772 COMMENTARIES
any beneficial effect on the clinical course.7 This has resulted in a decline in the use of ipecac as reported
in the massive data base reported yearly since 1983
by the American Association of Poison Control
Cen-ters. Ipecac use, for all types of ingestions, has gone
from 13.4% in 1983 to 6% in 1990.89 Since its use in
battery ingestions has no value and may be harmful,
it should not be used. One of the most disturbing
pieces of data in this study is the observation of use of salt, mustard, soapy water, etc, as emetic agents.
These agents have been contraindicated for more than
20 years. They are dangerous in all cases and must
never be used.1#{176}
While almost 10% of cases in this series had some
symptoms, most of these were not substantial and
only two patients had serious problems. Nonetheless,
proper and timely management should be provided
in all cases. There have been serious injuries reported including tracheoesophageal fistulas, perforation of
Meckel’s diverticulum, and esophageal burns.
Fortu-nately, these are not common; unfortunately, the
consequences can be devastating. Just as in ingestion
of corrosive drain cleaners, all ingestions MUST be
treated immediately with the view that serious
prob-lems may occur. An initial roentgenogram must be
performed as soon as a history of ingestion has been
obtained. The authors of the study have clearly
dem-onstrated that neither battery diameter nor symptoms were predictive of esophageal battery position.
We suggest that identification of the chemical
sys-tem and diameter is useful. This information can be
obtained by calling the local poison center or by
contacting the button battery hotline directly
(202-625-3333). If the battery is larger than 15 mm in
diameter, the chance of serious problems increases
both because of mechanical size and because mercury
may be contained in these larger cells.
If the battery has passed through the esophagus,
the risk of a serious problem is substantially reduced.
The study data suggest strongly that there is rarely a
need to attempt removal distal to the esophagus. The
exceptions to this are (1) the battery is larger than 15
mm in diameter in a child younger than 6 years old
that does not pass the pyborus in 48 hours and (2) the mercury-containing battery, which may fragment and
release mercury. In cases involving batteries other
than these exceptions, the stools can be observed and
neither frequent roentgenograms nor surgery is
usu-ably necessary.
Credit for this study must be shared by the battery
companies that funded this project. The authors
con-vinced this group to support the hotline and study.
This is an admirable response by industry
acknowl-edging a problem and responding appropriately, thus
benefiting all concerned including, most importantly, the patients.
CAROL M. Rucic MD
Dept of Radiology and Pediatrics University of Colorado Health Sciences
Center Denver
H. RUMACK, MD Dept of Pediatrics
Rocky Mountain Poison and Drug Center University of Colorado Health Sciences
Center
REFERENCES
I. Litovitz 1, Schmitz BF. Ingestion of cylindrical and button batteries: an analysis of 2382 cases. Pediatrics. 1992;89:747-757
2. Litovitz 1. Button battery ingestions: a review of 56 cases. JAMA.
1983;249:2495-2500
3. Studley JG, Linehan IP, Ogilvie AL, et al. Swallowed button batteries: is there a consensus on management? Gut. 1990;31:867-870
4. Berdon WE. Editorial comment. Pediatr Radiol. 1983;13:119 5. Rumack BH, Rumack CM. Diskbattery ingestion. JAMA.
1983;249:2509-2511
6. CampbellJB, Quattromani FL, Foley LC. Foley catheter removal of blunt esophageal foreign bodies: experience with 100 consecutive children.
Pediatr Radiol. 1983;13:116-118
7. Kulig KW, Bar-Or D, Cantrill SV, Rosen P, Rumack BH. Management of acutely poisoned patients without gastric emptying. Ann Emerg Med.
