Imagination in
Imagination in History: THistory: Teodoro Agoncilloeodoro Agoncillo
-Imagination is as important and necessary in the writing of history as -Imagination is as important and necessary in the writing of history as it is in the writing of ction, drama, or poetry.
it is in the writing of ction, drama, or poetry.
-George Bernard Shaw: “Imagination in history is something to be -George Bernard Shaw: “Imagination in history is something to be deplored since history deals primarily and supremely with facts. deplored since history deals primarily and supremely with facts. -!istory is not a matter of compiling and reciting facts, or marshaling -!istory is not a matter of compiling and reciting facts, or marshaling them in a time- se"uence, and of allowing them to spea# for
them in a time- se"uence, and of allowing them to spea# for themsel$es.
themsel$es.
-It should pro$ide not only the bones, but also the %esh and blood of -It should pro$ide not only the bones, but also the %esh and blood of those moments which once were here but are now only memories. those moments which once were here but are now only memories. -!istory re"uires a disciplined imagination.
-!istory re"uires a disciplined imagination. -!istory thus concei$ed is a creati$e endea$or. -!istory thus concei$ed is a creati$e endea$or.
-Imagination is conditioned by the facts. &he two are inseparable. -Imagination is conditioned by the facts. &he two are inseparable. -Interpretation is an aspect of historical imagination.
-Interpretation is an aspect of historical imagination. -Imagination not based on facts is wild.
-Imagination not based on facts is wild. -&here is no such thing as
-&here is no such thing as complete history.complete history. !istory as actuality is!istory as actuality is partially
partially recapturedrecaptured by the historian through a careful and 'udiciousby the historian through a careful and 'udicious use of data. It is a
use of data. It is a recreationrecreation of the past.of the past.
-!istorians study facts thoroughly and intensely in order to go into or -!istorians study facts thoroughly and intensely in order to go into or to participate in the e$ents or in the li$es of men he intends to write to participate in the e$ents or in the li$es of men he intends to write about.
about.
-(ithout this imaginati$e understanding, it would be impossible for any -(ithout this imaginati$e understanding, it would be impossible for any historian to communicate with his sub'ects and, ultimately, to re-li$e historian to communicate with his sub'ects and, ultimately, to re-li$e the past.
the past.
-It should ha$e basis in the
-It should ha$e basis in the logical imperative.logical imperative. &he imagi &he imagination isnation is anchored upon reasoning that issues from the nature of the sub'ect anchored upon reasoning that issues from the nature of the sub'ect under study.
under study.
). *o two historians confronted with the same set of facts, would arri$e ). *o two historians confronted with the same set of facts, would arri$e at e+actly the same interpretation
at e+actly the same interpretation
. Interpretations $ary in proportion to their ability to write eecti$ely . Interpretations $ary in proportion to their ability to write eecti$ely and clearly.
&hus, each ge
&hus, each generation wneration writes its own hrites its own history and cistory and contributontributes its ownes its own interpretations.
interpretations.
--R.G. CollingwoodR.G. Collingwood coined the termcoined the term interpolationinterpolation it is the it is the insertion ofinsertion of statements between those made by a historians authorities or sources. statements between those made by a historians authorities or sources.
-/ny interpolation that is not necessitated by the e$idence is not -/ny interpolation that is not necessitated by the e$idence is not historical imagination but a literary one such as that employed by historical imagination but a literary one such as that employed by ctionists, poets, dramatists, and
ctionists, poets, dramatists, and historical no$elisthistorical no$elists.s.
-&he di0culty of employing historical imagination lies not so much in -&he di0culty of employing historical imagination lies not so much in the absence of documentary e$idence as in the lac# of restraint on the the absence of documentary e$idence as in the lac# of restraint on the part of the historian.
part of the historian.
-1rior #nowledge of that particular time and of the subse"uent times is -1rior #nowledge of that particular time and of the subse"uent times is needed.
needed.
-&he use of this aspect of historical imagination is important not only in -&he use of this aspect of historical imagination is important not only in literature , but also in history. 2or history is not a mere compilation of literature , but also in history. 2or history is not a mere compilation of cut-and-dried facts and puled one on top of another, but a recreation of cut-and-dried facts and puled one on top of another, but a recreation of what the historian belie$es to be signicant.
what the historian belie$es to be signicant.
-!istory, to be worthy of its name, must be written with imagination, -!istory, to be worthy of its name, must be written with imagination, with $er$e and color as primary sources would allow.
with $er$e and color as primary sources would allow. -&he ad$ance of the scientic spirit after
-&he ad$ance of the scientic spirit after DarwinDarwin led to theled to the positivistic doctrine
positivistic doctrine of the scientic method in history.of the scientic method in history.
-&he obsession of the academic historians was the mechanics of -&he obsession of the academic historians was the mechanics of
history, and thus, obsessed they forget or deliberately submerged the history, and thus, obsessed they forget or deliberately submerged the e"ually important element of art in history.
e"ually important element of art in history.
-3anger of o$eremphasi4ing the $alue of accuracy is that it tends to: -3anger of o$eremphasi4ing the $alue of accuracy is that it tends to: sti%e the creati$e spirit of the student whose minds are drowned by sti%e the creati$e spirit of the student whose minds are drowned by facts without being allowed to wea$e them into an artistic whole. facts without being allowed to wea$e them into an artistic whole. -&he only scientic part of history is that which deals with spade wor# -&he only scientic part of history is that which deals with spade wor# and the sifting of facts, the rest belongs to the humanities.
and the sifting of facts, the rest belongs to the humanities. -Soul is necessary to it as to a poem or wor# of art, and the -Soul is necessary to it as to a poem or wor# of art, and the indi$iduality of the writer should be re%ected in it.
indi$iduality of the writer should be re%ected in it. Nascent Philippine Nationalism
&hus, each ge
&hus, each generation wneration writes its own hrites its own history and cistory and contributontributes its ownes its own interpretations.
interpretations.
--R.G. CollingwoodR.G. Collingwood coined the termcoined the term interpolationinterpolation it is the it is the insertion ofinsertion of statements between those made by a historians authorities or sources. statements between those made by a historians authorities or sources.
-/ny interpolation that is not necessitated by the e$idence is not -/ny interpolation that is not necessitated by the e$idence is not historical imagination but a literary one such as that employed by historical imagination but a literary one such as that employed by ctionists, poets, dramatists, and
ctionists, poets, dramatists, and historical no$elisthistorical no$elists.s.
-&he di0culty of employing historical imagination lies not so much in -&he di0culty of employing historical imagination lies not so much in the absence of documentary e$idence as in the lac# of restraint on the the absence of documentary e$idence as in the lac# of restraint on the part of the historian.
part of the historian.
-1rior #nowledge of that particular time and of the subse"uent times is -1rior #nowledge of that particular time and of the subse"uent times is needed.
needed.
-&he use of this aspect of historical imagination is important not only in -&he use of this aspect of historical imagination is important not only in literature , but also in history. 2or history is not a mere compilation of literature , but also in history. 2or history is not a mere compilation of cut-and-dried facts and puled one on top of another, but a recreation of cut-and-dried facts and puled one on top of another, but a recreation of what the historian belie$es to be signicant.
what the historian belie$es to be signicant.
