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OF THE LIVED EXPERIENCES OF HMONG WOMEN LEADERS

A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of

California State University, Stanislaus

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Education

By Lena Moua

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CERTIFICATION OF APPROVAL

NAVIGATING MULTIPLE WORLDS: A QUALITATIVE STUDY OF THE LIVED EXPERIENCES OF HMONG

WOMEN LEADERS

by Lena Moua

Dr. Jim Riggs

Professor of Community College Education

Dr. Kou Yang

Professor of Ethnic and Gender Studies

Dr. Dennis Sayers

Professor of Teacher Education

04/20/11

04/20/11

04/20/11 Signed Certification of Approval Page is

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© 2011 Lena Moua

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iv DEDICATION

To my father, Chao Teng Yang, and my maternal grandmother, Ying Lor, who were not able to share this joyous occasion with me. Even if you are not

physically here, you will always be in my heart. Your memories kept me going when the going got tough.

To my husband, Blong Moua, whose constant belief, love, and patience supported me through thick and thin so that I could complete my dreams of acquiring an education. You are truly my inspiration and my light at the end of the tunnel.

To my children, Shawn, Matthew, Allan, Randy, and Teya, who have endured many days and nights without their mother. I hope this is a living testament for you on perseverance.

“In life, everyone is tired. The body will always be tired. However, if you push the heart, life is full of moments strung on the thread of time. It is impossible to give

your all to all of life, but incredibly possible to give your all to the moment because one moment only opens up possibilities to the next.”

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v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

“We need to always remember that we never achieve success alone. There are people all around us who help make it happen.”

-- Ginny Dye

I have truly been blessed with many meaningful people who have assisted me during my journey. First and foremost, I would like to thank my chair, Dr. Jim Riggs, for holding my hands through every stage of this journey and for the countless hours spent with revising this paper. Without your guidance and support, I would not have ever finished. My utmost gratitude to my committee member, Dr. Kou Yang, for keeping me informed and connected to the Hmong community. You have shown me a whole new world that I have only begun to realize. My appreciation to my other committee member, Dr. Dennis Sayers, for taking the time out of his life to personally guide me step-by-step through the data analysis phase. Thank you for helping me bring meaning to my work.

To my husband, thank you for believing in me from day one and for being my foundation to believe in myself. You have played multiple roles in my life. With you beside me, there is nothing I cannot conquer.

A special thanks to each of the nine amazing Hmong women who truly knows what the meaning of leadership is: sharing your knowledge and your experiences. Thank you for opening your doors and hearts for me to share your stories with the

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world. I appreciate your honesty and commitment to educating the community and aspiring women leaders about Hmong women’s experience and the Hmong culture in particular. Ua Tsaug.

To my colleagues, Michael Stratford, Justin McGehee and his wife (Rachel McGehee), Traci Miller, and everyone else who spent countless hours assisting me with revising this colossal document or simply lending an ear. I value your friendship, knowledge, and insights. It means so much to be amongst such honest and

compassionate people. You have taught me that success cannot happen alone.

Finally, long overdue gratitude to my mother, Chao Thor, a single parent who fought through disparities, traumatizing events, and unfathomable hardship to bring me to the United States so that I may enjoy the opportunities she never had. You could have easily given up and abandoned me in the jungles during the flight to Thailand, but you chose otherwise. This incredible feat symbolizes your unbelievable strength.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

Dedication ... iv

Acknowledgements... v

List of Tables ... vii

List of Figures ... viii

Abstract ... ix

Introduction... 1

Statement of the Problem... 5

Purpose of the Study ... 9

The Conceptual Frameworks ... 10

Operational Definitions... 13

Assumptions, Limitations, and Delimitations... 14

Significance of the Study ... 16

Conclusion ... 17

Review of the Literature ... 18

Historical Consideration ... 18

History of the Hmong... 19

Hmong in Laos: Culture and Gender Expectations... 30

Hmong in Laos: Leadership Designations ... 40

Hmong in the United States: Culture and Gender Expectations ... 42

Hmong in the United States: Leadership Designations... 47

Feminist Epistemology, Biculturalism, and Leadership ... 49

Conclusion ... 55 Methodology ... 56 Research Design... 57 Selection of Participants ... 60 Demographics of Participants ... 62 Instruments... 65 Procedures... 69

