The Psychology of Revolution

THE PSYCHOLOGY

OF

REVOLUTION

BY

GUSTAVE LE

BON

AUTHOR OF"THE CROWD: A STUDY OF THE POPULAR MIND

TRANSLATED BY

BERNARD

MIALL

NEW

YORK

G.

P.

PUTNAM'S

SONS

INTRODUCTION. THE REVISION OF HISTORY

PART

I

THE

PSYCHOLOGICAL

ELEMENTS

OF

REVOLUTIONARY

MOVEMENTS

BOOK

I

GENERAL

CHARACTERISTICS OF

REVOLUTIONS

CHAPTER I. SCIENTIFIC AND POLITICAL REVOLUTIONS ... ... ₂₃

1. Classificationof Revolutions ... ... ... ... ... ₂₃

2. Scientific Revolutions ... ... ... ... ... ₂₅

3. PoliticalRevolutions ... ... ... ... ... 26

>4- TheresultsofPoliticalRevolutions ... ... ... ... ₃₁

CHAPTER II. RELIGIOUS REVOLUTIONS ... ... ... ... ₃₄

1. The _importanceof the study of Religious Revolutions in respect of the comprehension of the great Political Revolutions ... ... ₃₄

2. The _{beginnings of the} Reformation and its first _disciples ... ₃₅

3. Rational value of the doctrines of theReformation ... ... ₃₇

4. Propagation of the Reformation ... ... ...

-"39

5. Conflict between different religious beliefs. The impossibility of

tolerance ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ₄₀

6. Theresults_{of Religious Revolutions} ... ... ... ... ₄₆

CHAPTER III. THE ACTION OF GOVERNMENTS IN REVOLUTIONS ... ₄₉

1. Thefeeble resistanceofGovernmentsintime ofRevolution ... ₄₉

2. HowtheresistanceofGovernments_mayovercome Revolution ... ₅₃

3. Revolutionseffectedby Governments. Examples: China,Turkey,&c. 54

4. Social elements which survive the _changes of Government after

Revolution ... ... ... ... ... ... ₅₈

PAGE

CHAPTER IV. THE PART PLAYED BY THE PEOPLE IN REVOLUTIONS... 60

1. The

stabilityandmalleability of the nationalmind ... ... 60

2. HowthePeopleregards Revolution ... ... ... ... ₆₃

3. ThesupposedpartofthePeopleduring Revolution ... ... 66

4. Thepopularentityanditsconstituentelements ... ... ... ₆₉

BOOK

II

THE FORMS OF MENTALITY PREVALENT DURING

REVOLUTION

CHAPTER I. INDIVIDUAL VARIATIONS OF CHARACTER IN TIME OF

REVOLUTION ... ... ... ... ... ... ₇₅

1. Transformationsof Personality ... ... ... -"75

2. Elementsof characterpredominantintime ofRevolution... ... ₇₇

CHAPTERII. THE MYSTIC MENTALITY AND THE_JACOBIN MENTALITY 86

1. Classificationof mentalitiespredominantintime of Revolution ... 86

2. The_{MysticMentality} ... ... ... ... ... ₈₇

3. TheJacobinMentality ... ... ... ... ... ₉₂

CHAPTER III. THE REVOLUTIONARY AND CRIMINAL MENTALITIES ... ₉₇

1. TheRevolutionary Mentality... ... ... ... ... ₉₇

2. The _{Criminal Mentality} ... ... ... ... ... ₉₉

CHAPTER IV. THE PSYCHOLOGY OF REVOLUTIONARY CROWDS ... 102

1. Generalcharacteristicsof thecrowd ... ... ... ... 102

2. Howthe _stability of the racial mind limits the oscillations of the

mindof thecrowd ... ... ... ... ... ... ₁₀₅

3. Ther61eof the leaderinRevolutionaryMovements ... ... ₁₀₉

CHAPTER V. THE PSYCHOLOGY OFTHE REVOLUTIONARY ASSEMBLIES 113

1.

Psychologicalcharacteristicsof the great Revolutionary Assemblies... 113

2. ThePsychologyof the RevolutionaryClubs ... ... ... 116

3.

A

suggested explanation of the progressive exaggeration of

senti-mentsinassemblies ... ... ... ... ... ₁₁₉

PART

II

BOOK

I

THE

ORIGINS OF

THE

FRENCH

REVOLUTION

CHAPTER I. THEOPINIONS OF HISTORIANS CONCERNING THE FRENCH

REVOLUTION ... ... ... ... ... ... ₁₂₃ 1. TheHistorians of the Revolution ... ... ... ... ₁₂₃ 2. Thetheory of Fatalismin_{respect of the Revolution} ... ... 126

3. Thehesitationof recent Historians of the Revolution ... ... ₁₃₀

4. ImpartialityinHistory ... ... ... ... ... ₁₃₃

CHAPTER II. THE PSYCHOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE

REGIME ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ₁₃₇ 1. TheAbsoluteMonarchyandtheBasisof theAncien_Regime ... ₁₃₇

2. Theinconveniences of theAncienRegime ... ... ... ₁₃₈

3. LifeundertheAncienRegime... ... ... ... ... ₁₄₁

4. Evolution ofMonarchicalfeelingduring the Revolution ... ... ₁₄₄

CHAPTER III. MENTAL ANARCHY AT THE TIME OF THE REVOLUTION AND THE INFLUENCE ATTRIBUTED TO THE PHILOSOPHERS ... ₁₄₇

1. _OriginandPropagation of Revolutionary Ideas ... .. ... ₁₄₇ 2. Thesupposedinfluence of _{the Philosophers of the eighteenth century}

upontheGenesis of the Revolution. TheirdislikeofDemocracy... 152

3. The philosophical ideas of the Bourgeoisie at the time of the

Revolution ... ... ... ... ... ... ₁₅₆

CHAPTER IV. PSYCHOLOGICAL ILLUSIONS RESPECTING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION ... ... ... ... ... ... ₁₅₈