-!istory, to be worthy of its name, must be written with imagination, -!istory, to be worthy of its name, must be written with imagination, with $er$e and color as primary sources would allow.
with $er$e and color as primary sources would allow. -&he ad$ance of the scientic spirit after
-&he ad$ance of the scientic spirit after DarwinDarwin led to theled to the positivistic doctrine
positivistic doctrine of the scientic method in history.of the scientic method in history.
-&he obsession of the academic historians was the mechanics of -&he obsession of the academic historians was the mechanics of
history, and thus, obsessed they forget or deliberately submerged the history, and thus, obsessed they forget or deliberately submerged the e"ually important element of art in history.
e"ually important element of art in history.
-3anger of o$eremphasi4ing the $alue of accuracy is that it tends to: -3anger of o$eremphasi4ing the $alue of accuracy is that it tends to: sti%e the creati$e spirit of the student whose minds are drowned by sti%e the creati$e spirit of the student whose minds are drowned by facts without being allowed to wea$e them into an artistic whole. facts without being allowed to wea$e them into an artistic whole. -&he only scientic part of history is that which deals with spade wor# -&he only scientic part of history is that which deals with spade wor# and the sifting of facts, the rest belongs to the humanities.
and the sifting of facts, the rest belongs to the humanities. -Soul is necessary to it as to a poem or wor# of art, and the -Soul is necessary to it as to a poem or wor# of art, and the indi$iduality of the writer should be re%ected in it.
indi$iduality of the writer should be re%ected in it. Nascent Philippine Nationalism
!"# $!%& !"# $!%&
1olitical Ideas of : 1olitical Ideas of :
). Sanciano y Goson of 5anila ). Sanciano y Goson of 5anila . 67pe4 8aena of Iloilo
. 67pe4 8aena of Iloilo
9. 5arcelo 3el 1ilar of Bulacan 9. 5arcelo 3el 1ilar of Bulacan . ;i4al of 6aguna
. ;i4al of 6aguna
-&he conse"uence of the
-&he conse"uence of the Cavite '(tinyCavite '(tiny ofof !"#!"# and theand the demonstration against the friars of
demonstration against the friars of !!!!!! was the proscription orwas the proscription or deportation of prominent 2ilipinos.
deportation of prominent 2ilipinos.
-&hey tried to call attention to the shortcomings and buses of the -&hey tried to call attention to the shortcomings and buses of the administration of the 1hilippines and to get the go$ernment to adopt administration of the 1hilippines and to get the go$ernment to adopt what they considered to be the necessary reforms.
what they considered to be the necessary reforms. ).
). Gregorio )anciano y GosonGregorio )anciano y Goson was one the earliest propagandists. was one the earliest propagandists. -!e compiled a series of studies on the re$enue laws of the 1hilippines -!e compiled a series of studies on the re$enue laws of the 1hilippines into a boo# the,
into a boo# the, *l progreso de +ilipinas, 'adrid !!.*l progreso de +ilipinas, 'adrid !!.
-!e pointed out that the o0cial practice e+empted Spaniards and -!e pointed out that the o0cial practice e+empted Spaniards and Spanish mesti4os in the 1hilippines from the tribute and forced labor Spanish mesti4os in the 1hilippines from the tribute and forced labor imposed on 2ilipinos and <hinese residents.
imposed on 2ilipinos and <hinese residents.
-*ati$es were sub'ect to tribute, while the landowners who deri$ed a -*ati$es were sub'ect to tribute, while the landowners who deri$ed a substantial income from their farms paid no property ta+ whate$er. substantial income from their farms paid no property ta+ whate$er. -2ilipinos were characteri4ed as
-2ilipinos were characteri4ed as indiosindios or indolent. =et it was a result ofor indolent. =et it was a result of being depri$ed of the natural incenti$es and normal rewards of labor. being depri$ed of the natural incenti$es and normal rewards of labor. -&he colonial system failed to pro$ide economic enterprise with the -&he colonial system failed to pro$ide economic enterprise with the most elementary facilities of transport and communication.
most elementary facilities of transport and communication. -Gregorio wrote about the eect of the tobacco monopoly. -Gregorio wrote about the eect of the tobacco monopoly.
-6ater, the tobacco monopoly was abolished and it was substituted by -6ater, the tobacco monopoly was abolished and it was substituted by the
the cédula personalcédula personal as a source of re$enue. &hey e+tended thisas a source of re$enue. &hey e+tended this cédula cédula to all.
to all.
-&hey reduced the duration of forced labor from > days to )? days a -&hey reduced the duration of forced labor from > days to )? days a year and also made Spaniards liable to it e"ually with 2ilipinos.
year and also made Spaniards liable to it e"ually with 2ilipinos. .
. Graciano -pe/ 0aenaGraciano -pe/ 0aena was a nati$e of Iloilo and came to Spainwas a nati$e of Iloilo and came to Spain originally to study medicine.
-!e de$oted almost all his attention and energies to the propaganda for reforms.
-2irst editor of the La Solidaridad.
-Says that the Spanish go$ernment was far more interested in repression than in stimulation.
-&he go$ernment allowed the disastrous monetary situation which
allowed foreign merchants to drain good money out of the country and replace it with 5e+ican dollars.
-!e pointed out that popular education and the use of common language
was neglected.
-@pper ran#s of the colonial ci$il ser$ice were ta#en by Spanish o0cials.
-Anly at the lowest le$el of local go$ernment was any initiati$e or scope gi$en to nati$es.
-!e motioned that the remedy to this situation was to allow the
2ilipinos the capacity to thin# and act for themsel$es, let the freedoms championed by liberalism be e+tended to them: freedom of spec# and the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of trade.
-ssential that the 2ilipinos be permitted to trade with each other and tra$el from any part of the islands to any other part.
-*otes the right of the 2ilipinos to possess and de$elop the natural resources of their land is a right conceded by *ature.
-67pe4 is ta#ing a stand on what he concei$es to be the natural rights of 2ilipinos as 2ilipinos.
9. 'arcelo H. Del Pilar studied law in the @ni$ersity of Santo &omas. -Belie$ed that the principal obstacle to the 1hilippine progress was the Spanish regular clergy, who used their position of dominance.
-&he clergy used their in%uence to pre$ent the introduction of liberal reforms.
-!e belie$ed that 2ilipinos should see# to better their condition by peaceful rather than $iolent means.
-&he reforms he wanted were substantially those proposed by Sanciano and 6ope4.
-&he disappointing results of the propaganda campaign were turning his thoughts more and more toward re$olution.
. 0ose Ri/al was the principal protagonist of the mo$ement. -!is father and elder brother were well-to-do inquilinos of the 3ominican estate of <alamba.
-Began his medical studies at the @ni$ersity of Santo &omas
-!is most widely read contributions to the propaganda were Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo
-!e belie$ed in the fundamental change in the relationship between the colony and the mother country.
