work long shifts, leaving their child alone after school. Andy believes parents who “choose” to go work rather than spend time with their children are making a bad choice, because children who are left alone after school and not receiving the attention they need are the ones they “lose.” So, according to

31

Andy, families make a decision to either spend time with their child, or work long hours to meet their child’s basic needs. He believes spending time with your child is the most important thing a parent can do.

Problems with Youth

Four board members and two staff members drew my attention to some problems they have faced with Tampa Heights’ youth. All of these participants explained these problems

through an individual perspective of poverty. For example, Kevin discussed a lack of motivation, Dwight discussed a lack of personal responsibility, and Stanley conveyed concern for a lack of adherence to values in the face of peer pressure. In the following quote, Kevin explains why he believes youth in Tampa Heights are unsuccessful:

If you take the time and you actually put the effort into learning something and getting involved that opportunities that are out there are also available to you… We just have to show them there's the whole cause and effect scenario. The more you get involved at an earlier age the more you educate yourself. The more you get involved in your community the more opportunities become available to you. You’ll network with people that will help you along the way and you can become greater than what you’re accustomed to. You can become greater than what you see around you.

Throughout much of our conversation, Kevin explained poverty through individual deficiencies. Kevin believes youth lack motivation to become educated, engaged in their community, and achieve more than those around them. To achieve academic and life goals, Kevin believes Tampa Heights’ youth must be focused and study hard. He asserts that if youth put more effort into studying, a plethora of opportunities would be available to them. These opportunities, achieved through studying, will allow children to be more successful than other people in their neighborhood.

32

Kevin also expressed that he finds it difficult to get youth today to even make an effort to do activities that may benefit them. He feels that if Tampa Heights’ youth just tried activities the youth center offered, they would probably enjoy them and want to be in the THJrCA program.

It's very hard these days to just get someone to make the effort to do something you're just telling them about. Until they maybe get a taste and see how it might be beneficial to them. That's what I think is going to keep them coming back.

Kevin’s solution to motivating youth is to get them to try new things and show them the benefits of their efforts. This will not only motivate them to be successful, but will also make them want to continue to attend the THJrCA program. Later in the interview, with a heavy heart, Kevin revealed that he thinks a lot of youth are “lost.” He is not sure why, but he believes that if youth at least made an effort to try the THJrCA programs, they would enjoy them and it could turn their life around.

Two board members addressed a similar sentiment. Some board members feel like there are “lost” youth not only in Tampa Heights, but also in the THJrCA program. Dwight described his thoughts on “troubled” youth utilizing the services of the THJrCA:

You’re expected to behave in a certain way and that’s a big key to what I think the program tries to do with kids is to teach them responsibility. This is your responsibility to be here, your responsibility to act a certain way, to keep your grades, to do all these things. This is stuff that’s on you… It is a membership program effectively. I mean, you sign up and join the organization and you’re expected to be there.

Although the above quote describes a few rare cases, Dwight concludes that it is the youth’s responsibility to be at the community center and comply with what behavior practices the THJrCA deems acceptable. If youth do not want to show up and comply with the rules of the THJrCA, then that is their problem. Youth are responsible for their success and if they do not want to make the effort, then they do not have to come to the program.

33

Stanley, as well as two other participants, told personal stories of “troubled” youth. Stanley, a staff member, told me a story about one youth he tried to “save,” but couldn’t. Stanley described his experiences with a youth that got “hooked on the streets:”

[He] was one of my pioneer kids that had been in the program for years… I’ve been with that kid since he was seven years old, seven. Yep. Situation was, once he got into high school it all fell from there. He didn’t want to follow directions, didn’t come to the program like he used to... Every time he called me to tell me he was playing in a football game I’d come support him, but still did the right thing until he started hanging with his cousin and that’s when he just fell apart. In jail, getting arrested, drug charge, those are things that happened then… He’s doing much better now, but at that time I couldn’t save him. I said, ‘You know what? You want to go do your own thing, go ahead. When you understand what the streets are like, you’ll change.’ And that’s what he did.

This particular child had been in the program for several years and was extremely receptive to the program, but Stanley believes the child veered off the right path when he entered high school and began experiencing more peer pressure. This child was unable to maintain the values that THJrCA had instilled in him and succumbed to peer pressure. Although Stanley continued to support the child, he eventually felt he needed to let go and let the child make his own mistakes.

Participants also discussed the importance of building self-esteem. While talking about the importance of the THJrCA program, Andy expressed that some youth in the program and neighborhood need their program to build their self esteem. “You can provide something to kids [that] gives them a boost. It adds to their self esteem and that’s really critical…they can’t let things that they might feel…that’s kind of beating them down. We want to get rid of that.” Andy believes this particular program is necessary, because it builds youths’ self-esteem and helps youth understand that they can conquer the world if they want. Stanley also claimed that youth need to be positive and not let life circumstances break their self esteem. According to Kevin, Dwight, Stanley, and Andy, individual deficiencies, such as lacking motivation, personal

34

responsibility, strong values, and self esteem, contribute to a lack of success. Exposing youth to new things, showing youth what they can achieve through studying, teaching personal

responsibility, showing “tough love,” and engaging youth in activities that build self-esteem help alter these individual deficiencies.

