THE PSYCHOLOGY
OF
REVOLUTION
BY
GUSTAVE LE
BON
AUTHOR OF"THE CROWD: A STUDY OF THE POPULAR MIND
TRANSLATED BY
BERNARD
MIALL
NEW
YORK
G.
P.PUTNAM'S
SONS
INTRODUCTION. THE REVISION OF HISTORY
PART
ITHE
PSYCHOLOGICAL
ELEMENTS
OF
REVOLUTIONARY
MOVEMENTS
BOOK
IGENERAL
CHARACTERISTICS OFREVOLUTIONS
CHAPTER I. SCIENTIFIC AND POLITICAL REVOLUTIONS ... ... 23
1. Classificationof Revolutions ... ... ... ... ... 23
2. Scientific Revolutions ... ... ... ... ... 25
3. PoliticalRevolutions ... ... ... ... ... 26
>4- TheresultsofPoliticalRevolutions ... ... ... ... 31
CHAPTER II. RELIGIOUS REVOLUTIONS ... ... ... ... 34
1. The importanceof the study of Religious Revolutions in respect of the comprehension of the great Political Revolutions ... ... 34
2. The beginnings of the Reformation and its first disciples ... 35
3. Rational value of the doctrines of theReformation ... ... 37
4. Propagation of the Reformation ... ... ...
-"39
5. Conflict between different religious beliefs. The impossibility oftolerance ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 40
6. Theresultsof Religious Revolutions ... ... ... ... 46
CHAPTER III. THE ACTION OF GOVERNMENTS IN REVOLUTIONS ... 49
1. Thefeeble resistanceofGovernmentsintime ofRevolution ... 49
2. HowtheresistanceofGovernmentsmayovercome Revolution ... 53
3. Revolutionseffectedby Governments. Examples: China,Turkey,&c. 54
4. Social elements which survive the changes of Government after
Revolution ... ... ... ... ... ... 58
PAGE
CHAPTER IV. THE PART PLAYED BY THE PEOPLE IN REVOLUTIONS... 60
1. The
stabilityandmalleability of the nationalmind ... ... 60
2. HowthePeopleregards Revolution ... ... ... ... 63
3. ThesupposedpartofthePeopleduring Revolution ... ... 66
4. Thepopularentityanditsconstituentelements ... ... ... 69
BOOK
IITHE FORMS OF MENTALITY PREVALENT DURING
REVOLUTION
CHAPTER I. INDIVIDUAL VARIATIONS OF CHARACTER IN TIME OF
REVOLUTION ... ... ... ... ... ... 75
1. Transformationsof Personality ... ... ... -"75
2. Elementsof characterpredominantintime ofRevolution... ... 77
CHAPTERII. THE MYSTIC MENTALITY AND THEJACOBIN MENTALITY 86
1. Classificationof mentalitiespredominantintime of Revolution ... 86
2. TheMysticMentality ... ... ... ... ... 87
3. TheJacobinMentality ... ... ... ... ... 92
CHAPTER III. THE REVOLUTIONARY AND CRIMINAL MENTALITIES ... 97
1. TheRevolutionary Mentality... ... ... ... ... 97
2. The Criminal Mentality ... ... ... ... ... 99
CHAPTER IV. THE PSYCHOLOGY OF REVOLUTIONARY CROWDS ... 102
1. Generalcharacteristicsof thecrowd ... ... ... ... 102
2. Howthe stability of the racial mind limits the oscillations of the
mindof thecrowd ... ... ... ... ... ... 105
3. Ther61eof the leaderinRevolutionaryMovements ... ... 109
CHAPTER V. THE PSYCHOLOGY OFTHE REVOLUTIONARY ASSEMBLIES 113
1.
Psychologicalcharacteristicsof the great Revolutionary Assemblies... 113
2. ThePsychologyof the RevolutionaryClubs ... ... ... 116
3.
A
suggested explanation of the progressive exaggeration ofsenti-mentsinassemblies ... ... ... ... ... 119
PART
IIBOOK
ITHE
ORIGINS OFTHE
FRENCH
REVOLUTION
CHAPTER I. THEOPINIONS OF HISTORIANS CONCERNING THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION ... ... ... ... ... ... 123 1. TheHistorians of the Revolution ... ... ... ... 123 2. Thetheory of Fatalisminrespect of the Revolution ... ... 126
3. Thehesitationof recent Historians of the Revolution ... ... 130
4. ImpartialityinHistory ... ... ... ... ... 133
CHAPTER II. THE PSYCHOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE
REGIME ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 137 1. TheAbsoluteMonarchyandtheBasisof theAncienRegime ... 137
2. Theinconveniences of theAncienRegime ... ... ... 138
3. LifeundertheAncienRegime... ... ... ... ... 141
4. Evolution ofMonarchicalfeelingduring the Revolution ... ... 144
CHAPTER III. MENTAL ANARCHY AT THE TIME OF THE REVOLUTION AND THE INFLUENCE ATTRIBUTED TO THE PHILOSOPHERS ... 147
1. OriginandPropagation of Revolutionary Ideas ... .. ... 147 2. Thesupposedinfluence of the Philosophers of the eighteenth century
upontheGenesis of the Revolution. TheirdislikeofDemocracy... 152
3. The philosophical ideas of the Bourgeoisie at the time of the
Revolution ... ... ... ... ... ... 156
CHAPTER IV. PSYCHOLOGICAL ILLUSIONS RESPECTING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION ... ... ... ... ... ... 158
1. Illusionsrespecting PrimitiveMan,the returntotheState of Nature,
andthePsychologyof thePeople ... ... ... "-158
2. Illusionsrespecting the possibilityof separating Man from his Past
andthepowerofTransformationattributedtotheLaw ... ... 160
3. Illusionsrespecting the TheoreticalValueof the great Revolutionary
Principles... ... ... ... ... ... ... 162
BOOK
IITHE
RATIONAL, AFFECTIVE, MYSTIC,AND
COLLECTIVEINFLUENCES
ACTIVEDURING
THE REVOLUTION
CHAPTER I. THE PSYCHOLOGY OFTHE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY ... 167
1. Psychological influencesactiveduring theFrench Revolution ... 167
2. Dissolution of the Ancien Regime. Theassembling of the
States-General ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 170
3. TheconstituentAssembly ... ... ... ... ... 172
CHAPTER II. THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY ... 183
1. Politicalevents during thelifeof the LegislativeAssembly ... 183
2. Mentalcharacteristicsof theLegislativeAssembly ... ... 185
CHAPTER III. THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE CONVENTION ... ... 190 1. The Legendof theConvention ... ... ... ... 190 2. Results of thetriumphof the Jacobin Religion ... ... ... 193
3. Mentalcharacteristicsof theConvention ... ... 197
CHAPTER IV. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CONVENTION ... ... 202