-&he 2ilipinos were forced to abandon their own for an alien culture. -&hey had lost condence in their past, faith in their present, and hope in their future.
-&he 2ilipinos remained passi$e and apathetic.
-2ilipinos were not national because they were not yet conscious of nationality.
-3uring ;i4als time, the 2ilipinos had become conscious of themsel$es as a nation.
-1sychological trigger: the Spaniards and added insult to in'ury. -&hey began to treat 2ilipinos with contempt as essentially inferior beings. &hat nati$es lac#ed not only capacity for $irtue but e$en the talent for $ice.
-&hey wounded the 2ilipino amor propio his self-esteem and personal dignity.
-<onscious now of their common misery, 2ilipinos began to agitate for reforms on a national scale.
-Spanish were opposed to any change in the colonial administration. -!ow did Spain propose to stop progress in the 1hilippinesC
). Deep the 2ilipinos ignorant
-Imparted ignorance rather than #nowledge . Deeping them poor
-It produced what it was designed to pre$ent
-;iches ma#e men cautious and conser$ati$e, while po$erty breeds, radical ideas, a desire to change the e+isting order of things.
-(here there is wealth and abundance there is less unrest and fewer grie$ances.
9. *ot allowing them to increase in numbers -2ilipinos were actually increasing in number.
. By di$iding them against themsel$es.
-&he $ery attempt to create regional di$ision strengthened national unity, for it meant sending nati$e troops from one island to another, and this intermingling of 2ilipinos.
-$ery increase of pressure built up a greater counter-pressure. -It reached a point where change was ine$itable.
-&he choice was no longer whether change would occur but merely what #ind of change it was to be.
-&he 1hilippines would be compelled to see# by force of arms its complete independence.
-&his was one direction impending change could ta#e: separation from Spain.
-It would se$er a historic bond between Spain and the 1hilippines, which had been forged by 9 centuries of coe+istence.
-&he only way to #eep 2ilipinos loyal to Spain was to grant them e"ual citi4enship with Spaniards.
-;i4al proposed that it to be set up as an ultimate goal to be achie$ed by a series of reforms.
-2ilipinos, he said, do not ha$e the Spaniards alone to blame for their state of sub'ection.
“&here would be no masters if there were no sla$es. -2ilipinos must be willing to accept its responsibilities.
-2reedom means undergoing a slow and painful process of self-discipline.
-&hey should de$ote some time and eort to culti$ating in themsel$es the $irtues that enable a people to go$ern themsel$es.
-Ane of these $irtues was economia: the prudent husbanding of limited resources.
-transigencia: the spirit of gi$e and ta#e, the willingness to compromise.
-Democracy is go$ernment by discussion: the people or their
representati$es meet to debate se$eral dierent courses of action and decide on one. It is a series of mutual concessions and compromises. -Spanish people destroyed the indigenous culture and substituted an alien culture in its stead.
-An the other hand, Spanish colonial rule de$eloped the 2ilipino nationalism by supplying the mo$ement for reforms and the
subse"uent separatist mo$ement with their frame of reference and their principles.
-&he ideas of human e"uality, ci$ic freedom and the rule of law, ideas !ellenic and <hristian became an integral part of 1hilippine <ulture. -Shortly after his return to the 1hilippines in )EF, ;i4al was arrested and banished to 3apitan.
-Between his arri$al and arrest, ;i4al founded the -a -iga +ilipina ). &o unite the whole archipelago into one compact, $igorous and homogenous body
. 5utual protection in e$ery want and necessity 9. 3efense against all $iolence and in'ustice
. ncouragement of instruction, agriculture, and commerce ?. Study and application of reforms.
-Andres 1oni2acio was acti$e in recruiting members. Bonifacio was gi$ing out that the 6igas ob'ect was re$olution.
-&he 6iga dissol$ed and before ;i4als departure, Bonifacio organi4ed a new society, the 3atip(nan.
$Dr. Pio 4alen/(ela was dispatched to 3apitan to as# ;i4al to head the re$olution.
-;i4al refused because he belie$ed that the re$olution was premature. -!e $olunteered as a surgeon for <uba.
-&he Datipunan was disco$ered.
-&eodoro 1atino betrayed it to +ather 'ariano Gil, an /ugustinian priest in &ondo. /ugust )F )EFH
-;i4al was e+ecuted on Decem5er 67 !%&.
Ri/al In the Conte8t o2 Nineteenth$Cent(ry Philippines
-ssays purpose to single out some ma'or economic, political, cultural, and religious de$elopments that in%uenced ;i4als growth as a
nationalist.
*conomic Development
-Growth of the e+port economy brought increasing prosperity to the 2ilipino middle classes, as well as the British and /merican merchants who organi4ed it.
-Brought in machinery and consumer goods to the 1hilippines. -/gricultural products: ;ice, sugar, abaca from <entral 6u4on, Batangas, Bi#ol, *egros, and 1anay.
-;i4als <hinese ancestor was Domingo -am$co
-!e saw that ;i4als father had rented o$er 9F> hectares of land
-It was not the 9asama who would challenge for friar ownership, but the prosperous in"uilinos.
-&heir moti$e would be as much political as economic- to wea#en the friars in%uence in 1hilippine political life.
Political Developments
-In Spain, liberals and conser$ati$es succeeded each other at irregular inter$als.
-Both parties used the 1hilippines as a handy dumping ground to reward party hangers-on with 'obs.
-ach new go$ernment brought another whole new mob of 'ob-see#ers to the 1hilippines, ready to line their poc#ets with 2ilipino money before being replaced.
-2ilipinos were depri$ed of those few positions.
-(ith the opening of the Sue4 <anal in )EHF the easy passage between Spain and the 1hilippines made these o0cials birds of prey, staying long enough to feather their nests.
-<orruption of the go$ernment was its inability to pro$ide for basic needs of public wor#s, schools, etc.
-&he guardia ci$il became an oppressi$e force in the pro$inces.
-&he anti"uated system of ta+ation in eect penali4ed moderni4ation, and the ta+es ne$er found its way to the public.
-+pensi$e protecti$e tarrifs forced 2ilipinos to buy e+pensi$e Spanish te+tile.
-2ilipinos increasingly no longer found any compelling moti$e for maintaining the Spanish colonial regime.
C(lt(ral Development
-&he propagation of the liberal and progressi$e ideas written about from urope by ;i4al or 3el 1ilar.
-Anly ?J of the 2ilipinos could communicate in Spanish.
-&he return of the 8esuits was a ma'or in%uence to educational de$elopment.
-&hey were e+pelled in "&! and returned !%.
-&hey returned to the 1hilippines with and ideas and methods new to the educational system.
-&oo# o$er the /yuntamiento in !% and renamed in Ateneo '(nicipal.
-@nder the new educational institution the *sc(ela Normal de 'aestros to pro$ide Spanish-spea#ing teachers.
-It represented a hope of progress in the minds of many 2ilipinos. -8esuit sources fre"uently complained about the opposition that the graduates of the *ormal School met from many parish priests.