1985;14:562-567
8. Veltri JC, Utovitz U. 1983 annual report of the American Association
of Poison Control Centers National Data Collection System. Am IEmerg Med. 1984;2:420-443
9. Utovitz IL, Bailey KM. Schmitz BF, et al. 1990 annual report of the American Association of Poison Control Centers National Data Collec-tion System. Am IEmerg Med. 1991;9:461-509
10. Rumack BH, Spoerke DC, eds. POISINDEX Information System. Denver, CO: Micromedex mc; 1988-1991, through vol 71
Righting
the
Wrong
The evidence for the kinds of programs required to
meet children’s health needs has been frequently and
plainly demonstrated. The programs need to be
mul-tilayered, including welfare and educational aspects
in addition to health components. All Western
Euro-pean countries have such sociomedical plans in
op-eration. Not all are as well-organized or effective as
they might be, but in the Netherlands and
Scandi-navia, they are awesomely complete and effective.
Social measures augment and strengthen traditional
health services. Preventive measures are undertaken
across the board: nutrition enhancement in the
schools; home visits for immunization of very young
children; and after-school programs through the
school system to provide care, supervision, and beam-ing experiences. Medical care is part of a universal system. Specially trained nurses, home helpers, and school health attendants are part of the process.
American pediatricians and other children’s
advo-cates know this and most know about the European
experiences.’3 However, something in the American
credo seems to forbid a bold approach. In the recently
released Report from the National Commission on
Children, Beyond Rhetoric, the problems are presented frankly and fully, yet the recommendations are more
tentative.4 The Commission may be justified, in that
however minimal, the recommendations have been
Received for publication Nov 26, 1991; accepted Dec 2, 1991.
Reprint requests to (GAS.) Yale University School of Medicine, 590
Ell-sworth Aye, New Haven, CT 06511.
PEDIATRICS (ISSN 0031 4005). Copyright C 1992 by the American Acad-emy of Pediatrics.
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COMMENTARIES 773 met with only hesitant approval and discreet
indica-tions that not much is likely to happen.
A coherent, sociomedical plan to promote and
maintain child health is desperately needed: to meet
the scandalously high infant mortality rates in this
wealthy country, for one thing; to ensure preventive measures against clearly preventable diseases, for an-other; especially to offset the racially discriminatory patterns of health care delivery and the lack of access for poor, rural, and geographically isolated children;
and to offer organized approaches toward discovery
and treatment of neglected disabling and
handicap-ping conditions.
What prompts the most dedicated and concerned
advocates is American legislative history, the
his-tory of ‘incrementalism’ in social legislation.5’6 The excuse for introduction of small experimental pro-grams and limited approaches stems from belief in the basically incremental nature of social progress in
America. But in the past, incremental advances
fob-bowed on demands and popular pressure for much
broader and stronger measures. Adopting the small
increments as the goal frustrates progress toward any larger goal. Still, this is the decision of American social philosophers, child advocates, legislators: the pursuit
of a strategy of minimal effort-interim measures,
tinkering with the status quo, amending and correct-ing existing fragmented, inadequate authorizations, in an attempt to compensate for some part of obvious deficiencies.
‘Targeting!’ cannot be an effective answer when
the system itself is in chaos. Sincere reformers who
sponsor limited approaches may be stifling more
de-sirable restructuring. Unfortunately, with no clearly outlined goal toward which to strive, in the face of a
lack of strong and persuasive leadership for such a
goal and powerful opposition to any change, orderly
policy development is impossible.
One hopeful response has been to pursue
‘modebs’-demonstrations in a few modestly funded
programs to illustrate how infant mortality might be
reduced in a blasted slum, or a housing project, for
example-and the lessons learned diffused into the
larger society.7 Sometimes the effort is too narrowly focused, and the multifactorial elements are ignored. In focusing a program on ‘children bearing children,’
it should not be forgotten that condoms and sex
education and mothercrafting cannot compensate for
poor nutrition, miserable housing, or school
play-grounds that are syringe-littered wastelands where
drug dealers solicit sex for cocaine. The ‘culture of
poverty’ studies markedly resemble the studies of
tuberculosis prevalence 50 years ago, in their
La-marckian overtones of ‘nature’ versus ‘nurture.’