1. Illusions_{respecting Primitive}Man,the returntotheState of Nature,

andthe_Psychologyof the_People ... ... ... _"-158

2. Illusions_{respecting the possibilityof separating} Man from his Past

andthe_powerofTransformationattributedtotheLaw ... ... 160

3. Illusionsrespecting the TheoreticalValueof the great Revolutionary

Principles... ... ... ... ... ... ... 162

BOOK

II

THE

RATIONAL, AFFECTIVE, MYSTIC,

AND

COLLECTIVE

INFLUENCES

ACTIVE

DURING

THE REVOLUTION

CHAPTER I. THE PSYCHOLOGY OFTHE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY ... 167

1. _{Psychological influences}active_{during the}French Revolution ... ₁₆₇

2. Dissolution of the Ancien Regime. Theassembling of the

States-General ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 170

3. TheconstituentAssembly ... ... ... ... ... ₁₇₂

CHAPTER II. THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY ... ₁₈₃

1. Politicalevents during thelifeof the LegislativeAssembly ... ₁₈₃

2. Mentalcharacteristicsof theLegislativeAssembly ... ... ₁₈₅

CHAPTER III. THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE CONVENTION ... ... ₁₉₀ 1. The Legendof theConvention ... ... ... ... ₁₉₀ 2. Results of thetriumphof the Jacobin Religion ... ... ... ₁₉₃

3. Mentalcharacteristicsof theConvention ... ... ₁₉₇

CHAPTER IV. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CONVENTION ... ... 202

1. The_activityof theClubs andtheCommuneduring theConvention... 202

2. The GovernmentofFrance_{during the}Convention:theTerror ...

205 3. TheEndof the Convention. TheBeginningsof the Directory ... 2IO

PAGE

CHAPTER V. INSTANCES OF REVOLUTIONARY VIOLENCE ... ... ₂₁₃ 1. _{Psychological}Causes_{of Revolutionary Violence} ... ... ... ₂₁₃

2. The_{Revolutionary Tribunals} ... ... ... ... _...215

3. TheTerrorintheProvinces ... ... ... ... ... 218

CHAPTER VI. THE ARMIES OF THE REVOLUTION ... ... ... ₂₂₃ 1. The _{Revolutionary}AssembliesandtheArmies ... ... ... ₂₂₃

2. The_{Struggle ofEuropeagainst the Revolution} ... ... ... 224 3. Psychological and Military Factorswhich determined the successof

the RevolutionaryArmies ... ... ... ... ... ₂₂₇

CHAPTER VII. PSYCHOLOGY OFTHE LEADERS OF THE REVOLUTION... 232 1. _{Mentality of the}menof the Revolution. The_{respective influence of}

violentandfeeble characters ... ... ... ... ... ₂₃₂

2. _Psychologyof theCommissariesor Representatives"onMission" ... ₂₃₄

3. Danton andRobespierre ... ... ... ... ... ₂₃₈ 4. Fouquier-Tinville,Marat,Billaud-Varenne, &c. ... ... ... ₂₄₅

5. The destiny of those Members of the Conventionwhosurvived the

Revolution ... ... ... ... ... ... ₂₅₀

BOOK

III

THE

CONFLICT

BETWEEN

ANCESTRAL

INFLUENCES

AND

REVOLUTIONARY

PRINCIPLES

CHAPTER I. THE LAST CONVULSIONS OF ANARCHY. THE DIRECTORY ₂₅₂ 1. Psychologyof the Directory ... .... ... ... ... ₂₅₂

2. _Despotic Government of the Directory. Recrudescence of the

Terror ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ₂₅₅

3. TheAdventofBonaparte ... ... ... ... ... ₂₅₉ 4. Causesof theDurationof theRevolution ... ... ... 262

CHAPTERII. THERESTORATION OFORDER. THECONSULARREPUBLIC ₂₆₅

1. Howtheworkof theRevolutionwasconfirmed bytheConsulate ... ₂₆₅ 2. There-organisation ofFrance bytheConsulate ... ... ... ₂₆₇

3. Psychologicalelements which determined the success of thework of theConsulate ... ... ... ... ... ... ₂₇₀

CHAPTER III. POLITICAL RESULTS OFTHECONFLICTBETWEEN TRADI-TIONS AND THE REVOLUTIONARY PRINCIPLES DURING THE

LAST CENTURY ... ... ... ... ... ... ₂₇₅ 1. The _{psychological causes of the continued Revolutionary}Movements

towhich Francehasbeensubject ... ... ... ... ₂₇₅

2. _Summaryofa century's RevolutionaryMovementsinFrance ... 280

PART

III

THE

RECENT

EVOLUTION

OF

THE

RE

VOL

UTIONAR Y

PRINCIPLES

PAGE

CHAPTER I. THE PROGRESS OF DEMOCRATIC BELIEFS SINCE THE REVOLUTION ... ... ... ... ... ... ₂₈₉ 1. Gradual_{propagation of}DemocraticIdeasaftertheRevolution ... 289 2. The unequal influence of the three fundamental _{principles of} the

Revolution ... ... ... ... ... ... ₂₉₂

3. The Democracyof the "Intellectuals"andPopularDemocracy ... ₂₉₃

4. NaturalInequalitiesand DemocraticEqualisation ... ... 296

CHAPTER II. THE RESULTS OF DEMOCRATIC EVOLUTION ... ... ₃₀₀ 1. Theinfluence_uponsocialevolution of theories ofnorationalvalue ... ₃₀₀

2. TheJacobinSpiritandthe Mentality createdby DemocraticBeliefs... 302 3. Universal Suffrageandits_{representatives} ... ... ... ₃₀₇

4. ThecravingforReforms ... ... ... ... ... ₃₁₀

5. Socialdistinctions inDemocracies and Democratic Ideas in various

countries ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ₃₁₂

CHAPTER III. THE

NEW

FORMS OF DEMOCRATIC BELIEF ... ... ₃₁₆

1. Theconflictbetween_CapitalandLabour ... ... ...316

2. Theevolutionof the_WorkingClassesandthe SyndicalistMovement 318

3. Whycertain modern Democratic Governments are _gradually being

transformedintoGovernmentsbyAdministrativeCastes... ... ₃₂₂

Psychology

of Revolution

INTRODUCTION

THE

REVISION

OF HISTORY

THE

_present

_age

is _{not merely}

an epoch

of_discovery;

it is also a _{period of revision of the various} elements of _knowledge.