1. Theactivityof theClubs andtheCommuneduring theConvention... 202
2. The GovernmentofFranceduring theConvention:theTerror ...
205 3. TheEndof the Convention. TheBeginningsof the Directory ... 2IO
PAGE
CHAPTER V. INSTANCES OF REVOLUTIONARY VIOLENCE ... ... 213 1. PsychologicalCausesof Revolutionary Violence ... ... ... 213
2. TheRevolutionary Tribunals ... ... ... ... ...215
3. TheTerrorintheProvinces ... ... ... ... ... 218
CHAPTER VI. THE ARMIES OF THE REVOLUTION ... ... ... 223 1. The RevolutionaryAssembliesandtheArmies ... ... ... 223
2. TheStruggle ofEuropeagainst the Revolution ... ... ... 224 3. Psychological and Military Factorswhich determined the successof
the RevolutionaryArmies ... ... ... ... ... 227
CHAPTER VII. PSYCHOLOGY OFTHE LEADERS OF THE REVOLUTION... 232 1. Mentality of themenof the Revolution. Therespective influence of
violentandfeeble characters ... ... ... ... ... 232
2. Psychologyof theCommissariesor Representatives"onMission" ... 234
3. Danton andRobespierre ... ... ... ... ... 238 4. Fouquier-Tinville,Marat,Billaud-Varenne, &c. ... ... ... 245
5. The destiny of those Members of the Conventionwhosurvived the
Revolution ... ... ... ... ... ... 250
BOOK
IIITHE
CONFLICTBETWEEN
ANCESTRAL
INFLUENCESAND
REVOLUTIONARY
PRINCIPLESCHAPTER I. THE LAST CONVULSIONS OF ANARCHY. THE DIRECTORY 252 1. Psychologyof the Directory ... .... ... ... ... 252
2. Despotic Government of the Directory. Recrudescence of the
Terror ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 255
3. TheAdventofBonaparte ... ... ... ... ... 259 4. Causesof theDurationof theRevolution ... ... ... 262
CHAPTERII. THERESTORATION OFORDER. THECONSULARREPUBLIC 265
1. Howtheworkof theRevolutionwasconfirmed bytheConsulate ... 265 2. There-organisation ofFrance bytheConsulate ... ... ... 267
3. Psychologicalelements which determined the success of thework of theConsulate ... ... ... ... ... ... 270
CHAPTER III. POLITICAL RESULTS OFTHECONFLICTBETWEEN TRADI-TIONS AND THE REVOLUTIONARY PRINCIPLES DURING THE
LAST CENTURY ... ... ... ... ... ... 275 1. The psychological causes of the continued RevolutionaryMovements
towhich Francehasbeensubject ... ... ... ... 275
2. Summaryofa century's RevolutionaryMovementsinFrance ... 280
PART
IIITHE
RECENT
EVOLUTION
OF
THE
RE
VOL
UTIONAR Y
PRINCIPLES
PAGE
CHAPTER I. THE PROGRESS OF DEMOCRATIC BELIEFS SINCE THE REVOLUTION ... ... ... ... ... ... 289 1. Gradualpropagation ofDemocraticIdeasaftertheRevolution ... 289 2. The unequal influence of the three fundamental principles of the
Revolution ... ... ... ... ... ... 292
3. The Democracyof the "Intellectuals"andPopularDemocracy ... 293
4. NaturalInequalitiesand DemocraticEqualisation ... ... 296
CHAPTER II. THE RESULTS OF DEMOCRATIC EVOLUTION ... ... 300 1. Theinfluenceuponsocialevolution of theories ofnorationalvalue ... 300
2. TheJacobinSpiritandthe Mentality createdby DemocraticBeliefs... 302 3. Universal Suffrageanditsrepresentatives ... ... ... 307
4. ThecravingforReforms ... ... ... ... ... 310
5. Socialdistinctions inDemocracies and Democratic Ideas in various
countries ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 312
CHAPTER III. THE
NEW
FORMS OF DEMOCRATIC BELIEF ... ... 3161. TheconflictbetweenCapitalandLabour ... ... ...316
2. Theevolutionof theWorkingClassesandthe SyndicalistMovement 318
3. Whycertain modern Democratic Governments are gradually being
transformedintoGovernmentsbyAdministrativeCastes... ... 322
Psychology
of Revolution
INTRODUCTION
THE
REVISION
OF HISTORY
THE
presentage
is not merelyan epoch
ofdiscovery;it is also a period of revision of the various elements of knowledge.