-+ranciscan +r. 'ig(el -(cio y 1(stmante proclaimed the danger of studying and learning Spanish.
-2ilipino nationalists were much less appreciati$e of the other educational institutions run by the 3ominicans.
-*ationalist leaders +r. 0ose 1(rgos and +r. 'ariano )evilla came from the uni$ersity of Santo &omas without e$er ha$ing studied
abroad.
-'arcelo H. Del Pilar, *milio 0acinto, and Apolinario 'a5ini obtained their education in )an 0ose, )an 0(an de -etran , and )anto Tomas.
$Spanish o0cial 0(an de la 'atta had proposed the closing of these institutions as being “nurseriesKof sub$ersi$e ideas.
-Seeing the liberties en'oyed in the 1eninsula, they became more conscious of the ser$itude which their people suered.
-2r. 8ose Burgos emphasi4ed the need for 2ilipinos to loo# to their heritage.
-;i4al 'oined a historical consciousness formed by German histiography.
$In his edition of /ntonio de 5orgas Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas he outlines the process by which he had to come to see# a foundation for his nationalism in the historical past.
Religio(s Developments
-ducation produced an ilustrado class. &his ilustrado were increasingly antifriar at times e$en anticlerical or anti-<atholic.
-Spanish colonial go$ernment leaned more hea$ily on what had always been a mainstay of Spanish rule- the de$otion of 2ilipinos to their <atholic faith.
-Ra2ael I/;(ierdo and 0(an Alaminos e+pressed that the 2ilipino faith “$erged on fanaticism, and they ma#e the Indio belie$e that only in lo$ing the Spaniards can he sa$e his soul in the ne+t life.
-;i4al had a land dispute with the 3ominican hacienda of <alamba. -1aciano ;i4al wrote to 8ose at the height of the <alamba hacienda dispute. !e warns that bishop No/aleda was planning to end the antifriar campaign of La Solidaridad. C
-&he propagandists were heirs of the con%ict between the 2ilipino
secular priests and Spanish friars that led to the martyrdom of Burgos, Gome4, and Lamora in )EM.
-It was in that con%ict that the seeds of nationalism came to full %ower among the 1ropagandists.
-Burgos in%uence: /n intramural ecclesiastical contro$ersy into a clear assertion of 2ilipino e"uality with the Spaniard into a demand for
'ustice.
-It was archbishop 1asilio )ancho de )ta. 0(sta that mass produced the 2ilipino clergy which compromised their "uality.
-But once the number of friars began to increase again after !# a series of mo$es to depri$e the 2ilipinos of the parishes once more succeeded each other for the ne+t ?> years.
-It was under Pedro Pelae/ that they were attempting to dispro$e the age-old accusation against them by showing that they were e"ual in ability to the friars.
-1elae4 died in the earth"ua#e of !&6.
-/ year later, 8ose Burgos defended the memory of 1elae4 and calling for 'ustice to the 2ilipino clergy.
-(ith Burgos we see the rst articulation of national feeling, of a sense of national identity.
-(e nd numerous close connections between the acti$ist 2ilipino clergy led by Burgos and the ne+t generation of 2ilipinos who led the 1ropaganda of the )EE>s and )EF>s.
-1aciano was li$ing in the house of Burgos in )EM.
-&oribio !. 3el 1ilar and 2r. 5ariano Se$illa were e+iled to Guam. 5arcelo li$ed with them as a student.
-&he 1ropagandists were also heirs to the li5eral re2ormists of the !&7s.
-&hey were the moderni4ers who desired to bring to the 1hilippines economic progress, a modern legal system, and the “modern liberties N freedom of the press, of association, of speech, and of worship.
-5ost of the men who appear prominently among the liberal reformists were criollos Spaniards born in the 1hilippines.
-(ished to see the liberties that had been introduced to the 1hilippines to be e+tended to Spanish 1hilippines. 5en li#e 0oa;(in Pardo de Tavera, Antonio Regidor, 1(rgos.
-Generally antifriar, these reformists saw in the friars obstacles to progressi$e reforms and modern liberties.
-It was with enthusias that they welcomed the new go$erner, Carlos 'a. De la Torre with enthusiasm.
-!e was appointed by the anti-clerical liberals who had made the ;e$olution of )EHE in Spain. !e introduced some liberal reforms.
-Both the clergy and the reformists were decei$ed. !e was suspicious of both groups and had put them under secret police sur$eillance. -!e was succeeded by Gen. Ra2ael I/;(ierdo who ended e$en the appearances of liberty of e+pression allowed by 3e la &orre.
-&he local mutiny o$er local grie$ances happened in <a$ite.
-&heir e+ecution manifested I4"uierdos con$iction that the friars were a necessary political instrument for maintaining the loyalty of the
2ilipinos to Spain.
-+r. Pedro Dandan and +r. 'ariano )evilla reappear in the public eye. 2r. 3andan would die ghting in the mountains in )EFM. 2r. Se$illa would wor# to rally 2ilipinos to resist the /mericans.
-Since the 1ropaganda 5o$ement was also heir to the liberal reformist tradition, the degree to which the 1ropagandists were truly
nationalists.
-Governor Ta2t, Gen. +ran9lin 1ell, and Gen. )mith singled out the 2ilipino priest as the most dangerous enemy and the soul of the 2ilipino resistance.
). ;eformist N /ll thin#ing 2ilipinos with any interest in the country can be called reformists.
. 6iberal N /lmost all were anticlerical and most are reformist. 9. /nticlerical
. 5oderni4ing N3esire of all liberals and nationalists.
-It was mostly an economic goal and interest in progressi$e economic measures.
?. Strictly *ationalist N/lmost all nationalists were liberals. /lmost all were in fa$or of moderni4ation.
-!arshest condemnation of Spanish misgo$ernment came from the friars. It was only when the cause of the reform began to ta#e on anti-friar and nationalistic o$ertones that they opposed it.
-;eligious orders feared liberalism because church property were oftentimes conscated in urope in the name of new freedom.
-(hen Spanish regime fell under the onslaught of the ;e$olution, conser$ati$e moderni4ers had no regrets.
-T.H. Pardo de Tavera was among the rst to accept a position in the /merican go$ernment. Secretaty of 2oreign /airs
- 0ose 'a. 1asa was among the rst to petition the /merican consul in !ong Dong for an /merican protectorate o$er the 1hilippines.
-&he kalayaan they loo#ed for might not be the same concept as the independencia concei$ed by ;i4al, Bonifacio, and 5abini. But the freedom they longed for was far nearer to the nationalists idea of independence. C
The Historian<s Tas9 in the Philippines
-In )FF, <atholic bishops opposed the use of go$ernment funds to publish ;afael 1almas biography of ;i4al because of the boo#s anti-<atholicism.
-;i4als consciousness of the need to #now his peoples past that made him interrupt his wor# on El Filibusterismo. It was written to point
toward a solution e+posed in Noli Me Tangere.
-Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas was written to un$eil that history tht had been hidden from the eyes of 2ilipinos by neglect or distortion.