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Research Questions... 76

Trustworthiness... 79

Ethical Considerations ... 81

Procedure for Data Analysis ... 83

Conclusion ... 84

Results... 86

Data Collection and Analysis... 86

Researcher’s Re-Narration of the Participants’ Stories ... 89

Bao Vang: CEO/Businesswoman... 90

Bao: Life Journey... 90

Bao: Self-discovery... 92

Bao: Balancing a bicultural identity ... 94

Bao: Leadership attainment and experiences... 98

Fenglaly Lee: Gynecologist/Obstetrician... 100

Fenglaly: Life Journey ... 100

Fenglaly: Self-discovery ... 102

Fenglaly: Balancing a bicultural identity... 103

Fenglaly: Leadership attainment and experiences ... 105

Kao Kalia Yang: Nonfiction Writer ... 107

Kao Kalia: Life Journey... 107

Kao Kalia: Self-discovery... 108

Kao Kalia: Balancing a bicultural identity... 110

Kao Kalia: Leadership attainment and experiences... 113

Kaying Hang: Senior Program Officer... 114

Kaying: Life Journey ... 115

Kaying: Self-discovery ... 116

Kaying: Balancing a bicultural identity ... 118

Kaying: Leadership attainment and experiences ... 121

Kazoua Kong-Thao: Chairman of a School Board of Education... 123

Kazoua: Life Journey... 123

Kazoua: Self-discovery... 125

Kazoua: Balancing a bicultural identity... 126

Kazoua: Leadership attainment and experiences... 129

Koua Jacklyn Franz: Director of a Nonprofit Organization... 129

Koua: Life Journey ... 130

Koua: Self-discovery ... 131

Koua: Balancing a bicultural identity ... 132

Koua: Leadership attainment and experiences ... 135

Mee Moua: State Senator/Legislator... 136

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ix

Mee: Self-discovery ... 139

Mee: Balancing a bicultural identity... 140

Mee: Leadership attainment and experiences ... 143

Misty Her: Elementary School Principal... 145

Misty: Life Journey... 145

Misty: Self-discovery... 147

Misty: Balancing a bicultural identity... 149

Misty: Leadership attainment and experiences... 151

Pakou Hang: Campaign Organizer/Activist ... 153

Pakou: Life Journey ... 153

Pakou: Self-discovery ... 155

Pakou: Balancing a bicultural identity... 156

Pakou: Leadership attainment and experiences ... 157

Collective Story Map ... 159

Findings ... 160

Themes and Subthemes... 162

Theme 1: Factors contributing to participants’ leadership growth... 162

Subtheme 1.1: Impact of cultural background... 162

Subtheme 1.2: Experiences with poverty... 175

Theme 2: Strategies to attain and maintain leadership roles ... 178

Subtheme 2.1: Education as liberator ... 178

Subtheme 2.2: Inner strength ... 179

Subtheme 2.3: Networking and being accessible ... 181

Subtheme 2.4: Having support systems and role models ... 183

Theme 3: Barriers that confront participants... 186

Subtheme 3.1: Familial responsibility ... 187

Subtheme 3.2: Something gained but something lost... 190

Subtheme 3.3: Gender disparities ... 193

Subtheme 3.4: Racism and ageism ... 195

Evidence of Quality ... 197

Conclusion ... 198

Discussion and Recommendations ... 200

Overview of Study ... 200

Interpretation of Findings ... 201

Addressing Research Question 1 ... 201

Addressing Research Question 2 ... 203

Addressing Research Question 3 ... 204

Recommendations for Action ... 208

Recommendations for the Hmong Community ... 209

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x

Recommendations for Aspiring Women Leaders... 214

Recommendations for Further Studies... 214

Reflections of the Researcher ... 216

References... 220

Appendices... 232

A. Operational Definitions... 233

B. Research Questions ... 238

C. Organization Contact Letter ... 241

D. Organization Nomination/Response Form... 242

E. Contact Letter to Participate... 243

F. Confirmation Letter to Participate ... 245

G. Demographic Questionnaire ... 246

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xi

LIST OF TABLES

TABLE PAGE

1. Estimated Hmong Population in Major Countries in the World... 27

2. Leadership Descriptions... 63

3. Demographics of the Participants I ... 65

4. Length of Time to Complete Research Study ... 76

5. Demographics of the Participants II... 87

6. Collective Story Map ... 159

7. Emerged Themes... 161

8. Educational Level of Participants’ Parents and Grandparents ... 202

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LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE PAGE

1. Map of Laos. Retrieved from

http://www.geographyiq.com/images/la/Laos_map.gif.