Having
recognised that there areno
phenomena
ofwhich
the first cause is still accessible, science hasresumed
the examination of her ancient certitudes,and
hasproved
their fragility.To-day
she sees her ancient principles vanishingone by
one.Mechanics
is losing its axioms,and
matter, formerlythe eternal substratum of the worlds,
becomes
a simple aggregate ofephemeral
forces in transitory condensation.Despite its
conjectural side,
by
virtue ofwhicn
itto
some
extent escapes the severestform
of criticism,history has not
been
freefrom
this universal revision.There
isno
longer a singleone
of its phases ofwhich
we
can say that it is certainlyknown.
What
appeared
to be definitely acquired is
now
oncemore
put inquestion.
Among
the eventswhose
studyseemed
completedwas
theFrench
Revolution.Analysed
by
severalgenerations of writers,
one
might
suppose it to bePsychology
of Revolution
perfectly elucidated.
What
new
thing can be said of it, except in modification ofsome
of its details?And
yet itsmost
positive defenders are beginning to hesitate in their judgments.Ancient
evidence proves to be far from impeccable.The
faith indogmas
once held sacred is shaken.The
latestlite-rature of the Revolution betrays these uncertainties.
Having
related,men
aremore
and
more
chary ofdrawing
conclusions.Not
only are the heroes of this greatdrama
dis-cussed without indulgence, but thinkers are asking
whether
thenew
dispensationwhich
followed theancien regime
would
nothave
established itselfnatu-rally, without violence, in the course of progressive civilisation.
The
results obtainedno
longerseem
in correspondence either with theirimmediate
cost or with the remoter consequenceswhich
the Revolutionevoked from
the possibilities of history.Several causes
have
led to the revision ofthistragicperiod.
Time
hascalmed
passions,numerous
docu-ments
have
graduallyemerged
from the archives,and
the historian is learning to interpretthem
independently.But
it is perhapsmodern
psychology that hasmost
effectually influenced our ideas,
by
enabling usmore
surely to readmen
and
the motives of their conduct.Among
those of. its discoverieswhich
arehence-forth applicable to'history
we
must
mention,above
all, amore
profound understanding of ancestralin-fluences, the laws
which
rule the actions of the crowd, data relating to the disaggregation of personality, mental contagion, the unconscious formation ofbeliefs,and
the distinctionbetween
the various forms oflogic.To
tell the truth, these applications of science,which
are utilised in this book,have
notbeen
soutilised hitherto. Historians
have
generally stoppedshort at the study of documents,
and even
that studyis sufficient to excite the doubts of
which
Ihave
spoken.
The
great eventswhich
shape the destinies of peoples revolutions, for example,and
the outbreak of religious beliefs aresometimes
so difficult to explain thatone
must
limit oneself to amere
statement.From
the time ofmy
first historical researches Ihave been
struckby
the impenetrable aspect ofcer-tain essential
phenomena,
those relating to the genesis of beliefs especially; I felt convinced that something-fundamentalwas
lacking thatwas
essential to their interpretation.Reason
having
said all it could say,nothing
more
could be expected of it,and
othermeans
must
be sought ofcomprehending what had
notbeen
elucidated.For
a long time these important questionsremained
obscure to me.
Extended
travel, devoted to thestudy of the
remnants
of vanished civilisations,had
not
done
much
tothrow
lightupon
them.Reflecting
upon
it continually, Iwas
forced to recognise that theproblem
was composed
of a series of other problems,which
I shouldhave
to study separately.This
I did for a period of twenty years, presenting the results ofmy
researches in a succession of volumes.One
of the firstwas
devoted to the study of the psychologicallawsof the evolution of peoples.Having
Psychology
shown
that the historic races that is, the racesformed
by
the hazards of history finally acquiredpsychological characteristics as stable as their ana-tomical characteristics, I attempted to explain
how
a people transforms its institutions, its languages,
and
its arts. I explained in thesame work
why
itwas
that individual personalities,
under
the influence ofsudden
variations of environment,might
be entirelydisaggregated.
But
besides the fixed collectivitiesformed by
the peoples, there are mobileand
transitory collectivitiesknown
as crowds.Now
thesecrowds
or mobs,by
the aid of
which
the greatmovements
of history areaccomplished,
have
characteristics absolutely different from those of the individualswho
compose
them.What
are these characteristics,and
how
are they evolved?This
new
problem was examined
inThe
Psychology
of
theCrowd.
Only
after these studies did I begin to perceivecertain influences
which had
escaped me.But
thiswas
not all.Among
themost
importantfactors of history
one was
preponderant the factor ofbeliefs.
How
are these beliefs born,and
are they really rationaland
voluntary, aswas
long taught?Are
they not rather unconsciousand
independent ofall reason?
A
difficult question,which
I dealt with inmy
last book, Opinionsand
Beliefs.So
long as psychology regards beliefs as voluntaryand
rational they will remain inexplicable.Having
proved
that they are usually irrationaland
alwaysinvoluntary, I
was
able topropound
the solution ofthis important
problem
;how
itwas
that beliefswith-out difficulty
by
themost
enlightened spirits ofall ages.