-!a$ing ac"uired an understanding of their past, ;i4al hoped that 2ilipinos would be able to 'udge the present.
-!e would show his countrymen that, from a 2ilipino point of $iew, Spanish rule had failed to fulll its promises of progresss for 2ilipinos. $ &he #nowledge of their past nurtured a consciousness of being a people with a common origin and a common e+perience constituting the national identity around which the future nation could arise.
-!e was able to share his people a sense of national identity, which “impels nations to do great deeds.
-Bonifacio, 8acinto, and other 2ilipinos of the re$olutionary generation found much of their literary and nationalist inspiration in ;i4als
writings.
-/chie$ement by history: understanding of our past, culti$ation of our national identity, and inspiration for the future.
-=illiam Henry )cott entitled one of his wor#s the Crac9s in the Parchment C(rtain.
-!e says, that a documentary curtain of parchment, at rst sight, a documentary conceals from modern $iew the acticities and thought of 2ilipinos and re$eals only the acti$ities of Spaniards.
-But many crac#s in that parchment allow the percepti$e in$estigator to glimpse 2ilipinos acting in their own world.
-;esearch on 1hilippine history is disproportionate.
-;e$olution too# place in all of the 1hilippines, such a history will show the dierent degrees and #inds of nationalist response in dierent regions.
'ethod in History
-3ocuments are not self-interpreting, and therefore, need a human interpreterOthe historian.
-!e brings with him his biases and pre'udices.
-&he method in its simplest terms re"uires the historian to base himself on documentation and to draw the e$idence for his assertions or
interpretations from the facts found in documents.
-!istorian should demonstrate in detail how he bridges the gap between the documentation and the conclusions he draws from it. &hese include literary wor#s, boo#s of prayers, e$en fol# art.
-/ historians nationalist commitment, if not too narrowly concei$ed, ought to ma#e him put new "uestions to the past.
-&his historians "uestions may shed new light on his peoples problems of the past.
-1edro 1aterno supposed pre-hispanic past and 8ose 5arcos false documents on history <ode of Dalantiyaw.
-&he code of Dalantiyaw found its way into history te+tboo#s and was e+posed in %&! by =illiam Henry )cott in his Prehispanic
-5arco also wrote a series of supposed wor#s of 2r. 8ose Burgos. /mong these was a pseudono$el La Loba Negra. an alleged account of
Burgos trial and other do4en pseudowor#s.
-Such attempts to ma#e history “nationalist as those of 1aterno and 5arco, and their perpetuators, are clearly futile.
-;econstructing a 2ilipino past, howe$er glorious in appearance, on false pretenses can do nothing to build a sense of national identity. -/ truly 2ilipino history, it is said, cannot but be a history of the 2ilipino masses and their struggles.
-/llows only a one-dimensional consideration of such real and comple+ issues as Spanish obscurantism and /merican imperialism.
-&he historian needs a preliminary hypothesis from which to in$estigate the past.
-&he hypothesis must ha$e su0cient breadth of $ision to encompass all the facts.
-/ true peoples history, therefore, must see the 2ilipino people as the primary agents in their historyOnot 'ust as ob'ects repressed by
theocracy or oppressed by e+ploitati$e colonial policies.
-;eligious $alues ha$e not simply led to docility and submission but also to resistance to in'ustice and to the struggle for a better society. -It will ta#e seriously peoples mo$ements that articulate their goals in religious terms and not merely in 5ar+ist accents.
-It will be able to recogni4e and critici4e when needed, the role religion Oboth o0cial and fol# $arieties of <hristianity and Islam.
-/ truly nationalistic history will try to understand all aspects of the e+perience of all the 2ilipino people.
-It will ac#nowledge what is $aluable as well as what is harmful in the 2ilipino past.
-It should aim to undergird the formation of a society that pro$ides 'ustice and participation not only to the elites of power, but to e$ery
2ilipino.
-By depicting the whole of reality, history will ma#e it possible to
reform and reshape that society toward a better future. &he historian as nationalist can do no less.
The Philippines in 'aritime Asia to the +o(rteenth Cent(ry -1hilippines did not e+ist in the tenth century. It only recei$ed its name during the coloni4ation of Spain.
-Social features: 2amily ties, body tattooing, and sla$e raiding. -It contained elements of social organi4ation, material life, and interisland contacts.
-ocalities and -eadership
-Belong to the A(stronesian family of languages.
-6inguistic a0nity stems from )o(thern China, ancestors of most Southeast /sians.
-1ractice of cognatic 9inship in which families trace descent through both the male and female lines. Both sons and daughters may ha$e inheritance rights.
-1eople who were not biologically related can ma#e new claims on each other through >ctive 9inship which creates ritual brothers,
godmothers, and godfathers.
-;eligion was animistic seeing and worshipping di$inity in the surrounding en$ironment.
-/ncestor worship was a spiritual e+pression of #inship ties that were relied upon and imposed duties in daily.
-6ow population density, yielded a patchwor# of human settlements, often along ri$ers and initially isolated from each other.
-5indset: 1eople felt strongly attached to their own locality and didnt feel it to be less important than other larger or more powerful
-!istorian ?liver =olters describes it as “$ery center was a center in its own right as far as its inhabitants were concerned, and it was
surrounded by its own groups of neighbors.
-&he person capable of mobili4ing people to achie$e these goals was described as chie2 or 5ig man. / person who e+hibited unusual achie$ement in warfare and trade.
-Dat( the power con$eyed by ancestors could be claimed by anyone with talent.
-(omen were central to community life as well. &hey were li#ely to become prominent in ritual specialists with power to access and in%uence the spirits e+isting in nature.
-Gender regimes were $itally important to the states relationship with and control of society.
-Busy harbors enriched and empowered the coastal datu. !e
demanded tribute from $isiting merchants and enforced his authority through armed force.
-/llowed datus to style themsel$es as royalty, maintaining a court and richly rewarding followers.
-&here were networ#s of personal loyalties, marriage alliances held together by personal achie$ement and diplomatic s#ill.
-(arfare was a fre"uent part of this 'oc#eying for position but it usually too# the form of raids to sei4e people, who were in short supply, not the con"uest of land that was plentiful.
-<ommunity was dened and space was organi4ed by personal relationships, not territorial boundaries.
-ocali/ation and the Growth o2 Regional Networ9s
-/sian trade routes multiplied that eect by bringing #nowledge of new belief systems and ways of go$erning.
-Southeast /sia could be characteri4ed as a crossroads, a place where local and foreign ideas, goods, and people interact to produce cultural and social change.
-Some people felt the crossroads characteri4ation implied a lac# of identity, suggesting that Southeast /sians were easily shaped by foreign in%uence.
-/ll societies change through contact with outsiders: Southeast /sias geography simply e+posed it to much more contact than most other places.
-1erhaps as a result, %uidity continued to characteri4e local polities, and outsiders relati$ely easily became insiders through marriage, commerce, or possession of useful e+pertise.
-2oreign ideas and practices adopted by Southeast /sians were precisely those that enhanced their e+isting $alues and institutions. -&he rst transformati$e locali4ation in Southeast /sian statecraft occurred when indian merchants and Brahmans priests fre"uented /sian ports.