_Having

_recognised that there are

no

phenomena

of

which

the first cause is still accessible, science has

resumed

the examination of her ancient certitudes,

and

has

proved

their _fragility.

_To-day

she sees her ancient _{principles vanishing}

_{one by}

one.

Mechanics

is _losing its _axioms,

and

_{matter, formerly}

the eternal substratum of the worlds,

becomes

a simple aggregate of

ephemeral

forces in _transitory condensation.

Despite its

conjectural side,

_by

virtue of

whicn

it

to

some

extent _escapes the severest

form

of criticism,

history has not

been

free

from

this universal revision.

There

is

no

_{longer a single}

one

of its _phases of

which

we

_{can say} that it is _certainly

known.

What

_appeared

to be _{definitely acquired} is

now

once

more

_put in

question.

Among

the events

whose

_study

seemed

_completed

was

the

French

Revolution.

_Analysed

_by

several

generations of writers,

one

might

suppose it to be

Psychology

of Revolution

perfectly elucidated.

What

new

thing can be said of it, _except in modification of

some

of its details?

And

_yet its

most

_positive defenders are _beginning to hesitate in their _judgments.

Ancient

evidence proves to be far from impeccable.

The

faith in

dogmas

once held sacred is shaken.

The

latest

lite-rature of the Revolution _{betrays these} uncertainties.

Having

related,

men

are

more

and

more

_chary of

drawing

conclusions.

Not

_only are the heroes of this _great

drama

dis-cussed without _indulgence, but thinkers are _asking

whether

the

new

_dispensation

which

followed the

ancien _regime

would

not

have

established itself

natu-rally, without violence, in the course of progressive civilisation.

The

results obtained

no

_longer

seem

in correspondence either with their

immediate

cost or with the _{remoter consequences}

which

the Revolution

evoked from

the _{possibilities} of _history.

Several causes

have

led to the revision ofthis_tragic

period.

Time

has

calmed

passions,

numerous

docu-ments

have

_gradually

_emerged

from the archives,

and

the historian is _learning to _interpret

them

independently.

But

it is _perhaps

modern

_psychology that has

most

effectually influenced our ideas,

_by

enabling us

more

surely to read

men

and

the motives of their conduct.

Among

those of. its discoveries

which

are

hence-forth _applicable to_'history

we

must

mention,

above

all, a

more

_{profound understanding} of ancestral

in-fluences, the laws

which

rule the actions of the crowd, data _relating to the _{disaggregation} of _personality, mental _{contagion, the} unconscious formation ofbeliefs,

and

the distinction

between

the various forms of_logic.

To

tell the _truth, these _applications of _science,

which

are utilised in this book,

have

not

been

so

utilised hitherto. Historians

have

_{generally stopped}

short at the _study of documents,

and even

that _study

is sufficient to excite the doubts of

which

I

have

spoken.

The

_great events

which

_shape the destinies of peoples revolutions, for _example,

and

the outbreak of _religious beliefs are

sometimes

so difficult to explain that

one

must

limit oneself to a

mere

statement.

From

the time of

_my

first historical researches I

have been

struck

_by

the _{impenetrable aspect of}

cer-tain essential

_phenomena,

those _{relating to the genesis} of beliefs _especially; I felt convinced that something-fundamental

was

_lacking that

was

essential to their interpretation.

Reason

having

said all it could _say,

nothing

more

could be expected of it,

and

other

means

must

be _sought of

_{comprehending what had}

not

been

elucidated.

For

_{a long time} these _{important questions}

remained

obscure to me.

Extended

travel, devoted to the

study of the

remnants

of vanished civilisations,

had

not

done

much

to

throw

_light

_upon

them.

Reflecting

upon

it _continually, I

was

forced to recognise that the

problem

was composed

of a series of other _problems,

which

I should

have

to _study separately.

This

I did for a _period of _twenty years, presenting the results of

my

researches in a succession of volumes.

One

of the first

was

devoted to the _study of the psychologicallawsof the evolution of peoples.

Having

Psychology

shown

that the historic races that is, the races

formed

_by

the hazards of _{history finally acquired}

psychological characteristics as stable as their ana-tomical _{characteristics,} I _attempted to _explain

how

a people transforms its institutions, its _languages,

and

its arts. I _explained in the

same work

_why

it

was

that individual _{personalities,}

under

the influence of

sudden

variations of _environment,

_might

be _entirely

disaggregated.

But

besides the fixed collectivities

formed by

the peoples, there are mobile

and

transitory collectivities

known

as crowds.

Now

these

crowds

or mobs,

by

the aid of

which

the _great

movements

_{of history are}

accomplished,

have

characteristics absolutely different from those of the individuals

who

_compose

them.

What

are these characteristics,

and

how

are they evolved?

This

new

_{problem was examined}

in

The

Psychology

of

the

Crowd.

Only

after these studies did I _begin to _perceive

certain influences

which had

_{escaped me.}

But

this

was

not all.

_Among

the

most

_important

factors _{of history}

one was

_preponderant the factor of

beliefs.

How

are these beliefs born,

and

are _they really rational

and

voluntary, as

was

long taught?

Are

_{they not} rather unconscious

and

_independent of

all reason?

A

difficult _question,

which

I dealt with in

_my

last _{book, Opinions}

and

_Beliefs.

So

_long as _{psychology regards} beliefs as _voluntary

and

rational _they will remain _{inexplicable.}

_Having

proved

that they are usually irrational

and

always

involuntary, I

was

able to

_propound

the solution of

this _important

_problem

;

how

it

was

that beliefs

with-out _difficulty

_by

the

most

_{enlightened spirits} of

all _ages.