There are other defects in the modest approach,
particularly when the approach attempts to avoid, or disguise the reality of, hard questions. The hard ques-tion is how to guarantee all children the best of modern sociomedicab care. Shall proposals be
univer-sal or selective? For example, health programs
ad-dressed solely to the disadvantaged conceal the
in-adequacy of a child health system that fails all
chil-dren in some fashion. Shall a public program ignore
the needs of the better-off socioeconomic groups and
provide more for the poor than is available to those
groups whose taxes pay for the public program? Also,
targeting health programs on the ‘most in need’
depends on bong-term altruism, which ignores the
social maxim that long-term well-doing will weary even the best-intentioned.8
Incremental demands were not always the mode of
advocacy. In this century attitudes toward children’s health and welfare have ranged back and forth across the spectrum of concern and social action. Early social neglect of the poor and discrimination against minor-ities and immigrants were transformed by the current of Progressivism into public action on behalf of
chil-dren: child labor laws, the inauguration of White
House Conferences on Children, the establishment
of the Children’s Bureau, and the passage of the
Sheppard-Towner Act. Voluntary agencies kept in
step: there were settlement houses, clean-milk
cen-ters, clinics. The Depression accelerated activities on
behalf of children. In addition to the protection of
widows and orphans projected by the Social Security
Act, Title V especially, gave explicit evidence of sod-ety’s durable commitment to children’s health.
The fierce zealots of those times bearded the
Con-gress in its den, marched and wrote and orated on
behalf of children, seeking appropriate and complete
entry for their charges into better and healthier lives.
Sara Josephine Baker, Leona Baumgartner Martha
May Eliot, Annie Goodrich and Mary Putnam Jacobi, Florence Kelly and Julia Lathrop pushed and pressed
and harangued for the best and the most, never
sat-isfied that their accomplishments were enough.
Mar-tha Eliot’s ‘club’ of health program advocates that
met on the National Institutes of Health campus was
called ‘The Hundred Percenters.’
Thus the first steps toward comprehensive care for
children were taken. Some prejudicial preconceptions did remain, of course, so that not all the children
benefited to the same extent-many children in
mi-nority communities failed to benefit at all. Poverty still afflicted a significant number of families, and children in those families suffered the consequences
in a society dedicated to rationing of services by
income. Nevertheless, the children’s advocates had
dedicated themselves to accomplishing more, and
they sought to legislate broader and more inclusive programs and services for children.
Even in the dark days of the Depression, advances
in child health were made. After the 1930 White
House Conference on Children promulgating the
‘Children’s Charter,’ Title V of the Social Security
Act promised continuing vigorous steps toward a
comprehensive sociomedical program to guarantee
all
children a healthy start in life. The Depression stunted
the growth a bit, and World War II hampered
ad-vance, although the Emergency Maternity and
In-fancy Care program appeared as another step in that direction.
Following the war, when more comprehensive
ap-proaches to child health were considered, they were put off in expectation of a national health program, debated for the past half-century and always
antici-pated ‘imminently,’ so only modest and tentative
improvements were made. In the 1960s, after the
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774 COMMENTARIES
rebeffions of the poor, the blacks, and women, a
cornucopia of social legislation accompanied the
eco-nomic prosperity of that period, which did
signifi-cantly improve children’s situation. The number of impoverished families declined, and access to health services for children increased.
But this benign outpouring of public funds was
dissipated in the debts incurred as a result of the Vietnam War. The economic decline that followed, exacerbated by the stream of legislation favoring
mil-itary projects and benefiting the wealthy, turned the
clock back on all social legislation, and not just that
in behalf of children. The numbers of children
younger than 6 living in poverty has grown in 20
years from 3.4 million to 5.1 million. Not only is there
more poverty among children, there is more
home-lessness and less access to preventive services and
medical care. The Maternal and Child Health Block
Grant has gone from $457 million in 1981 to $587
million in 1991-a decline in view of inflation, and
ominous in terms of the added numbers of children in need.
The health professionals and children’s activists
who may be chastened and subdued by the long
years of declining legislative favor ought no longer
content themselves with nominal requests for
im-provement in services to children. The time has come
to challenge current values and reassert the primacy
of children’s needs, to demand soda! action of a
radically comprehensive kind. Those who speak for
the children will have to speak in a stronger voice.