-!indu religious beliefs and political practices that enabled local rulers to enhance bother their spiritual power and political authority.
-(e adopted !indu modes of worship by association with a particular god and participation in his di$inity.
-&itles adopted from Sans#rit enabled the most powerful datus to distinguish themsel$es and their #in groups as royalty no nobilityO classes with an enhanced capacity to transfer political power to their descendants.
-&he di$ine ruler made his stature clear to the populace by building religious monuments and temples proclaiming his de$otion to deities. -&he locali4ation of Indian beliefs and practices did not replace the old culture, but added new meaning and utilities to it.
-Sta#es became higher in the endless datu competition as !indu, and later Buddhist, religio-political practices made possible large-scale polities.
-8a$a and <ambodia were home to land-based #ingdoms ruled by di$ine #ings supported by large populations engaged in wet-rice agriculture.
-3i$ine #inship enabled the growth of wider networ#s of personal loyalities called mandalas. +ample: /ng#or in <ambodia and Sri$i'aya in Indonesia
-Small trading centers allowed the formation of an elite class, and they rose and fell in power as they competed with one another.
-/ll polities were dependent on networ#s of personal loyalty and
characteri4ed by a local mindset, with each center under its own ruler Oa pattern that best represents the 1hilippine e+perience.
-Spaniards highly centrali4ed, autocratic #ingship $s. typical datu with local following P Spanish rule nearly succeeded in obscuring the
cultural and political lin#s of the 1hilippine archipelago with the rest of maritime /sia.
-1hilippines was indeed part of the maritime /sian trading networ#. -It was a sparsely populated archipelago of local communities that spo#e dierent languages but shared many of the cultural traits, $alues, and rpactices outlined abo$e.
-“Go$erened by #ings in the manner of the 5alays. *arly Comm(nities in the Philippine Archipelago
-/n early settlement in the 1hilippines was referred to as barangay settled together in a community ranging from 67 to 77 ho(seholds. -1ermanently settled upri$er farmers practiced swidden culti$ation, in which parts of the forest were cut down and culti$ated and then
allowed to lie fallow to regenerate.
-1ower and spirituality in the archipelago were interwo$en in an animistic world permeated with religious belief.
-Qisayans had a pantheon of di$inities, which they referred to with 5alay-Sans#rit word diwata.
-&agalogs called these anito and had a principle deity among them, Bathala, deri$ed from the Sans#rit “noble lord.
-Aerings were made routinely and indi$idually to diwata or anito. -&he datu would sponsor a feast, an e$ent that demonstrated the obligations and e+ercise of power in early 1hilippine societies.
-2easting fullls both societys duty to its di$inities and the datus obligation to share his wealth with the community.
-&he spirit ritualist baylan in Qisayan and catalonan in &agalog was typically an elderly woman of high status or a male trans$estite. )ocial )tarti>cation: A =e5 o2 Interdependence
-3atus were part of a hereditaty class that married endogamously. -3atuship included military, 'udicial, religious, entrepreneurial roles. -Success and power always depended on an indi$iduals charisma and $alor.
-Antonio Piga2etta, a chronicler noted that, “Dings #now more languages than other people.
Sta:
tubang sa datu the chiefs minister or pri$y counselor.
&he steward was called paragahin N one who collected tribute and crops.
!ilanggo N the sheri "ata#ag N town crier
$opok N charmed which causes the one who recei$es it to obey
"anlus N a spear which causes leg pains to the $ictim who steps on it. !osong N causes intestinal swelling
%okhok & to kill #ith a breath or touch o' hand
(aykay) to pierce through somebody by pointing at him
-3atus were self-made men: “&here is no superior who gi$es him authority or title, beyond his own eorts and power.
-3atus added a tattoo with each military $ictory. $'aharli9a N li#ely to do military ser$ice
$-ower stat(s Timawa who did labor in the datus elds -&imawa could not be"ueath wealth to their children because e$erything formally belonged to the datu.
-/ man of timawa birth might rise to datuship if he had the right "ualities and opportunities.
-Tao the mass of society, who owed tribute to the datu and ser$ice in general to the upper classes.
-Sla$es R escla$o
-&he 'udicial system consisted solely of the datu. 5ost crimes were also in%icted on the family.
-1eople could also be purchasedOthere was a large regional trade in human labor
-&here was a system of interdependence mar#ed by mutual obligations up and down the social ladder.
Trade, Tri5(te, and =ar2are in A Regional Conte8t
-/t the beginning of the tilling season, no strangers were allowed in a $illage while ceremonies were conducted for a producti$e har$est.
-@pon pain of death, strangers were warned away during the funeral of a datu.
-Sla$es born within a household were considered part of the family and were rarely sold.
-/ sla$e is also to be sacriced during the burial of a datu.
-3atus who controlled harbors, collected trade duties, and imported goods grew in material wealth and status.
-Increased commerce attracted more people to the settlement and stimulated cottage industries to supply and e"uip the traders.
-/lliances were made, often through marriage, for friendship and help against mutual enemies.
-/ datu was liable to fall to an e+ternally sponsored ri$al if unsuccessful in war.
Connections within and 5eyond the Archipelago
-(e could see the communities of the archipelago participating according to their economic and geographical opportunities and priorities as did all local centers in the region.
-1hilippine contact with <hina began during the Tang dynasty. -<hinese currency and porcelains from this period ha$e been found from Ilocos in the *orth to the Sulu archipelago in the South.
-1(t(an a gold mining and trading center in northeastern 5indanao that sent its rst tribute mission to <hina in )>>).
-(hen <hinese trading $essels began sailing directly to S.. /sian producers, it eliminated the need for an entrepot.
-&his boosted the importance of smaller trading centers li#e Butuan and ga$e the chinese merchants dominance in regional shipping. -(e speciali4ed in metallurgy and shipbuilding.
-In the ))th and )th century, 5alays from Brunei settled in &ondo.
-Islam was also beginning to spread through the trading and ruling networ#s.
An *arly -egal Doc(ment
-In )FEH, an inscribed copperplate measuring E+) inches was found in 6aguna pro$ince near 5anila.
-It is written in old 5alay.
-It dates to F>> <.. and is the oldest 2ilipino document.
-Is a document that records Namwran<s debt to the chief Dewata. Because of *amwrans death he was represented by his wife 6ady Ang9atan.
-Small barangays were often lin#ed through networ#s of datus, while retaining a high sense of locality and resolute independence.
-(e see a state formation in #inship practices, religious beliefs, and systems of socio-economic status and dependency.
-Increasing trade from the )th century which resulted to growing
populations, social stratication, political inno$ation and the concentration of political power.
The Noli 'e Tangere as Catalyst o2 Revol(tion
-1urpose of *oli: &o pro$ide a catalyst for a re$olution, to start the process that would lead to the emancipation of the 1hilippines.
-;i4al had already concluded to the futility of the goals sought by many of his fellow-2ilipinos, who hoped to obtain from Spain reforms.