Copyright 2002 by 111 GeographyIQcom. Reprinted with permission. ... 22 2. Hmong’s Building Structure. Retrieved from

http://www.bakubo.com/galleries/Laos/slides/hmong-village-2.jpg.

Copyright 2010 by Henry Richardson. Reprinted with permission. ... 23

3. Distribution of Hmong communities in the United States. Retrieved from http://news.newamericamedia.org/directory/getdata.asp?about_id=48071 4d0f85a29f2bf224826b49780b6-7. Copyright 2007 by ePodunk Inc.

Reprinted with permission... 29 4. Graphic Representation of Hmong Social Fabric. Copyright 2008 by

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xiii ABSTRACT

This qualitative narrative research study drew upon a case study approach and utilized face-to-face interviews to explore and understand the personal and professional lives of nine Hmong women leaders through two conceptual lenses (feminist and culture). Glaser and Strauss’ Models of Process and Theory was used to guide the research process, and the conceptual frameworks of Belenky, Clinchy, Goldberger, & Tarule (1986) and Alon & Higgins (2005) were utilized to guided the presentation of each participant’s life journey and intersections between culture and feminist

epistemology. This study found three major themes: 1) Factors that contributed to participants’ leadership development; 2) Strategies in attaining and maintaining leadership roles; 3) Barriers participants encountered. Each of the three major themes yielded various subthemes. Theme one had two subthemes: impact of cultural

background and experiences with poverty. Theme two had four subthemes:

educational as liberator, inner strength, networking and being accessible, and having support systems and role models. Theme three had four subthemes: familial

responsibilities, something lost but something gained, gender disparities, and racism and ageism. Understanding Hmong women's specific issues and impediments  will add to the existing body of knowledge about Hmong women and Hmong  women leaders as well as create an understanding to facilitate policy changes  regarding minority women in leadership roles.

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1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION

“Asian-American” was a term that emerged from the civil rights movement in the 1960s as a means to identify, unify, and reflect an awareness of Americans of Asian ancestry living in the United States (Ling, 2008, p. 2). However, this single racial classification represented over 30 distinct ethnic groups who varied in religion, language, values, immigration history, and customs (Prosser, 2001). By the year 2000, Ling (2008) noted that the census had counted more than 11 million Asian Americans from at least 28 ethnic groups (p. 3). By 2005, Orozco, Suárez-Orozco, and Todorova (2008) stated “there were over 35 million immigrants in the United States—some 12.4% of the United States’ population.” This indicated the rapidly changing demographics in the United States, yet there exist a gap in our understanding of the various groups of immigrants.

A large number of studies have already been done on Asian-Americans; however, those studies seem to reflect more of the first, larger groups of Asians who had immigrated to the United States voluntarily in search of job opportunities—the Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Filipinos, and Asian-American Indians. Even though a few of these groups continued to remain the largest Asian population in the United States (Chinese, 24%; Filipino, 20%; and Japanese, 12%), the Vietnam War, which concluded in 1975, brought in other refugee groups (i.e. Laotians, Cambodians,

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Vietnamese, Hmong, etc.), each accounting for roughly 2% or less of the Asian- American population (Ling, 2008, p. 3). These groups immigrated to the United States involuntarily due to political persecutions and war and remained understudied and underrepresented in the body of literature.

Many of the women from these new immigrant groups have experienced patriarchal oppression for generations. The Hmong is a group whose women have traditionally had few or no opportunities to attain leadership positions. Thus, studying women from the Hmong community can bring about discussions regarding this specific and other such minority groups.