The
solution of the historical difficultieswhich
had
so long
been
soughtwas
thenceforth obvious. Iarrived at the conclusion that beside the rational logic
which
conditions thought,and
was
formerly regardedas our sole guide, there exist very different forms of logic: affective
logic, collective logic,
and
mystic logic,which
usually overrule the reasonand engender
thegenerative impulses of our conduct.
This
fact well established, itseemed
tome
evident that if a greatnumber
of historical events are oftenuncomprehended,
it is becausewe
seek to interpretthem
in the light of a logicwhich
in reality has verylittle influence
upon
their genesis.All these researches,
which
are heresummed
up
ina few lines,
demanded
long years for their accomplish-ment. Despairing of completing them, Iabandoned
them
more
than once to return to those labours of the laboratory inwhich one
is always sure of skirting thetruth
and
of acquiring fragments at least ofcerti-tude.
But
while it is very interesting to explore the world of materialphenomena,
it is stillmore
so to deciphermen,
forwhich
reason Ihave
alwaysbeen
ledback
to psychology.
Certain principles
deduced
from
my
researches appearing likely to prove fruitful, I resolved to applythem
to the study of concrete instances,and was
thus led to deal with thePsychology
of Revolutions notably that of theFrench
Revolution.Psychology
the greater part of the opinions determined
by
the reading ofbooks
desertedme
one by
one, althoughI
had
consideredthem
unshakable.To
explain this periodwe
must
consider it as awhole, as
many
historianshave
done. It iscomposed
of
phenomena
simultaneous but independent ofone
another.
Each
of its phases reveals eventsengendered by
psychological lawsworking
with the regularity of clockwork.The
actors in this greatdrama seem
tomove
like the characters of a previously determined drama.Each
sayswhat he must
say, acts ashe
isbound
to act.To
be sure, the actors in the revolutionarydrama
differedfrom
those of a writtendrama
in that theyhad
not studied their parts, but thesewere
dictatedby
invisible forces.Precisely because they
were
subjected to the inevitable progression of logics incomprehensible tothem
we
seethem
as greatly astonishedby
the events ofwhich
theywere
the heroes as arewe
ourselves.Never
did they suspect the invisiblepowers which
forcedthem
to act.They
were
themasters neither of their fury nor their weakness.
They
spoke
in thename
of reason, pretending tobe guided
by
reason, but in reality itwas
by no
means
reason that impelled them."
The
decisions forwhich
we
are sogreatly reproached," wrote Billaud-Varenne,
"were
more
often than otherwise not intended or desiredby
ustwo
days oreven
one
day
beforehand: the crisisalone
evoked
them."Not
thatwe
must
consider the events of the 16Revolution as
dominated
by an
imperious fatality.The
readers of ourworks
willknow
thatwe
recognisein the
man
of superior qualities the role of avertingfatalities.
But
he
can dissociate himself onlyfrom
a few of such,
and
is often powerless before the sequence of eventswhich even
at their origin could scarcely be ruled.The
scientistknows
how
to destroy the microbe before it has time to act, buthe
knows
himself powerless to prevent the evolution of the resulting malady.When
any
question gives rise to violently contra-dictory opinionswe
may
be sure that it belongs to the province of beliefsand
not to that of knowledge.We
have
shown
in a precedingwork
that belief,of unconscious origin
and
independent of all reason,can never
be
influencedby
reason.The
Revolution, thework
of believers, hasseldom
been judged by any
but believers.Execrated
by
some
and
praisedby
others, it hasremained one
ofthose
dogmas
which
are accepted or rejected as a whole, without the intervention of rational logic.Although
in its beginnings areligious or political
revolution
may
very well be supportedby
rational elements, it is developed onlyby
the aid of mysticand
affective elementswhich
are absolutely foreign to reason.The
historianswho
have judged
the events of theFrench
Revolution in thename
of rational logic couldnot
comprehend
them, since thisform
of logic did not dictate them.As
the actors of these events themselves understoodthem
but ill,we
shall not befar from the truth in saying that our Revolution
Psychology
was
aphenomenon
equally misunderstoodby
thosewho
caused itand by
thosewho
have
described it.At
no
period of history didmen
so little grasp the present, so greatly ignore the past,and
so poorly divine the future.. . .
The
power
of the Revolution did not residein the principles
which
for that matterwere
any-thing but novel
which
it sought to propagate, nor in the institutionswhich
it sought to found.The
people cares very little for institutions
and even
lessfor doctrines.
That
the Revolutionwas
potentindeed, that it
made
France
accept the violence, the murders, the ruinand
the horror of a frightfulcivil war, that finally it defended itself victoriously
against a
Europe
in arms,was due
to the fact thatit
had
founded
not anew
system
ofgovernment
but a
new
religion.Now
historyshows
ushow
irresistible is the
might
of a strong belief. Invin-cibleRome
herselfhad
tobow
before the armies ofnomad
shepherds illuminatedby
the faith ofMahommed.
For
thesame
reason the kings ofEurope
could not resist the tatterdemalion soldiers of the Convention.Like
all apostles, theywere
ready to
immolate
themselves in the soleend
of propagating their beliefs,which
according to theirdream
were
torenew
the world.The
religion thusfounded had
the force of other religions, if not their duration.Yet
it did not perish without leaving indelible traces,and
itsinfluence is active still.
We
shall not consider the Revolution as a clean 18sweep
in history, as its apostles believed it.We
know
that to demonstrate their intention of creating a world distinctfrom
the old they initiated anew
era
and
professed to break entirely with allvestiges of the past.