-By the time he brought the no$el into its nal form, he had already opted for ultimate separation from Spain.
-&here remained no choice e+cept a re$olution, and the *oli was the rst step toward that goal.
-/mado Guerrero: “;i4al failed to state categorically the need for re$olutionary armed struggle to eect separation from Spain. -(illiam &aft and (. <ermeron 2orbes: “;i4al ne$er ad$ocated independence nor did he ad$ocate armed resistance to the go$ernment.
-&hey present only certain aspects of ;i4al.
-;i4al as early as )EEH, had already determined that there was no future for the 1hilippines in union with Spain.
). &he failure to distinguish between what ;i4al were able to say publicly and what they felt pri$ately.
. &he failure to read *olis and his other writings within the conte+t of his personal correspondence at the time he was publishing.
9. &he failure to see the *oli not simply as an independent wor# but as part of a well-thought-out long-range plan.
Noli as Charter o2 Nationalism
-In )EE his speech at the 5adrid ban"uet, ;i4al still e+presses hope for reforms from Spain.
-In *oli, he does see# for reforms, demands e$en, but from 2ilipinos rather than from Spaniards.
-It calls on the 2ilipino to regain his self-condence, to appreciate his own worth, to return to the heritage of his ancestors, to assert himself as the e"ual of the Spaniards.
-&he 2ilipinos should be aware of what was wrong with 1hilippine society, not only Spanish abuses, but 2iipino failures as well. But his purpose went beyond that.
-In a letter to Blumentritt, ;i4al registers a glimmer of hope that the separation of the 1hilippines from Spain might come about by a peaceful and gradual de$elopment.
-Pa5lo +eced and 4icente 1arrantes critici4ed the *oli 5e &angere. -*oli does not ha$e as its goal the glorication of the race any more than it does the mere condemnation of Spanish oppression.
-/ sound nationalism had to be based on an accurate and unsparing analysis and understanding of the contemporary situation.
Noli and +ili: Action with 4ision
-*oli was not meant to stand alone. ;i4al had in mind a se"uel. -S#etch of the present state of our country.
-I must rst ma#e #nown the past, so that it may be possible to 'udge better the present and to measure the path which has been tra$ersed during three centuries.
-!e would publish instead a scholarly analysis of the 1hilippines at the Spanish contact, using 5orgas boo# as a base.
-*oli had shown the 2ilipinos their present condition under Spain. -5orga would show them their roots as a nation.
-!e shows two possible courses remaining ). &he solution of 1adre 2lorentino
. &he solution of Simoun
-;i4al cannot $e detailed instructions. ;ather, he gi$es the $ision and ma#es his act of faith in the 2ilipino and in the God of history.
-Ibarra the idealist, wor#ing for reforms under Spanish auspices and representing the mind of ;i4al.
-lias, the man of action, represents Bonifacio.
--eon 'a. G(errero points out that “Ibarra fails in his reform program and opts for $iolence, it is lias who tried to dissuade him, urging that he will lead his countrymen into a bloodbath, and that it will be the defenseless and innocent who will most suer.
-!e had decided on separation from Spain when he published the *oli. -!e originally intended to propose the solution in his second no$el, but then reali4ed that he could only do so after ha$ing laid further
groundwor#.
). /wa#en national consciousness
. @ndergird solid historical foundation
9. ;emained the course of action to be e+plored
-&he 2ilipino people, he says, must endure and wor#. It is not a passi$e endurance, but an acti$e resistance.
“But it is true that we must win it by deser$ing it, e+alting reason and the dignity of the indi$idual, lo$ing what is 'ust, what is good, what is great, e$ent to the point of dying for it.
-&he point is not to shed other peoples blood, but to be ready enough to shed ones own for the people that one will ha$e the courage to resist any attac# on human dignity, on the freedom that belongs to e$ery man and woman.
2alse dilemmas:
). &o be reformist meant to engage in futile tin#ering with the political and economic structures of society through parliamentary means, political bargaining and intrigue.
. &o be re$olutionary was to ta#e up arms against the go$ernment, the establishment, those in power.
-/s e+pressed in the mouth of 1adre 2lorentino: ;e$olution is not primarily an armed struggle to shed other peoples blood, but a
willingness to ris# shedding ones own blood for the sa#e of the people. -&here was con%ict between 5arcelo !. 3el 1ilar and ;i4al in )EF).
“&he fact is that my man has been formed in libraries, and in libraries no account is ta#en of the atmosphere in which one must wor#.
-But it was not enough to ha$e his ideals proposed to his countrymen in writing it was necessary to put them into action there in the
1hilippines.
-!e returns to the 1hilippines in )EF to acti$ate the 6a 6iga 2ilipina. -&he call of the 6iga was for national unity, dedication to economic, educational, and other reformsOnot begging them from the Spaniards, but the 2ilipinos underta#ing them themsel$es on the other, the
2ilipinos must defend one another against all $iolence and in'ustice. Concl(sion:
-;i4al retained the ideals of long-range preparation.
-Spanish 8udge comments that ;i4al “limits himself to condemning the present rebellious mo$ement as premature and because he considers its success impossible at this time.
-2or ;i4al, it was a "uestion of opportunity, not of principles or ob'ecti$es.
-!e maintained to the end that the re$olutionary goal was to create a nation of 2ilipinos conscious of their human and national dignity and ready to sacrice themsel$es to defend it.
-;i4al repudiated the re$olution.
-&he 1hilippine re$olution has always been o$ershadowed by the omnipresent gure and the towering reputation of ;i4al.
-;i4al repudiated the one act which really synthesi4ed out nationalist aspirations, and yet we consider him a nationalist leader.
An American$)ponsored Hero
-It was Gov. =.H. Ta2t who in )F>) suggested to the 1hilippine <omission that the 2ilipinos be gi$en a national hero.
-/mericans chose him o$er other contestants because “/guinaldo was too militant, Bonifacio too radical, 5abini unregenerate.
). Act 6" N Argani4e the political district and named it the pro$ince of ;i4al “in honor of the most illustrious 2ilipino.
. Act #B6 N /uthori4ed a public subscription for the erection of a monument in honor of ;i4al in the 6uneta.
9. Act 6B N Set aside the anni$ersary of his death as a day of obser$ance.
-In the boo# The "hilippine Islands Governer Cameron +or5es wrote that “&he /merican administration has lent e$ery assistance to this recognition.
-;i4al ne$er ad$ocated independence, nor did he ad$ocate armed resistance to the go$ernment.
-&hey fa$ored a hero who would not run against the grain of /merican colonial policy.
-<omplemented the )edition -aw which prohibited the ad$ocacy of independence and the law prohibiting the display of the 2ilipino %ag. -&o ha$e encouraged a mo$ement to re$ere Bonifacio or 5abini would ot ha$e been consistent with /merican colonial policy.
-;i4al relegated other heroes to the bac#ground.
-;i4al belonged to the right social class- the class that they were culti$ating and building for leadership.
-&here was a need for a superhero to bolster the national ego.