Suárez-Orozco et al. (2008) noted that “immigration is a complex

multifaceted phenomenon involving many factors and variables that may be viewed through a variety of lenses” (p. 2). In understanding women’s experiences in

leadership roles, many researchers have stressed an urgency to include feminist perspectives and culture (Banutu-Gomez, 2002; Moua, 2007). Considering culture and feminism in leadership development suggested diverse, cultural experiences that can better prepare organizations to address the changes experienced in today’s fast-changing world. Furthermore, recent studies addressing the roles of culture and feminism as significant contributors to leadership development have argued that inclusion of cultural factors (gender, race, class, and religion) can bring change and dialogue to the existing andocentric paradigms of knowledge (Moua, 2007;

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that is written and known about these women, the better prepared organizations will be to address their needs.

Moua (2007) conducted a multicase study on 10 bicultural women to explore their leadership construction and practices; she discovered that bicultural women experienced an extremely biased leadership system. However, they persisted due to a strong family support system and their personal development of balancing roles. Yoshikawa (2006) conducted a case study exploring Hmong women’s traditional roles as they affect Hmong-American women leaders’ emergence into leadership roles and concluded that an ethnic identity blended with the presentation of personal individuality is what made Hmong-American women successful. Bell and Nkomo (2001) conducted a similar study on African-American women and discovered that they encountered stereotypes and gender and ethnic assumptions. African-American women also faced multiple stressors from juggling multiple and conflicting roles (p. 13-14). Furthermore, research on 135 women’s ways of knowing conducted by Belenky et al. (1986) concluded that women underwent five epistemological stages of self-development (silence, received knowledge, subjective knowledge, procedural knowledge, and constructive knowledge) in their personal and professional lives. Thus, a feminist lens “links to or associated with concepts related to women, men, femininity, masculinity, and their historically and conceptually associated values, practices, and objects, including identity, sexuality, work, the state, and relations with other oppressed categories (race, class, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation)” (Gross, 2010). A feminist lens articulates a new way of understanding what is relevant to

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women and their social, political, economic, cultural, and conceptual relations. A cultural lens enables readers and researchers to understand and relate to the participants’ experiences within the context of a minority and majority culture.

Commencing from the two conceptual frameworks (feminist and culture), the following three major focus questions were formulated:

1) What are the contributing factors to the participant’s intellectual and moral knowledge and skill development, as well as the empowering tool(s) to aid them into their positions of leadership?

2) What contributed to the participants’ acculturation experiences to make them leaders in the macroculture without being ostracized from one or both

cultures?

3) How did the participants develop into their leadership roles and still negotiate the proper role as a Hmong woman in the Hmong community?

In addition to the two conceptual frameworks, this study also utilized Glaser and Strauss’ Models of Process and Theory to guide the research process. “The circular interlinking of empirical steps, as the model of Glaser and Strauss suggests [see Appendix H] does justice to the character of discovery in qualitative research” (Flick, 2006, p. 102-103). Unlike the linear models of the research process where the

researcher would begin with a theory and end with validating that theory, Glaser and Strauss proposed that with the circular model, the researcher would start with the assumptions, move to data collection, interpretation, and comparing of each case, then conclude with one or more theories (Flick, 2006, p.102). Such a model would

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allow for the interpretation of data to a greater degree of sensitivity and treat the text as the actual empirical material and the fundamental basis for developing the theory.

The urgency to comprehend individually each of these new groups of

immigrants’ cultural responses to identity, gender, work, religion, family, education, and class as they interact with the other ethnicities in the community is one of reasons for this research study. Thus, this study examined the roles culture and feminism played in the lives of nine prominent Hmong women leaders representing a cross section of professional trades in the United States. Finding significant reasons or factors to their leadership development would add to the existing literature on this specific group of Hmong refugees and may inspire future researchers to conduct similar studies on women in leadership roles from other minority group.

Statement of the Problem

Adler (1993) argued that women’s participation in leadership roles is increasing due to “improved education, entrepreneurial activity, and family owned businesses” (p. 8). However, McCormick-Higgins (2005) maintained that the participation of women in leadership positions represents less than 35% worldwide even though they were estimated to comprise more than half of the world’s

population. In the United States, women in the workforce, on average, constitute 47% of the middle management positions, but the figure drops substantially at the

executive management level where women hold only 17% of the leadership positions (Gutherie & Roth, 1999). This indicates that the number of women in leadership positions are still small compared to men.