But
the past never dies. It iseven
more
trulywithin us than without us.
Against
their will the reformers of the Revolutionremained
saturated with the past,and
could only continue,under
other names, the traditions of themonarchy,
even
ex-aggerating the autocracyand
centralisation of the old system. Tocquevillehad no
difficulty in proving that the Revolution did little but overturn thatwhich
was
about to fall.If in reality the Revolution destroyed but little
it favoured the fruition of certain ideas
which
con-tinued thenceforth to develop.The
fraternityand
liberty
which
it proclaimed never greatly seduced the peoples, but equalitybecame
their gospel : thepivot of socialism
and
of the entire evolution ofmodern
democratic ideas.We
may
therefore say that the Revolution did notend
with the advent ofthe
Empire,
nor with the successive restorationswhich
followed it. Secretly or in the light of
day
it hasslowly unrolled itself
and
still affects men's minds.The
study of theFrench
Revolution towhich
a great part of thisbook
is devoted will perhapsdeprive the reader of
more
thanone
illusion,by
proving to
him
that thebooks which
recount the history of the Revolution contain in reality amass
of legends veryremote from
reality.These
legends will doubtless retainmore
life thanPsychology
history itself.
Do
not regret this too greatly. Itmay
interest a few philosophers toknow
the truth,but the peoples will always
prefer dreams. Synthe-tising their ideal, such
dreams
will always constitutepowerful motives of action.
One
would
lose couragewere
it not sustainedby
false ideas, said Fontenelle.Joan
of Arc, the Giants of the Convention, the Imperial epic all these dazzlingimages
of the pastwill always
remain
sources ofhope
in thegloomy
hours that follow defeat.They
form
part of thatpatrimony
of illusions left usby
our fathers,whose
power
is often greater than that of reality.The
dream, the ideal, the legend in a word, the unreal
THE
PSYCHOLOGICAL
ELEMENTS
OF
GENERAL
CHARACTERISTICS
OF
REVOLUTIONS
CHAPTER
ISCIENTIFIC
AND
POLITICAL
REVOLUTIONS
i. Classification
of
Revolutions.WE
generally apply theterm
revolution tosudden
political changes, but the expression
may
beemployed
to denote allsudden
transformations, or transforma-tions apparently sudden,whether
of beliefs, ideas, or doctrines.We
have
considered elsewhere the part playedby
the rational, affective,and
mystic factors in the genesis of the opinionsand
beliefswhich
determine conduct.We
need
not therefore return to the subject here.A
revolutionmay
finallybecome
a belief, but itoften
commences
under
the action ofperfectly rational motives : thesuppression of crying abuses, of a detested despotic
government,
oran
unpopularsovereign, &c.
Although
the origin of a revolutionmay
be
per-fectly rational,
we
must
not forget that the reasons invoked in preparing for itdo
not influence thecrowd
Psychology
until they
have
been
transformed into sentiments. Rational logic can point to the abuses to be destroyed, but tomove
the multitude itshopes
must
beawakened.
This
can only be effectedby
the actionof the affective
and
mystic elementswhich
giveman
the
power
to act.At
the time of theFrench
Revo-lution, for example, rational
logic, in the
hands
of thephilosophers,
demonstrated
the inconveniences of the ancien regime,and
excited the desire tochange
it.Mystic logic inspired belief in the virtues ofa society created in all its
members
according to certain principles. Affective logic unchained the passions confinedby
thebonds
of agesand
led to the worst excesses. Collective logic ruled the clubsand
the Assembliesand
impelled theirmembers
to actionswhich
neither rational nor affective nor mystic logicwould
everhave
causedthem
to commit.Whatever
its origin, a revolution is not productiveofresults until it has
sunk
into the soul of the multi-tude.Then
events acquire special forms resulting from the peculiar psychology of crowds. Popularmovements
for this reasonhave
characteristics sopronounced
that the description ofone
will enable usto
comprehend
the others.The
multitude is, therefore, the agent of arevolu-tion ; but not its point of departure.
The
crowd
represents
an
amorphous
beingwhich
cando
nothing,and
will nothing, without ahead
to lead it. It willquickly
exceed
the impulse once received, but it nevercreates it.
The
sudden
political revolutionswhich
strike thehistorian
most
forcibly are often the least important.The
great revolutions are those ofmanners
and
thought.
Changing
thename
of agovernment
does not transform the mentality of a people.To
over-throw
the institutions of a people is not to re-shapeits soul.
The
true revolutions, thosewhich
transform the destinies of the peoples, aremost
frequently accom-plished so slowly that the historians can hardly point to their beginnings.The
term evolution is, therefore,far
more
appropriate than revolution.The
various elementswe
have enumerated
as enter-ing into the genesis of the majority of revolutions will not suffice to classify them. Considering only the designed object,we
will dividethem
into scientific revolutions, political revolutions,and
religiousrevolu-tions.
2. Scientific Revolutions.
Scientific revolutions are
by
far themost
important.Although
they attract but little attention, they areoften fraught with
remote
consequences, such as arenot
engendered
by
political revolutions.We
willtherefore put
them
first, althoughwe
cannot studythem
here.For
instance, if our conceptions of the universehave
profoundlychanged
since the time of the Revolution, it is because astronomical discoveriesand
the application of experimentalmethods have
revolutionised them,
by
demonstratingthatphenomena,
insteadofbeing conditionedby
the caprices of the gods, are ruledby
invariable laws.Such
revolutions are fittinglyspoken
of asevolu-tion,
on
account of their slowness.But
there are others which, although of thesame
order, deserve thename
of revolutionby
reason of their rapidity :we
Psychology
Revolution
may
instance the theories of Darwin, overthrowingthe
whole
science of biology in a few years; thedis-coveries of Pasteur,
which
revolutionised medicine during the lifetime of their author ;and
the theory ofthe dissociation of matter, proving that the atom, formerly
supposed
to be eternal, is notimmune
from
the laws
which
condemn
all the elements of theuniverse to decline
and
perish.These
scientific revolutions in thedomain
of ideas are purely intellectual.Our
sentimentsand
beliefsdo
not affect them.