Lack of Access to Resources

Many of the board members of the THJrCA recognize geographic location as

contributing to residential poverty. Although community redevelopment efforts have been made to revitalize blight and isolation, Tampa Heights’ population is still primarily lower-income black residents with little access to common place amenities. Board and staff members often feel like Tampa Heights is overlooked due to its geographic location.

Lower enclaves like this- remember I told you about East Tampa and Sulphur Springs? Everybody is focused on them, so they got a hundred people coming in and helping them. No one even knows-half the people couldn’t even tell you how to get here, [chuckles] right?! So, what happens is these people [Tampa Heights] become isolated. So, the community has a final way to reach out to these people in their little areas and say, ‘No, no, we know you need help. We see your kid walking from school to home by themselves and we’re here to help you.’

Andy explains poverty through the geographic theory of poverty through discussing the geographic isolation of Tampa Heights. Andy posits that the community is isolated and he has found that very few people actually know where Tampa Heights is located within Tampa. He sees other neighborhoods in poverty within Tampa as receiving tons of help. Andy feels

frustrated that certain low-income communities receive tons of help, but the residents of Tampa Heights have to create their own organization to help their community because they are

35

Tampa Heights through their jobs. If it had not been for work, they would have never known the community existed.

Even though Tampa Heights created the THJrCA to help residents, outlined a strategic plan, and many residents are active in trying to create positive community change, board members and staff of the THJrCA find that community changes are slow in Tampa Heights. Many of the statistics that plagued Tampa Heights ten years ago are still relevant today. The fact that Tampa Heights is still a “food desert” is particularly concerning to many board and staff members. Kelly, a staff member of the THJrCA, discussed this issue in great detail,

Just the simple fact that this area is a food desert is kind of alarming to me. So, there’s all of these residential homes and apartments about to come and restaurants, but there is no place for people to shop anywhere nearby…So, that statistic kind of makes me a little upset to see that happen and I don’t know where the breakdown is, whether its city planning efforts or the community not advocating loudly enough for themselves, but there’s so much development in and around that some things should be common place amenities that you need in a neighborhood. Then keeping in mind residents and their demographics that you have in the neighborhood, so, it’s interesting that’s still the case.

Kelly, expressed disbelief that a community in the middle of a large urban city is still a food desert. Other neighborhoods have common-place amenities, like grocery stores, but Tampa Heights remains isolated. In all, a total of five participants mentioned a lack of access to

nutritious food and discussed the stresses of not having access to a grocery store and other common-place amenities. Board member Ryan shared much of his concerns. He believes that parents, especially single mothers, cannot properly take care of their children when they do not have access to a decent job, and especially when they do not even have access to a grocery store.

Eight board and staff members also recognize community barriers to political knowledge and economic stability. Tampa Heights’ access to these fundamental resources causes much

36

anxiety for participants. Ryan described some of the economic differences between his family growing up and the families living in Tampa Heights. Ryan’s families’ economic situation allowed one parent to stay home to take care of him after school and help him with homework. He feels that he was fortunate to have parents who were able to provide a home life that he believes Tampa Heights’ parents wish they could provide. Unfortunately, many board and staff members believe parent’s desired economic stability is out of reach. They attribute this to economic inequality. While discussing why the THJrCA program is necessary for the youth of Tampa Heights, board member Jim stated,

That goes to the income inequality… I read a lot of economic literature and the way capital has been moving forward, it's really led to some inequities in society. Access…for the lower and middle class, to things that the middle-upper class think is rudimentary, is not there and a lot of times you can go live your whole life and not realize that these people don't have access to a computer or internet. Something that is so fundamental. They don't have access to a basketball court or a park and that's a deep problem and it's been growing. It's regulatory in nature. There's definitely government role in that.

In this quote, Jim describes structural barriers lower and middle class populations’ experience. Rudimentary items upper class people deem as necessities are luxuries to which, people of lower socioeconomic status do not have access. Jim attributes these experiences to America’s political-economic structure. He believes access to fundamental conveniences is a huge problem and the government reinforces this inequality. Toby also denoted the THJrCA is important because it provides access to knowledge and opportunities unavailable to Tampa Heights’ youth. Toby explains his rationale in the following quote:

Otherwise these kids just wouldn’t have the opportunity to confront those other things. It’s simply outside of their reach. They’re not going to private schools. They’re going to inner city public schools therefore their education is confined to the experience there. These are skills that are being offered that are