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For minorities, the glass ceiling brings additional barriers and sexist attitudes that prevent or delay progress even more. Crampton and Mishra (1999) describe the glass ceiling as a subtle barrier or negative attitude involving prejudices that prohibits women and minorities from moving up the organizational ladder. Wesley (2008) conducted research on minority women’s career advancement in the United States and found that factors that contributed to their career advancement were adequate education, job competency, strong work ethic, mentorship, effective leadership and communication skills, and family support. Education was ranked number one since it was believed to be the key to enhancing knowledge as well as opening doors of opportunities for career advancement.

In addition, Catalyst (as cited in Moua, 2007) noted and predicted that “between 1992 and 2012, the increase in the labor force for African-American women will be 39%, for Asian-Americans, 75%, and for Latina-Americans, 109%” (p. 8). Yet, there exists little research on the newer groups of Asian-Americans, particularly Hmong women, in leadership positions to help the community

comprehend the experiences and impediments these women have endured, so that changes in the social and political structures surrounding women and minority development in leadership positions could be affected and others could advance to and thrive in leadership roles.

The Hmong population has grown 97% from 1990 to 2000, and they have made noteworthy progress in education attainment as indicated in the

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2000 U.S. Census (27.2% held a high school diploma; 11.7% had a Bachelor’s degree; 1.5% held a Master’s degree) compared to 1990 when only 11% held a high school diploma and only 3% reported holding a Bachelor’s degree (Hmong 2000 Census Publication, 2004). However, only a few Hmong women have been able to influence and gain power within the macrocommunity. “For example, for the first time in United States and Hmong history, a Hmong woman holds a seat in the Minnesota State Senate; a Hmong woman serves as an elected official on the City of Saint Paul School Board of Education, and a Hmong woman serves on the board of the prestigious 18-Clan Council” (Moua, 2009). Nonetheless, of the estimated 186,310 Hmong living in the United States, only 5% of Hmong women are in management positions (Hmong 2000 Census Publication, 2004). Evidently, the pool of Hmong women leaders is still relatively small.

Montez (1998) noted that women emerging from minority cultures with longstanding cultural customs and gender expectations, such as Hmong women, are less likely to achieve—or will have more obstacles to overcome and experience more pressure when attempting to achieve—leadership positions. Could it be the patrilineal rather than a bilateral society, or could it be the immigration experiences and the much greater changes in the lives of women that hinder Hmong women’s progression to leadership roles? What is happening to the social organization and marital

relationships? Are the cultural differences in learning styles, gender roles and expectations in educational attainment and achievement, and Hmong parents’

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leaders? These questions are among the few that are sought after in exploring and understanding Hmong women leaders.

Just as minority women are less likely to achieve as a result of their customs and gender expectation, women who have less opportunities to achieve success experience poverty at a higher degree than those who are successful. Akinboade (2005) noted that poverty is created by a number of factors including lack of education, lack of access to productive land, lack of access to capital and financial services, and participation in the labor force. Thus, women with impoverished backgrounds negatively impact their families and community significantly while educated and successful women can be positive influences. As a matter of fact, Suárez-Orozco (2008) argued that “children with more educated mothers are

advantaged in two ways: they are exposed to more academically oriented vocabulary and interactions at home, and they tend to be read to more often from books that are valued at school” (p. 156). Thus, there is a clear link between women and the success of children in the community. Furthermore, Akinboade (2005) noted that 70% of the poor in the world are women. In the United States, “Asian-Americans and Pacific Islanders overall have a higher rate of poverty than other groups; 13% of Asian-Americans and 17% of Pacific Islanders live below the federal poverty line, compared to 12% of the general population, according to the 2000 census” (Ling, 2008, p. 3-4). In reference to Hmong families, 29.8% of Hmong families are at the poverty level compared to 14.3% of the total population with 43.8% of those being

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Hmong women head-of-household without a husband present (American Community Survey Data, 2009).

Suárez-Orozco et al. (2008) also noted that “today, 20 percent of young people growing up in the United States have immigrant parents, and it is projected that by 2040, one in three children will be growing up in an immigrant household “ (p. 1-2). Thus, the concern for instructing ethnically diverse students in schools across the nation deepens as the United States continues to grow more culturally diverse. Educators are besieged with having to serve minority students and are not as successful because of the limited amount of multicultural training available and scarce resources to aid both teachers and students. Thus, further research specifically targeting each ethnic group to comprehend their journey and barriers will enable better facilitation of programs and strategies to support and empower them into leadership positions.