Men
submit tothem
withoutdis-cussing them.
Their
results being controllableby
experience, they escape all criticism.
3. Political Revolutions.
Beneath
and
veryremote
from
these scientificrevolutions,
which
generate the progress of civilisa-tions, are the religiousand
political revolutions,which
have no
kinship with them.While
scientificrevolu-tions derivesolely from rational elements, political
and
religious beliefs are sustained almost exclusively
by
affective
and
mystic factors.Reason
plays only afeeble part in their genesis.
I insisted at
some
length inmy
book
Opinionsand
Beliefs
on
the affectiveand
mystic origin of beliefs,showing
that a political or religious belief constitutesan
act of faith elaborated in unconsciousness, over which, in spite of all appearances, reason hasno
hold.I also
showed
that belief often reaches such a degree of intensity that nothing can beopposed
to it.The
man
hypnotisedby
his faithbecomes
an
Apostle,ready to sacrifice his interests, his happiness,
and even
his life for the triumph of his faith.The
absurdity ofhis beliefmatters little; for
him
it is a burning reality.Certitudes of mystic origin possess the marvellous
power
of entire domination over thought,and
canonly be affected
by
time.By
the very fact that it is regarded asan
absolute truth a belief necessarilybecomes
intolerant.This
explains the violence, hatred,
and
persecutionwhich
were
the habitualaccompaniments
of the great politicaland
religious revolutions, notably of theReformation
and
theFrench
Revolution.Certain periods of
French
historyremain
incom-prehensible ifwe
forget the affectiveand
mystic origin ofbeliefs, their necessary intolerance, the impossibility of reconcilingthem
when
theycome
into mutual contact, and, finally, thepower
conferredby
mysticbeliefs
upon
the sentimentswhich
place themselves at their service.The
foregoing conceptions are too novel as yet tohave
modified the mentality of the historians.They
will continuetoattempt to explain,
by
means
ofrationallogic, a host of
phenomena
which
are foreign to it.Events
such as the Reformation,which
over-whelmed
France
for a period of fifty years,were
inno
wise determinedby
rational influences.Yet
rational influences are always
invoked
in explanation,even
in themost
recent works.Thus,
in theGeneral
History of Messrs. Lavisse
and
Rambaud,
we
read the following explanation oftheReformation
:"It
was
a spontaneousmovement,
born hereand
there amidst the people, from the reading of the Gospels
and
the free individual reflectionswhich
were
suggested to simple personsby
an
extremely pious conscienceand
a very bold reasoning power."Psychology
Contrary to the assertion of these historians,
we
may
say with certainty, in the first place, that suchmovements
are never spontaneous,and
secondly, that reason takesno
part in their elaboration.The
force of the politicaland
religious beliefs whichhave
moved
the world resides precisely in the fact that, being born ofaffectiveand
mystic elements, they are neither created nor directedby
reason.Political or religious beliefs
have
acommon
originand obey
thesame
laws.They
areformed
not withthe aid of reason, but
more
often contrary to allreason.
Buddhism,
Islamism, the Reformation, Jacobinism, Socialism, &c.,seem
very different forms of thought.Yet
theyhave
identical affectiveand
mystic bases,
and obey
a logic that hasno
affinitywith rational logic.
Political revolutions
may
result from beliefs estab-lished in theminds
ofmen,
butmany
other causes produce them.The
word
discontentsums them
up.As
soon as discontent is generalised a party isformed
which
oftenbecomes
strongenough
to struggleagainst the
Government.
Discontent
must
generallyhave been
accumulatingfor a long time in order to produce its effects.
For
this reason a revolution does not always represent aphenomenon
in process of termination followedby
anotherwhich
iscommencing,
but rather a continuousphenomenon, having
somewhat
accelerated itsevolu-tion. All the
modern
revolutions, however,have been
abrupt
movements,
entailing the instantaneousover-throw
of governments. Such, for example,were
theBrazilian,Portuguese, Turkish,
and
Chineserevolutions.To
the contrary ofwhat might be
supposed, the 28very conservative peoples are addicted to the
most
violent revolutions.Being
conservative, they are not able to evolve slowly, or to adapt themselves to varia-tions of environment, so thatwhen
the discrepancybecomes
tooextreme
they arebound
to adaptthem-selves suddenly.
This sudden
evolution constitutes a revolution.Peoples able to adapt themselves progressively
do
not always escape revolution. Itwas
onlyby
means
ofa revolution that the English, in 1688,
were
able to terminate the strugglewhich had dragged on
for a centurybetween
themonarchy,
which
sought tomake
itself absolute,and
the nation,which
claimed the right togovern
itself through themedium
of itsrepresentatives.
The
great revolutionshave
usuallycommenced
from the top, not
from
thebottom
; but once thepeople is unchained it is to the people that revolution
owes
its might.It is obvious that revolutions
have
never taken place,and
will never take place, save with the aid ofan
important fraction of thearmy.