No one knows better than those involved in creating
the National Commission on Children report that the
recommendations are basic demands, and not the
totality of what is required. To a nostalgic extent, the report echoes the ringing eloquence of Senator Walter
Mondale’s 1971 masterly address, ‘Justice for
Chil-dren.’9
It will be necessary to reorient the theoreticians and
strategists of political action, who see children as
minor players in the political struggle for legislative action. A reputable political scientist who has advised
a number of presidential candidates on health and
welfare matters over the years, in a public discourse
on the ‘imminent’ national health program, warns
his audience that children are not likely to benefit
from the development. To the audience of child care
workers, he proclaims, ‘You are just one more special interest group, and no more entitled to exceptional
consideration than others, who have more clout
any-how.’ (Theodore Marmon, personal communication)
It will be necessary to refresh the commitment of
the Department of Health and Human Services which
has not enunciated an overall child health policy, and press for such a policy statement from the President’s Domestic Council. This is a key objective for advocacy groups, because no national forum for the expression of children’s needs and rights exists. The White House
Conferences on Child Health, decennial meetings of
children’s advocates and public officials held between
1909 and 1970, are no longer available. Such
decen-nial conferences should be reinaugurated. The 1930
Conference produced the powerfully moving
‘Chil-dren’s Charter.’ President Hoover endorsed the
Charter and, in addition, subscribed to ‘A Child’s Bill of Rights.”#{176} President Bush’s pledge to the World
Summit on Children rings hollow in the light of the
actions of his administration. A renewed national
conference can reinvigorate congressional support. Perhaps the premier professional journal for pedia-tridans ought to reconsider its willingness to accept a
child health program that would place children in the
same precarious situation with regard to access and
cost inflation as Medicare does for the elderly.
Per-haps the most influential national advocacy group for
children would consider boldly lobbying for a
com-prehensive program rather than piecemeal
modifica-tion of Medicaid.
Children deserve much more than we ask for now,
and much more than the haphazard fragments of
legislation now being considered would offer. No
other industrially advanced or equally affluent coun-try is so niggardly with its expenditures for children. No European country lacks a maternity leave policy,
substantial day-care services, maternity and
chil-dren’s allowances, housing subsidies for families, or
a comprehensive health system accessible to all their
children. Those who cherish America’s children
should combine to design a rounded, comprehensive
social and health program, a true Children’s Health
Policy and Program, and establish a crusading orga-nization to achieve it.
GEORGE A. Snvn, MD
Yale University School of Medicine
New Haven, CT
REFERENCES
1. Kammerman SB. Maternity and parenting benefits: an international overview. In: Zigler E, Frank M. The Parental Leave Crisis. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press; 1988:235-244
2. Williams BC, Miller CA. Preventive Health Care for Young Children. New
York, NY: National Center for Clinical Infant Programs; 1991 3. Silver GA. Child Health: America’s Future. Germantown, MD: Aspen;
1978
4. National Commission on Children. Beyond Rhetoric. Washington, DC: Us Superintendent of Documents; 1991
5. Dahl RA, Lindbloom CE. Politics, Economics and Welfare. New York, NY:
Harper; 1953
6. Lindbloom CE. The science of ‘muddling through.’ Public Adm Rev.
1959;19:79-88
7. Schorr LB.Schorr D. Within OurReach. New York, NY: Anchor/Double-day; 1988
8. Sardell A. The US Experiment in Social Medicine. Pittsburgh, PA: Univer-sity of PittsbUrgh Press; 1988: chap 9
9. Mondale WF: Justice for children. Congressional Recorit December 9, 1970;116:197:420
10. ‘Children’s Charter’ and ‘Child’s Bill of Rights.’ In: Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Herbert Hoover, 1931. Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office; 1976:171-173. Document 124
The
Need
for Rational
Therapeutics
in the
Use
of Cough
and
Cold
Medicine
in Infants
Cough and cold medications (CCM) generally are
felt to be safe by both parents and health
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Righting the Wrong
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