The

solution of the historical difficulties

which

had

so _long

been

_sought

was

thenceforth obvious. I

arrived at the conclusion that beside the _{rational logic}

which

_{conditions thought,}

and

was

_{formerly regarded}

as our sole _guide, there exist _very different forms of logic: affective

logic, collective logic,

and

mystic logic,

which

_usually overrule the reason

_{and engender}

the

generative impulses of our conduct.

This

fact well established, it

seemed

to

me

evident that if a _great

number

of historical events are often

uncomprehended,

it is because

we

seek to _interpret

them

in the _light of a _logic

which

in _{reality has very}

little influence

_upon

_{their genesis.}

All these researches,

which

are here

summed

_up

in

a few lines,

demanded

_{long years} for their accomplish-ment. _Despairing of _{completing them,} I

abandoned

them

more

than once to return to those labours of the laboratory in

which one

is _{always sure of skirting the}

truth

and

_{of acquiring fragments} at least of

certi-tude.

But

while it is _{very interesting} to _{explore the} world of material

_phenomena,

it is still

more

so to _decipher

men,

for

which

reason I

have

_always

been

led

back

to _psychology.

Certain _principles

deduced

from

_my

researches appearing likely to prove fruitful, I resolved to _apply

them

to the _study of concrete instances,

and was

thus led to deal with the

_Psychology

of Revolutions notably that of the

French

Revolution.

Psychology

the greater part of the opinions determined

_by

the reading of

books

deserted

me

one by

one, _although

I

had

considered

them

unshakable.

To

_explain this _period

we

must

consider it as a

whole, as

_many

historians

have

done. It is

_composed

of

_phenomena

simultaneous but _independent of

one

another.

Each

of its _phases reveals events

_{engendered by}

psychological laws

working

with the regularity of clockwork.

The

actors in this _great

drama seem

to

move

like the characters of a _previously determined drama.

Each

_says

what he must

_say, acts as

he

is

bound

to act.

To

be sure, the actors in the revolutionary

drama

differed

from

those of a written

drama

in that _they

had

not studied their _parts, but these

were

dictated

by

invisible forces.

Precisely because they

were

subjected to the inevitable _progression of _{logics incomprehensible} to

them

we

see

them

as _greatly astonished

_by

the events of

which

_they

were

the heroes as are

we

ourselves.

Never

did _{they suspect} the invisible

powers which

forced

them

to act.

_They

were

the

masters neither of their _fury nor their weakness.

They

spoke

in the

name

of reason, _pretending to

be _guided

_by

reason, but in _reality it

was

_{by no}

means

reason that _{impelled them.}

"

_The

_{decisions for}

_which

_we

_{are so}

greatly reproached," wrote Billaud-Varenne,

"were

more

often than otherwise not intended or desired

_by

us

two

_days or

even

one

_day

beforehand: the crisis

alone

evoked

them."

Not

that

we

must

consider the events of the 16

Revolution as

dominated

_{by an}

_{imperious fatality.}

The

readers of our

works

will

know

that

we

_recognise

in the

man

_{of superior qualities} the role _{of averting}

fatalities.

But

he

can dissociate himself _only

from

a few of such,

and

is often _powerless before the sequence of events

which even

at their origin could scarcely be ruled.

The

scientist

knows

how

to destroy the microbe before it has time to act, but

he

knows

himself _powerless to _prevent the evolution of the _{resulting malady.}

When

_any

question gives rise to violently contra-dictory opinions

we

may

be sure that it _belongs to the _province of beliefs

and

not to that of _knowledge.

We

have

shown

in _{a preceding}

work

that belief,

of unconscious _origin

and

_independent of all _reason,

can never

be

influenced

_by

reason.

The

Revolution, the

work

of believers, has

seldom

been judged by any

but believers.

Execrated

_by

some

and

_praised

_by

others, it has

remained one

of

those

_dogmas

which

are _{accepted or rejected as} a whole, without the intervention of rational _logic.

Although

in its _{beginnings a}

religious or political

revolution

_may

_very well be _supported

_by

rational elements, it is _{developed only}

_by

the aid of _mystic

and

affective elements

which

are _{absolutely foreign} to reason.

The

historians

who

_{have judged}

the events of the

French

Revolution in the

name

of _{rational logic} could

not

_comprehend

_them, since this

form

of _logic did not dictate them.

As

the actors of these events themselves understood

them

but ill,

we

shall not be

far from the truth in _saying that our Revolution

Psychology

was

a

_phenomenon

_equally misunderstood

_by

those

who

caused it

and by

those

who

have

described it.

At

no

_{period of history did}

men

so little _grasp the present, so greatly ignore the past,

and

so poorly divine the future.

. . .

The

_power

of the Revolution did not reside

in the _principles

which

for that matter

were

any-thing but novel

which

it _sought to _propagate, nor in the institutions

which

it _sought to found.

The

people cares very little for institutions

and even

less

for doctrines.

That

the Revolution

was

_potent

indeed, that it

made

France

_accept the violence, the murders, the ruin

and

the horror of a _frightful

civil _war, that _finally it defended itself _victoriously

against a

Europe

in _arms,

was due

to the fact that

it

had

founded

not a

new

_system

of

_government

but a

new

_religion.

Now

_history

shows

us

how

irresistible is the

_might

of a _strong belief. Invin-cible

Rome

herself

had

to

bow

before the armies of

nomad

_shepherds illuminated

_by

the faith of

Mahommed.

For

the

same

reason the _kings of

Europe

could not resist the tatterdemalion soldiers of the Convention.

Like

all _{apostles, they}

were

ready to

immolate

themselves in the sole

end

of propagating their beliefs,

which

_according to their

dream

were

to

renew

the world.

The

_religion thus

founded had

the force of other religions, if not their duration.

Yet

it did not perish without leaving indelible traces,

and

its

influence is active still.

We

shall not consider the Revolution as a clean 18

sweep

in _history, as its _apostles believed it.

We

know

that to demonstrate their intention of _creating a world distinct

from

the old _they initiated a

new

era

and

_professed to break _entirely with all

vestiges of the _past.