Royalty
did not disappear inFrance
on
theday
when
LouisXVI.
was
guillotined, but at the precisemoment when
his mutinous troops refused to defend him.It is
more
particularlyby
mental contagion thatarmies
become
disaffected, being indifferentenough
atheart to the established order of things.
As
soon as the coalition of a few officershad
succeeded in over-throwing theTurkish
Government
theGreek
officers thought to imitatethem
and
tochange
their govern-ment, although therewas
no
analogybetween
thetwo
regimes.
Psychology
A
militarymovement
may
overthrow
agovernment
and
in theSpanish
republics theGovernment
ishardly ever destroyed
by
any
othermeans
but if therevolution is to
be
productive of great results itmust
always be based
upon
general discontentand
general hopes.Unless
it is universaland
excessive, discontentalone is not sufficient to bring about a revolution.
It is easy to lead a handful of
men
to pillage, destroy,and
massacre, but to raise awhole
people, orany
great portion of that people, calls for the continuous or repeated action of leaders.These
exaggerate the discontent; they persuade the discontented that thegovernment
is the sole cause of all the trouble, especially of the prevailing dearth,and
assuremen
that the
new
system proposed by
them
willengender
an
age
of felicity.These
ideas germinate, propa-gating themselvesby
suggestionand
contagion,and
themoment
arriveswhen
the revolution is ripe.In this fashion the Christian Revolution
and
theFrench
Revolutionwere
prepared.That
the latterwas
effected ina few
years, while the firstrequired
many, was due
to the fact that theFrench
Revolutionpromptly
had an
armed
force at its disposal, whileChristianity
was
long inwinning
material power. In the beginning its only adeptswere
the lowly,the poor,and
the slaves, filled with enthusiasmby
the prospect of seeing their miserable life transformed intoan
eternity of delight.
By
aphenomenon
of contagionfrom
below, ofwhich
history affords usmore
thanone
example, the doctrine finally invaded theupper
strataof the nation, but it
was
a long time beforean
emperor
considered thenew
faith sufficiently wide-spread to be adopted as the official religion.4.
The
Resultsof
Political Revolutions.When
a political party is triumphant it naturallyseeks to organise society in accordance with its interests.
The
organisation will differ accordinglyas the revolution has
been
effectedby
the soldiers, theRadicals, or the Conservatives, &c.
The new
lawsand
institutions willdepend on
the interests of the triumphant partyand
of the classeswhich
have
assisted it the clergy for instance.If the revolution has
triumphed
only after a violent struggle, aswas
the case with theFrench
Revolution, the victors will reject atone
sweep
thewhole
arsenal of the old law.The
supporters of the fallen regimewill be persecuted, exiled, or exterminated.
The
maximum
of violence in these persecutions isattained
when
the triumphant party is defending abeliefin addition to its material interests.
Then
theconquered
need
hope
forno
pity.Thus
may
beexplained the expulsion of the
Moors
from
Spain, the autodafds 'of the Inquisition, the executions of the Convention,and
the recent laws against the religious congregations in France.The
absolutepower
which
isassumed by
the victorsleads
them
sometimes
toextreme
measures, such as the Convention's decree that goldwas
to be replacedby
paper, thatgoods were
to be sold at determinedprices, &c.
Very
soon it runsup
against a wall ofunavoidable necessities,
which
turn opinion against itstyranny,
and
finally leave it defenceless before attack, as befell at theend
of theFrench
Revolution.The
Psychology
same
thinghappened
recently to a SocialistAustralian ministrycomposed
almost exclusively of working-men.It enacted laws so absurd,
and
accorded such privileges to the trade unions, that public opinion rebelled against it sounanimously
that in threemonths
itwas
overthrown.But
the caseswe
have
considered are exceptional.The
majority of revolutionshave been
accomplished in orderto place anew
sovereign in power.Now
thissovereign
knows
very well that the first condition of maintaining hispower
consists in not too exclusively favouring a single class, but in seeking to conciliateall.
To
do
this he will establish a sort of equilibriumbetween
them, so as not to bedominated by any one
of these classes.
To
allowone
class tobecome
pre-dominant
is tocondemn
himself presently to acceptthat class as his master.
This
law isone
of themost
certain of political psychology.
The
kings ofFrance
understood it very well
when
they struggled so energetically against theencroachments
first of the nobilityand
then of the clergy. Iftheyhad
notdone
so their fatewould
have
been
that of theGerman
Emperors
of theMiddle
Ages,who, excommunicated
by
the Pope,were
reduced, likeHenry
IV. at Canossa, tomake
a pilgrimageand
humbly
to sue for the Pope's forgiveness.This
same
law has continuallybeen
verified during the course of history.When
at theend
of theRoman
Empire
the military castebecame
prepon-derant, the
emperors
depended
entirelyupon
theirsoldiers,
who
appointedand deposed
them
at will.It
was
therefore a greatadvantage
forFrance
thatshe
was
so longgoverned
by
amonarch
almostabsolute,
supposed
to hold hispower
by
divine right,and
surrounded thereforeby
a considerable prestige.Without
suchan
authority he couldhave
controlledneither the feudal nobility, nor the clergy, nor the parliaments. If Poland, towards the
end
of the sixteenth century,had
also possessedan
absoluteand
respectedmonarchy,
shewould
nothave
descended
the path of decadencewhich
led to herdisappearance from the
map
of Europe.We
have
shewn
in this chapter that political revolutionsmay
beaccompanied by
important social transformations.We
shallsoon
seehow
slight are these transformationscompared
to thoseproduced
by
religious revolutions.CHAPTER
RELIGIOUS
REVOLUTIONS
i.