Purpose of the Study

In the twentieth-first century, the research community has enjoyed more literature on the Hmong. Kou Yang stated, “There are more books and articles about Hmong during the last 30 years than in the last 3,000 years” (personal

communication, April 23, 2010). However, very little work has been done on the experiences of Hmong women who have undertaken the journey to overcome barriers to attain and maintain leadership positions. Thus, the purpose of this study was to explore the experiences of nine Hmong women leaders and provide them with

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leaders. Two major conceptual frameworks (feminist and culture) addressing education, culture, feminism, and leadership factors were utilized to guide this research study.

Belenky et al. (1986) noted, “In order for reflection to occur, the oral and written forms of language must pass back and forth between persons who both speak and listen or read and write—sharing, expanding, and reflecting on each other’s experiences” (p. 26). Comprehending Hmong women leaders’ migration experiences, how the process of their immigration changes them and their families, and what obstacles and opportunities they have encountered would provide critical knowledge of structural, political, and cultural barriers that obstructed their and other minority women’s leadership advancement. Findings obtained would provide information essential for supporting, advising, educating, and empowering minority women towards achieving leadership roles as well as add to the existing body of literature on Hmong culture and Hmong women. In addition, findings would allow for further understanding of cross-cultural leadership and help clarify possible adaptations to be implemented in leadership training and development programs.

The Conceptual Frameworks

This study utilized two key conceptual frameworks (feminist and culture). The first conceptual framework (feminist) is a model on women’s ways of knowing proposed by Belenky et al. (1986), which focused on 135 women participants from the education sector revealing five stages on how women constructed knowledge:

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silence, received knowledge, subjective knowledge, procedural knowledge, and constructed knowledge.

In the silence stage, women worry about verbalizing their thoughts, and speaking of themselves is almost impossible. They are obedient to authorities, and developing a sense of voice, mind, and self are their ways of knowing in this stage. The next development stage is received knowledge, where women worry that their self-development might come at the expense of others, and they consistently look for others to grow intellectually. They still have little confidence in themselves as they learn by listening, receiving information, retaining the information, and reproducing the words of authorities (p. 15). In subjective knowledge, women distrust logic, analysis, and abstraction, and a sense of voice emerges. There is a shift in the source of truth; now, instead of the truth coming from external factors, truth is seen as within the person and women become their own authorities. First-hand experiences emerge as the ultimate source of knowledge and the predominant learning mode is watching and listening inwardly. Stage four, procedural knowledge, occurs when women learn to separate the knowing from their own established truths. They are able to criticize through careful observation and analysis. More importantly, they have developed connected knowing (empathy and hope to understand others by sharing the

experiences) and separate knowing (realizing they too could be wrong and separation from feelings and emotions of the self in the cause of objectivity). The last stage, constructive knowledge, occurs when women learn to tolerate internal contradictions and ambiguity and to integrate external knowledge and self-knowledge. This

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conceptual framework was helpful to comprehending Hmong women’s construction of leadership as pertaining to the cultural, knowledge, and feminist lenses sought after in this research study.

The second conceptual framework considers culture and cultural intelligences as suggested by Alon and Higgins (2005) to recognize how cultural factors

significantly contributed to leadership. Culture is defined by Hofstede (1991) as “mental programs or softwares of the mind” such as a person’s “patterns of thinking, feeling, and potential acting which were learned in their lifetime” (p. 4). Each group of people has a distinct perception of the world, which frames the dynamics of their interpretations and reactions to factors in society.

House, Mansour, Hanges, & Dorfman (2002) noted that successful leadership behaviors differ within various cultures. Leaders in the twenty-first century must understand regional and ethnic cultural diversity of their working environments as well as the cross-cultural communities around the world. In addition, leaders who are culturally attuned can better respond to different interpersonal work situations on a global level. Therefore, contemporary leaders need to build on their cultural intelligence to adapt to the various cultures in the global context.