But

the _past never dies. It is

even

more

_truly

within us than without us.

_Against

their will the reformers of the Revolution

remained

saturated with the _past,

and

could _only continue,

under

other names, the traditions of the

_monarchy,

even

ex-aggerating the autocracy

and

centralisation of the old _system. Tocqueville

had no

difficulty in proving that the Revolution did little but overturn that

which

was

about to fall.

If in _reality the _{Revolution destroyed but} little

it favoured the fruition of certain ideas

which

con-tinued thenceforth to _develop.

The

_fraternity

and

liberty

which

it proclaimed never greatly seduced the _peoples, but _equality

became

their _gospel : the

pivot of socialism

and

of the entire evolution of

modern

democratic ideas.

We

_may

therefore _say that the Revolution did not

end

with the advent of

the

_Empire,

nor with the successive restorations

which

followed it. _Secretly or in the _light of

_day

it has

slowly unrolled itself

and

still affects men's minds.

The

_study of the

French

Revolution to

which

a great part of this

book

is devoted will _perhaps

deprive the reader of

more

than

one

illusion,

_by

proving to

him

that the

books which

recount the history of the Revolution contain in reality a

mass

of _{legends very}

remote from

_reality.

These

_legends will doubtless retain

more

life than

Psychology

history itself.

Do

not regret this too greatly. It

may

interest a _{few philosophers} to

know

the truth,

but the _peoples will _always

prefer dreams. Synthe-tising their ideal, such

dreams

will _always constitute

powerful motives of action.

One

would

lose courage

were

it not sustained

_by

false _ideas, said Fontenelle.

Joan

of Arc, the Giants of the Convention, the Imperial epic all these dazzling

images

of the past

will _always

remain

sources of

_hope

in the

_gloomy

hours that follow defeat.

_They

form

_part of that

patrimony

of illusions left us

_by

our fathers,

whose

power

is often _greater than that of _reality.

The

dream, the ideal, the _legend in a word, the unreal

THE

PSYCHOLOGICAL

ELEMENTS

OF

GENERAL

CHARACTERISTICS

OF

REVOLUTIONS

CHAPTER

I

SCIENTIFIC

AND

POLITICAL

REVOLUTIONS

i. _{Classification}

_of

Revolutions.

WE

generally apply the

term

revolution to

sudden

political changes, but the expression

may

be

_employed

to denote all

sudden

_{transformations,} or transforma-tions _{apparently sudden,}

whether

of beliefs, ideas, or doctrines.

We

have

considered elsewhere _{the part played}

_by

the rational, affective,

and

mystic factors in the genesis of the opinions

and

beliefs

which

determine conduct.

We

need

not therefore return to _{the subject} here.

A

revolution

_may

_finally

become

a belief, but it

often

commences

under

the action of_{perfectly rational} motives : the

suppression of crying abuses, of a detested _despotic

_government,

or

an

_unpopular

sovereign, &c.

Although

the origin of a revolution

may

be

per-fectly rational,

we

must

not forget that the reasons invoked in _preparing for it

do

not influence the

crowd

Psychology

until _they

have

been

transformed into sentiments. Rational _logic can _point to the abuses to be _destroyed, but to

move

the multitude its

_hopes

must

be

awakened.

This

can _only be effected

_by

the action

of the affective

and

_{mystic elements}

which

_give

man

the

_power

to act.

At

the time of the

French

Revo-lution, for _example, rational

logic, in the

hands

of the

philosophers,

demonstrated

the inconveniences of the ancien _regime,

and

excited the desire to

_change

it.

Mystic logic inspired belief in the virtues ofa society created in all its

members

_according to certain principles. Affective logic unchained the passions confined

_by

the

bonds

of _ages

and

led to the worst excesses. Collective _logic ruled the clubs

and

the Assemblies

and

_impelled their

members

to actions

which

neither rational nor affective _{nor mystic logic}

would

ever

have

caused

them

to commit.

Whatever

its _origin, a revolution is _{not productive}

ofresults until it has

sunk

into the soul of the multi-tude.

Then

events _{acquire special} forms _resulting from the _{peculiar psychology} of crowds. _Popular

movements

for this reason

have

characteristics so

pronounced

that the description of

one

will enable us

to

_comprehend

the others.

The

multitude is, therefore, the _agent of a

revolu-tion ; but not its point of departure.

The

crowd

represents

an

amorphous

being

which

can

do

nothing,

and

will _nothing, without a

head

to lead it. It will

quickly

exceed

the impulse once received, but it never

creates it.

The

sudden

_political revolutions

which

strike the

historian

most

_forcibly are often the least _important.

The

_great revolutions are those of

manners

and

thought.

Changing

the

name

of a

government

does not transform the _mentality of a _people.

To

over-throw

the institutions of _{a people} is not to _re-shape

its soul.

The

true revolutions, those

which

transform the destinies _{of the peoples, are}

most

_frequently

accom-plished so slowly that the historians can hardly point to their _beginnings.

The

term evolution is, therefore,

far

more

_appropriate than revolution.

The

various elements

we

have enumerated

as enter-ing into the genesis of the majority of revolutions will not suffice to _classify them. _{Considering only} the designed object,

we

will divide

them

into scientific revolutions, political revolutions,

and

religious

revolu-tions.

2. _Scientific Revolutions.

Scientific revolutions are

_by

far the

most

_important.

Although

they attract but little _{attention, they} are

often _fraught with

remote

_{consequences, such} as are

not

_engendered

_by

_political revolutions.

We

will

therefore _put

them

first, _although

we

cannot study

them

here.

For

instance, if our conceptions of the universe

have

_profoundly

_changed

since the time of the Revolution, it is because astronomical discoveries

and

the _application of _experimental

methods have

revolutionised them,

_by

_{demonstrating}that

_phenomena,

insteadof_{being conditioned}

_by

_{the caprices of the gods,} are ruled

_by

invariable laws.

Such

revolutions are _fittingly

_spoken

of as

evolu-tion,

on

account of their slowness.