-Arthodo+ historians ha$e presented history as a succession of e+ploits of eminent personalities, leading many of us to regard history as the product of gifted indi$iduals.
The Role o2 Heroes
-(ith or without these specic indi$iduals the social relations
engendered by Spanish colonialism and the subse"uent economic de$elopment of the country would ha$e produced the nationalist mo$ement.
-;i4als e+ecution only added more drama to the e$ents of the period. -5ass action is not the utterances of a leader rather these leaders ha$e been impelled to action by the historical forces unleashed by social de$elopment.
-&he creati$e energies of the people who are the true ma#ers of their own history.
-But he is not a hero in the sense that he could$e stopped and altered the course of e$ents.
-&he re$olution bro#e out despite his refusal to lead it and continued despite his condemnation of it.
-!istory is made by men. Innovation and Change
-;i4al li$ed in a period of great economic changes. *ational awa#ening caused by the nglish occupation of the country, the end of the galleon trade, and the 6atin-/merican re$olutions.
-In addition, non-Spanish houses monopoli4ed the import-e+port trade. &hese non-Spanish interests increased cosmopolitan penetration.
-uropean and /merican nancing were $ital agents in the emerging e+port economy.
-/baca and sugar production increased. 2rom 9,>>> piculs a year to ,>>>,>>> in decades.
-Impro$ed communication T road systems T railroad lines Tstreet cars T postal ser$ices during the same period.
-&his has set the stage for cultural and social change. &he culti$ation of cosmopolitan attitudes and heightened opposition to clerical control. The Ideological +ramewor9
-conomic prosperity spawned discontent when the nati$e
beneciaries saw a new world of aUuence opening for themsel$es and their class.
-&hey attained a new consciousness, a new goalOthat of e"uality with the peninsulares.
-5anifestation of the desire to reali4ed the potentialities oered by the period of e+pansion and progress.
-/nti-clericalism became the ideological style of the period.
-;i4al e+pressed its demands in terms of human liberty and human dignity and thus encompassed the wider aspirations of the people. -!e could$e not ha$e transcended his class limitations, for his cultural upbringing was such that aection for Spain and Spanish ci$ili4ation precluded the idea of brea#ing the chains of colonialism.
-!e had to become a Spaniard rst before becoming a 2ilipino. Concept o2 +ilipino Nationhood
-&he de$elopment of the concept of national consciousness stopped short of real decoloni4ation
-Social conditions demand that the true 2ilipino be one who is consciously stri$ing for the decoloni4ation and independence.
-2ilipino originally referred to the creoles or the Spaniards born in the 1hilippines.
-&he nati$es were called indios.
-In the end of the )Fth century, hispani4ed and urbani4ed indios along
with Spanish mesti4os and sangley mesti4os began to call themsel$es 2ilipinos.
-&he original Circ(lo Hispano$+ilipino was dominated by creoles and peninsulares.
-&he community came out with an organ called Espa*a en Filipinas which sought to ta#e the place of $e+ista ,irculo Filipino- which was founded by 0(an Atayde a creole.
-&he only non-Spaniard was 1aldomero Ro8as.
--ope/$0aena critici4ed their writing, which he belie$ed showed more sympathy for the peninsulares. !e was referring to the /4carrga
brothers, by which Claro '. Recto street got its name.
-&hus the formal beginning of the La Solidaridad. Its leaders were indios with -ope/$0aena as its rst editor and later 'arcelo Del Pilar.
-&he reformists could not sha#e o their Spanish orientation. &hey wanted accommodation within the ruling system.
The -imited +ilipinos
-;i4al was not really of the people based on education and property. -&he recognition of the masses as the real nation and their
transformation into real 2ilipinos.
-2ilipino must undergo a process of decoloni4ation before he can become a true 2ilipino.
-/s an ilustrado, ;i4al was spea#ing in behalf of all the indios though he was separated by culture and by property from the masses.
-!is ilustrado orientation manifests itself in no$els. -/ll the protagnoists belonged to the principalia.
-;i4als class position, upbringing, and his foreign education were profound in%uences which constituted a limitation on his
understanding of his countrymen.
-!e condemned the ;e$olution because as an ilustrado he instincti$ely underestimated the power and the talents of the people.
-!e belie$ed in freedom not so much as national right but as something to be deser$ed.
-!e did not e"uate liberty with independence. ;i4al did not consider political independence as a prere"uisite to freedom.
!e wrote on 3ec. ), )EFH:
“/ people can be free without being independent, and a people can be independent without being free.
/lso in l 2ili:
“(e must secure it by ma#ing oursel$es worthy of it, by e+alting the intelligence and the dignity of the indi$idual, by lo$ing 'ustice, right, and greatness, e$en to the e+tent of dying for them.
-;i4als preoccupation with education ser$ed to further the impression that the ma'ority of the 2ilipinos were unlettered and therefore, needed tutelage, before they could be ready for independence.
-“5a#e itself worthy of these liberties.
-1eople should learn and educate themsel$es in the process of struggling for freedom and liberty.
-<olonialism if the only agency still trying to sell the idea that freedom is a diploma to be granted by a superior people to an inferior one after years of apprenticeship.
The Prec(rsors o2 'endicancy
-1ropagandists, in wor#ing for certain reforms, chose Spain as the arena of their struggle instead of wor#ing among their own people, educating them and learning from them, helping them to reali4e their own condition.
-&he elite had a sub-conscious disrespect for the ability of the people to articulate their own demands and to mo$e on their own.
-&hey felt that education ga$e them the right to spea# for the people. -&hey are not accustomed to the people mo$ing on their own.
-&he ilustrados were the !ispani4ed sector of our population, hence they tried to pro$e that they were as Spanish as the peninsulares.
-&hey are no dierent from the modern-day mendicants who try to pro$e that they are /mercani4ed.
Il(strados and Indios
-Bonifacio, not as !ispani4ed as the ilustrados, saw in peoples actions the only road to liberation.
-&he Datipunan was a peoples mo$ement based on condence in the peoples capacity to act in its own behalf.
-It was Bonifacio and the Datipunan that embodied the unity of re$olutionary consciousness and re$olutionary practice.
-&he indio as 2ilipino rose in arms while the ilustrado was still waiting for Spain to dispense 'ustice and reforms.
-&he re$olutionary masses proclaimed their separatist goal through the Datipuan.
-;i4al should occupy his proper place in our pantheon of great 2ilipinos. 1lind Adoration
-(e must always be conscious of the historical conditions and circumstances that made an indi$idual a hero.
-(e must $iew ;i4al as an e$ol$ing personality within an e$ol$ing historical period.
-imitations o2 Ri/al
-@nless we ha$e an ulterior moti$e, there is really no need to e+tend ;i4als meaning so that he may ha$e contemporary $alue.
-&he nature of the ;i4al cult is such that he is being transformed into an authority to sanction the status "uo by a con%uence of blind
adoration and widespread ignorance of his most telling ideas. The Negation o2 Ri/al
-(e cannot rely on ;i4al alone. (e must discard the belief that we are incapable of producing the heroes of our epoch.