The
importanceof
the study ofReligiousRevolu-tions in respect
of
the comprehensionof
the great Political Revolutions.A
PORTION
of thiswork
will bedevoted
to theFrench
Revolution. It
was
full of acts of violencewhich
naturally
had
their psychological causes.These
exceptional events will always fill us withastonishment,
and
we
even
feelthem
to beinex-plicable.
They
become
comprehensible, however, ifwe
consider that theFrench
Revolution, constitutinga
new
religion,was
bound
toobey
the lawswhich
condition the propagation of all beliefs. Its fury
and
its
hecatombs
will thenbecome
intelligible.In studying the history of a great religious
revolu-tion, that of the Reformation,
we
shall see that anumber
of psychological elementswhich
figuredtherein
were
equally active during theFrench
Revolution. In both
we
observe the insignificant bearing of the rational value of a beliefupon
itspropagation, the inefficacy of persecution, the im-possibility of tolerance
between
contrary beliefs,and
the violence
and
the desperate struggles resultingfrom
the conflict of different faiths.We
also observe the exploitation of a beliefby
interests quitependent
of that belief. Finallywe
see that it isimpossible to modify the convictions of
men
without also modifying their existence.These phenomena
verified,we
shall see plainlywhy
the gospel of the Revolutionwas
propagatedby
thesame
methods
as all the religious gospels, notably thatof Calvin. It could not
have
been
propagatedotherwise.
But
although there are close analogiesbetween
the genesis of a religious revolution, such as the Reform-ation,and
that of a great political revolution like ourown, their
remote
consequences are very different,which
explains the difference of durationwhich
theydisplay. In religious revolutions
no
experience can reveal to the faithful that they are deceived, sincethey
would
have
togo
toheaven
tomake
thediscovery. In political revolutions experience quickly demonstrates the error of a false doctrine
and
forcesmen
toabandon
it.Thus
at theend
of the Directory the application of Jacobin beliefshad
ledFrance
to such a degree ofruin, poverty,
and
despair that the wildest Jacobins themselveshad
to renounce their system.Nothing
survived of their theories except a few principleswhich
cannot be verifiedby
experience, such as theuniversal happiness
which
equality shouldbestow
upon
humanity.2.
The
beginnings
of
theReformation
and
itsfirst disciples.
The
Reformation was
finally to exercise a profoundinfluence
upon
the sentimentsand
moral ideas of a great proportion ofmankind.
Modest
in itsPsychology
nings, it
was
at first a simple struggle against the abuses of the clergy, and, from a practical point of view, a return to the prescriptions of the Gospel. Itnever constituted, as has
been
claimed, an aspiration towardsfreedom
of thought. Calvinwas
as intolerant as Robespierre,and
all the theorists of theage
con-sidered that the religion of subjectsmust
be that of the princewho
governed
them.Indeed
in everycountry
where
the Reformationwas
established the sovereign replaced thePope
ofRome,
with thesame
rights
and
thesame
powers.In France, in default of publicity
and
means
of communication, thenew
faith spread slowlyenough
at first. It
was
about1520
thatLuther
recruited afew adepts,
and
only towards 1535was
thenew
belief sufficientlywidespread formen
toconsider it necessaryto burn its disciples.
In conformity with a
well-known
psychological law, these executionsmerely
favoured the propagation of the Reformation. Its first followers included priestsand
magistrates, butwere
principally obscure artisans.Their
conversionwas
effected almost exclusivelyby
mental contagion
and
suggestion.As
soon as anew
belief extends itself,we
seegrouped round
itmany
personswho
are indifferent tothe belief, but
who
find in it apretext or opportunity for gratifying their passions or their greed.
This
phenomenon
was
observed at thetimeof theReforma-tion in
many
countries, notably inGermany
and
inEngland.
Luther having
taught that the clergyhad
no
need
of wealth, theGerman
lords foundmany
merits in a faithwhich
enabledthem
to seizeupon
thegoods
of the Church.Henry
VIII. enriched himselfby
a similar operation. Sovereignswho
were
often molestedby
thePope
could as a rule only look favourablyupon
a doctrinewhich
added
religiouspowers
to their politicalpowers
and
made
each ofthem
a Pope.Far
from diminishing the absolutism of rulers, the Reformation only exaggerated it.3.
Rational
valueof
the doctrines ofthe Reformation.The
Reformation overturned all Europe,and
came
near to ruining France, of
which
itmade
a battle-fieldfor a period of fifty years.
Never
did a cause so insignificant from the rational point ofview
produce such great results.Here
isone
of the innumerable proofs of the factthat beliefs are propagated independentlyofall reason.
The
theological doctrineswhich
arousedmen'spassions so violently,and
notably those of Calvin, are noteven
worthy
ofexamination in the light ofrational logic.Greatly concerned about his salvation,
having
an excessive fear of the devil,which
his confessorwas
unable to allay,
Luther
sought the surestmeans
of pleasingGod
that hemight
avoid Hell.Having
commenced
by denying
thePope
the right to sellindulgences, he presentlyentirely denied his authority,
and
that of the Church,condemned
religious cere-monies, confession,and
the worship of the saints,and
declared that Christians should
have
no
rules of conduct other than the Bible.He
also consideredthat
no one
could be saved without the grace ofGod.
This
lasttheory,
known
as that of predestination,was
inLuther
rather uncertain, butwas
statedpre-cisely