But

there are others which, _although of the

same

order, deserve the

name

of revolution

_by

reason of their _rapidity :

we

Psychology

Revolution

may

instance the theories of _{Darwin, overthrowing}

the

whole

science _{of biology} in a few _years; the

dis-coveries of _Pasteur,

which

revolutionised medicine during the lifetime of their author ;

and

the theory of

the dissociation of matter, _proving that the atom, formerly

supposed

to be eternal, is not

immune

from

the laws

which

condemn

all the elements of the

universe to decline

and

_perish.

These

scientific revolutions in the

domain

of ideas are purely intellectual.

Our

sentiments

and

beliefs

do

not affect them.

Men

submit to

them

without

dis-cussing them.

Their

results being controllable

by

experience, they escape all criticism.

3. Political Revolutions.

Beneath

and

_very

remote

from

these scientific

revolutions,

which

_generate the progress of civilisa-tions, are the religious

and

political revolutions,

which

have no

_kinship with them.

While

scientific

revolu-tions derive_solely from rational elements, political

and

religious beliefs are sustained almost exclusively

by

affective

and

_mystic factors.

Reason

_{plays only} a

feeble _part in their _genesis.

I insisted at

some

_length in

my

book

_Opinions

and

Beliefs

on

the affective

and

mystic origin of beliefs,

showing

that a political or religious belief constitutes

an

act of faith elaborated in _{unconsciousness,} over which, in spite of all _{appearances, reason has}

no

hold.

I also

showed

that belief often _{reaches such a degree} of _{intensity that nothing can be}

_opposed

to it.

The

man

_hypnotised

_by

his faith

becomes

an

_Apostle,

ready to sacrifice his interests, his happiness,

and even

his life for the _triumph of his faith.

The

_{absurdity of}

his beliefmatters little; for

him

it is a burning _reality.

Certitudes of _{mystic origin possess} the marvellous

power

of entire domination over _thought,

and

can

only be affected

by

time.

By

the _very fact that it is _regarded as

an

absolute truth a belief _necessarily

becomes

intolerant.

This

explains the violence, hatred,

and

_persecution

which

were

the habitual

_{accompaniments}

_{of the great} political

and

_religious revolutions, notably of the

Reformation

and

the

French

Revolution.

Certain _periods of

French

_history

remain

incom-prehensible if

we

forget the affective

and

mystic origin ofbeliefs, their necessary intolerance, the impossibility of _reconciling

them

when

_they

come

into mutual contact, and, finally, the

power

conferred

by

mystic

beliefs

_upon

the sentiments

which

_place themselves at their service.

The

_{foregoing conceptions} are too novel _{as yet} to

have

modified _{the mentality of the} historians.

_They

will continueto_{attempt to explain,}

_by

means

ofrational

logic, a host of

phenomena

which

are foreign to it.

Events

such as the _Reformation,

which

over-whelmed

France

for _{a period} of _{fifty years,}

were

in

no

wise determined

_by

rational influences.

Yet

rational influences are _always

invoked

in _explanation,

even

in the

most

recent works.

_Thus,

in the

General

History of Messrs. Lavisse

and

Rambaud,

we

read the following explanation ofthe

Reformation

:

"It

was

_{a spontaneous}

movement,

born here

and

there amidst the _people, from the _reading of the Gospels

and

the free individual reflections

which

were

_suggested to _{simple persons}

_by

an

_extremely pious conscience

and

a very bold reasoning power."

Psychology

Contrary to the assertion of these historians,

we

may

say with certainty, in the first _place, that such

movements

are _{never spontaneous,}

and

_secondly, that reason takes

no

_part in their elaboration.

The

force of the _political

and

_{religious beliefs} which

have

moved

the world resides _precisely in the fact that, _{being born} ofaffective

and

_mystic elements, they are neither created nor directed

_by

reason.

Political or _{religious beliefs}

have

a

common

origin

and obey

the

same

laws.

_They

are

formed

not with

the aid of _reason, but

more

often _contrary to all

reason.

Buddhism,

Islamism, the Reformation, Jacobinism, Socialism, &c.,

seem

_very different forms of _thought.

Yet

_they

have

identical affective

and

mystic bases,

and obey

a logic that has

no

affinity

with rational _logic.

Political revolutions

_may

result from beliefs estab-lished in the

minds

of

_men,

but

_many

other causes produce them.

The

word

discontent

sums them

up.

As

soon as discontent is _generalised a _party is

formed

which

often

becomes

_strong

_enough

to _struggle

against the

Government.

Discontent

must

_generally

have been

_accumulating

for _{a long time} in order to _produce its effects.

For

this reason a revolution does not _{always represent} a

phenomenon

in _process of termination followed

_by

another

which

is

_commencing,

but rather a continuous

phenomenon, having

somewhat

accelerated its

evolu-tion. All the

modern

revolutions, however,

have been

abrupt

movements,

entailing the instantaneous

over-throw

of _governments. Such, for _example,

were

the

Brazilian,Portuguese, Turkish,

and

Chineserevolutions.

To

_{the contrary of}

_{what might be}

_supposed, the 28

very conservative peoples are addicted to the

most

violent revolutions.

_Being

conservative, they are not able to evolve _slowly, or to _{adapt themselves} to varia-tions of environment, so that

when

the _discrepancy

becomes

too

extreme

_they are

bound

to _adapt

them-selves _suddenly.

This sudden

evolution constitutes a revolution.

Peoples able to adapt themselves progressively

do

not _{always escape} revolution. It

was

_only

_by

means

ofa revolution that the _English, in _1688,

were

able to terminate the struggle

which had dragged on

for a century

between

the

monarchy,

which

sought to

make

itself absolute,

and

the nation,

which

claimed the _right to

_govern

itself _through the

medium

of its

representatives.

The

_great revolutions

have

_usually

commenced

from the _top, not

from

the

bottom

; but once the

people is unchained it is to the _people that revolution

owes

its _might.

It is obvious that revolutions

have

never taken place,

and

will never take place, save with the aid of

an

_important fraction of the

_army.

_Royalty

did not disappear in

France

on

the

day

when

Louis

XVI.

was

_guillotined, but at the _precise

moment when

his mutinous _troops refused to defend him.

It is

more

_particularly

_by

mental _contagion that

armies

become

disaffected, being indifferent

enough

at

heart to the established order of _things.

As

soon as the coalition of a few officers

had

succeeded in over-throwing the

Turkish

Government

the

Greek

officers thought to imitate

them

and

to

change

their govern-ment, although there

was

no

_analogy

between

the

two

regimes.

Psychology

A

_military

movement

_may

overthrow

a

_government

and

in the

_Spanish

_republics the

Government

is

hardly ever destroyed

by

any

other

means

but if the

revolution is to

be

_{productive of great} results it

must

always be based

upon

general discontent

and

general hopes.

Unless

it is universal

and

excessive, discontent

alone is not sufficient to _{bring about} a revolution.

It is _easy to lead a handful of

men

to _{pillage, destroy,}

and

massacre, but to raise a

whole

_people, or

_any

great portion of that people, calls for the continuous or repeated action of leaders.

These

_exaggerate the discontent; they persuade the discontented that the

government

is the sole cause of all the trouble, especially of the prevailing dearth,

and

assure

men

that the

new

_{system proposed by}

them

will

_engender

an

_age

of _felicity.

These

ideas _germinate, propa-gating themselves

by

suggestion

and

contagion,

and

the

moment

arrives

when

the revolution is ripe.

In this fashion the Christian Revolution

and

the

French

Revolution

were

_prepared.

That

the latter

was

effected in

a few

_years, while the first

required

many, was due

to the fact that the

French

Revolution

promptly

had an

armed

force at its _disposal, while

Christianity

was

long in

winning

material power. In the _beginning its _{only adepts}

were

the _lowly,the poor,

and

the slaves, filled with enthusiasm

_by

_{the prospect} of _seeing their miserable life transformed into

an

eternity of delight.

By

a

phenomenon

of contagion

from

below, of

which

history affords us

more

than

one

example, the doctrine finally invaded the

upper

strata

of the nation, but it

was

a _long time before

an

emperor

considered the

new

faith sufficiently wide-spread to be adopted as the official _religion.

4.

The

Results

of

Political Revolutions.

When

a _{political party} is _triumphant it _naturally

seeks to _{organise society} in accordance with its interests.

The

_organisation will differ _accordingly

as the revolution has

been

effected

_by

the soldiers, the

Radicals, or the Conservatives, &c.

The new

laws

and

institutions will

_{depend on}

the interests of the triumphant party

and

of the classes

which

have

assisted it the _clergy for instance.

If the revolution has

_triumphed

_only after a violent struggle, as

was

the case with the

French

Revolution, the victors will _{reject at}

one

_sweep

the

whole

arsenal of the old law.

The

_{supporters of the} fallen _regime

will be _persecuted, exiled, or exterminated.

The

maximum

of violence in these _persecutions is

attained

when

the _{triumphant party} is _defending a

beliefin addition to its material interests.

Then

the

conquered

need

hope

for

no

_pity.

Thus

_may

be

explained the expulsion of the

Moors

from

Spain, the autodafds 'of the _Inquisition, the executions of the Convention,

and

the recent laws _{against the religious} congregations in France.

The

absolute

_power

which

is

assumed by

the victors

leads

them

sometimes

to

extreme

measures, such as the Convention's decree that _gold

was

to be _replaced

by

paper, that

goods were

to be sold at determined

prices, &c.

Very

soon it runs

_up

_against a wall of

unavoidable necessities,

which

turn opinion against its

tyranny,

and

finally leave it defenceless before attack, as befell at the

end

of the

French

Revolution.

The

Psychology

same

_thing

_happened

_recently to a SocialistAustralian ministry

composed

almost exclusively of working-men.

It enacted laws so absurd,

and

accorded such _privileges to the trade unions, that _{public opinion} rebelled against it so

_unanimously

that in three

months

it

was

overthrown.

But

the cases

we

have

considered _{are exceptional.}

The

_{majority of revolutions}

have been

_accomplished in orderto _place a

new

_sovereign in _power.

Now

this

sovereign

knows

very well that the first condition of maintaining his

power

consists in not _{too exclusively} favouring a single class, but in _seeking to conciliate

all.

To

do

this he will establish a sort _{of equilibrium}

between

_them, so as not to be

_{dominated by any one}

of these classes.

To

allow

one

class to

become

pre-dominant

is to

condemn

himself _presently to _accept

that class as his master.

This

law is

one

of the

most

certain of _{political psychology.}

The

_kings of

France

understood it _very well

when

_{they struggled} so energetically against the

encroachments

first of the nobility

and

then of the clergy. Ifthey

had

not

done

so their fate

would

have

been

that of the

German

Emperors

of the

Middle

Ages,

who, excommunicated

by

the _Pope,

were

reduced, like

_Henry

IV. at Canossa, to

make

_{a pilgrimage}

and

_humbly

to sue for the _{Pope's forgiveness.}

This

same

law has _continually

been

verified _during the course of _history.

When

at the

end

of the

Roman

_Empire

the _military caste

became

prepon-derant, the

_emperors

_depended

_entirely

_upon

their

soldiers,

who

_appointed

and deposed

them

at will.

It

was

therefore a _great

_advantage

for

France

that

she

was

so _long

_governed

_by

a

monarch

almost

absolute,

supposed

to hold his

power

by

divine _right,

and

surrounded therefore

_by

a considerable _prestige.

Without

such

an

_authority he could

have

controlled

neither the feudal _nobility, nor the _clergy, nor the parliaments. If Poland, towards the

end

of the sixteenth _century,

had

also _possessed

an

absolute

and

_respected

_monarchy,

she

would

not

have

descended

the _path of decadence

which

led to her

disappearance from the

map

of Europe.

We

have

shewn

in this _chapter that _political revolutions

_may

be

_{accompanied by}

_important social transformations.

We

shall

soon

see

how

_slight are these transformations

_compared

to those

_produced

_by

religious revolutions.

CHAPTER

RELIGIOUS

REVOLUTIONS

i.

The

_importance

_of

the _{study ofReligious}

Revolu-tions in respect

of

the comprehension

of

the _great Political Revolutions.

A

PORTION

of this

work

will be

devoted

to the

French

Revolution. It

was

full of acts of violence

which

naturally

had

their psychological causes.

These

_exceptional events will _always fill us with

astonishment,

and

we

even

feel

them

to be

inex-plicable.

They

become

comprehensible, however, if

we

consider that the

French

_{Revolution, constituting}

a

new

_religion,

was

bound

to

_obey

the laws

which

condition the _propagation of all beliefs. Its _fury

and

its

hecatombs

will then

become

_{intelligible.}

In studying the history of a _{great religious}

revolu-tion, that of the Reformation,

we

shall see that a

number

of _{psychological} elements

which

_figured

therein

were

_equally active _during the

French

Revolution. In both

we

observe the _{insignificant} bearing of the rational value of a belief

upon

its

propagation, the inefficacy of persecution, the im-possibility of tolerance

between

contrary beliefs,

and

the violence

and

the _{desperate struggles resulting}

from

the conflict of different faiths.

We

also observe the _exploitation of a belief

_by

interests _quite

pendent

of that belief. _Finally

we

see that it is

impossible to modify the convictions of

men

without also _modifying their existence.

These phenomena

verified,

we

shall see plainly

why

the _gospel of the Revolution

was

_propagated

_by

the

same

methods

as all the _{religious gospels, notably} that

of Calvin. It could not

have

been

_propagated

otherwise.

But

_although there are close _analogies

between

the genesis of a religious revolution, such as the

Reform-ation,

and

that of a great political revolution like our

own, their

remote

_consequences are _{very different,}

which

_explains the difference of duration

which

_they

display. In religious revolutions

no

experience can reveal to the faithful that _they are deceived, since

they

would

have

to

go

to

heaven

to

make

the

discovery. In political revolutions experience quickly demonstrates the error of a false doctrine

and

forces

men

to

abandon

it.

Thus

at the

end

of the _{Directory the application} of Jacobin beliefs

had

led

France

to such a degree of

ruin, poverty,

and

despair that the wildest Jacobins themselves

had

to renounce their _system.

_Nothing

survived of their theories _except a few _principles

which

cannot be verified

_by

_experience, such as the

universal _happiness

which

_equality should

bestow

upon

humanity.

2.

The

beginnings

of

the

Reformation

and

its

first disciples.

The

Reformation was

_finally to exercise _{a profound}

influence

_upon

the sentiments

and

moral ideas of a _{great proportion of}

mankind.

Modest

in its

Psychology

nings, it

was

at first a simple struggle against the abuses of the _{clergy, and,} from a _{practical point} of view, a return to _{the prescriptions of the Gospel.} It

never constituted, as has

been

claimed, an aspiration towards

freedom

_{of thought.} Calvin

was

as intolerant as _Robespierre,

and

all the theorists of the

_age

con-sidered that the _{religion of subjects}

must

be that of the _prince

who

_governed

them.

Indeed

in _every

country

where

the Reformation

was

established the sovereign replaced the

Pope

of

Rome,

with the

same

rights

and

the

same

powers.

In France, in default of _publicity

and

means

of communication, the

new

faith _{spread slowly}

_enough

at first. It

was

about

₁₅₂₀

that

Luther

recruited a

few _adepts,

and

_{only towards 1535}

was

the

new

belief sufficientlywidespread for

men

toconsider it _necessary

to burn its _disciples.

In _conformity with a

well-known

_{psychological} law, these executions

_merely

favoured the _propagation of the Reformation. Its first followers included _priests

and

_magistrates, but

were

_principally obscure artisans.

Their

conversion

was

effected almost _exclusively

_by

mental contagion

and

_suggestion.

As

soon as a

new

belief extends itself,

we

see

grouped round

it

_many

_persons

who

are indifferent to

the belief, but

who

find in it a

pretext or opportunity for _gratifying their _passions or their _greed.

This

phenomenon

was

observed at thetimeof the

Reforma-tion in

_many

countries, notably in

Germany

and

in

England.

Luther having

taught that the clergy

had

no

need

of wealth, the

German

lords found

_many

merits in a faith

which

enabled

them

to seize

_upon

the

goods

of the Church.

Henry

VIII. enriched himself

by

a similar _{operation. Sovereigns}

who

were

often molested

_by

the

_Pope

could as a rule _only look favourably

upon

a doctrine

which

added

religious

powers

to their political

powers

and

made

each of

them

_{a Pope.}

Far

_{from diminishing} the absolutism of rulers, the Reformation only exaggerated it.

3.

Rational

value

of

the doctrines ofthe Reformation.

The

Reformation overturned all _Europe,

and

came

near to _{ruining France, of}

which

it

made

a battle-field

for a _period of _{fifty years.}

Never

did a cause so insignificant from the rational point of

view

produce such _great results.

Here

is

one

of the innumerable _proofs of the fact

that beliefs are _{propagated independently}ofall reason.

The

_{theological doctrines}

which

arousedmen's_passions so _violently,

and

_{notably those of Calvin, are not}

even

worthy

ofexamination in the light ofrational logic.

Greatly concerned about his salvation,

_having

an excessive fear of the devil,

which

his confessor

was

unable to _allay,

Luther

_sought the surest

means

of pleasing

God

that he

might

avoid Hell.

Having

commenced

_{by denying}

the

_Pope

the _right to sell

indulgences, he presentlyentirely denied his authority,

and

that of the Church,

condemned

religious cere-monies, confession,

and

the _worship of the saints,

and

declared that Christians should

have

no

rules of conduct other than the Bible.

He

also considered

that

no one

could be saved without the _grace of

God.

This

last

theory,

known

as that of predestination,

was

in

Luther

rather uncertain, but

was

stated

pre-cisely

by

Calvin,

who made

it the _{very foundation} of a doctrine to

which

_{the majority of Protestants are}