Cultural intelligence is defined by Earley and Ang (2003) as “a person’s capability for successful adaptation to new cultural settings; that is, for unfamiliar settings attributable to cultural context” (p. 9). In today’s diverse world, there are several other intelligences needed for developing effective leaders (p. 502). Alon and Higgins (2005) claimed that intelligences as measured by the traditional Intelligence

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Quotient (IQ) should no longer be considered the only form of intelligence. Thus, cultural intelligence is suggested as an essential type of intelligence to better understand cross-cultural leadership development. Lacking cultural intelligence means that an individual may be extremely successful in her own country’s environment, but be unable to transfer her skills to a different country’s setting.

Critics have argued that little has been published on the construct of and measurement of cultural intelligence. However, several other researchers including Earley and Peterson (as cited in Alon & Higgins, 2005) have reviewed and evaluated assessment methods for cultural intelligences, which included paper-and-pencil inventories, role play exercises, behavioral assessment centers, self-monitoring scales, cultural shock inventory, and intercultural communication inventory tests (p. 507). In their view, it is experiential learning that forms behavioral patterns and support cultural intelligence. Understanding and internalizing skills through experience and reflection are significant factors that contribute to enhancing a person’s cultural intelligence. Thus, the cultural conceptual framework is critical in understanding how culture affects women leaders’ management and sustainability of their leadership roles.

Operational Definitions

Leadership is defined by Bass (1999) as a process by which a person has the ability to influence others to accomplish an objective and to direct them in a way that makes their unit more cohesive. Wesley (2008) explained leadership as being

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communicate, produce, and meet organizational benchmarks.” Furthermore, House et al. (2002) claimed that “leadership is the ability of an individual to motivate,

influence, and enable others to contribute towards the effectiveness and success of the organizations of which they are a members” (p.15). Since there are many definitions and opinions about leadership, this study will specifically focus on two types of leadership: position leaders and influential leaders. For the purpose of this research study, a position leader is defined as someone who holds a leadership position in the workplace and oversees a number of subordinates. An influential leader is defined as someone who has influenced her respective field, community, or society as

documented in the media or through written nominations from a professional organization and may or may not oversee a number of subordinates. Other essential terminologies necessary to comprehend this research study are found in Appendix A (Operational Definitions).

Assumptions, Limitations, and Delimitations

One assumption in this research study is there are gender differences in the Hmong community that contribute to the underrepresentation of Hmong women in leadership positions. Another assumption is that values, norms, stereotypes, attitudes, and beliefs existing in institutions significantly impact women’s development into leadership roles. A final assumption is all respondents would be honest and truthful in their replies.

The limitations and delimitations in this research study include: 1) The number of participants in this research was limited to

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the voices of the nine participants who were selected by purposive sampling. Literature suggests that there are Hmong women who have immigrated to other parts of the world because of the Vietnam War or are still residing in Laos who have procured leadership roles as well as economic success, so the findings may not be representative of all Hmong women’s perspectives.

2) Due to financial constraints and participants’ limited availability, only Hmong women leaders from California and Minnesota were selected. As a result, the researcher learned after the interviews that two of the nine participants in the study were sisters, three of them were first cousins, and all were between the ages of 30 and 41. There were probably other prominent Hmong American women who were older, more experienced, and not so closely related. However, the selection was based on maximum variation, which meant the researcher used selected characteristics of the targeted population to acquire the most qualified participants. The goal of the research study was not to generalize, but to secure insights into the participants’ lived

experiences that would generate themes and hypotheses for further research investigations.

3) The research study was focused only on position and influential leaders. Therefore, the participants’ viewpoints might not be an accurate representation of the total population of Hmong women, and

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their perceptions may reflect some biases. Furthermore, the study focused on one group of minority women, Hmong, so the findings might not be applicable to women from other cultures.

4) Lastly, the researcher emerged from the same culture as the nine participants; therefore, the researcher’s biases could interfere with the research methodology and findings. Steps were taken to ensure management of biases such as the researcher recognizing the biases and structuring the research questions to probe for the participants’ unique voices. It was the intent of the researcher to utilize her

background as a strength in understanding Hmong culture as only an insider could do. However, it is recognized that this “insider” status presents its own set of challenges to the researcher in maintaining the integrity of the data analysis.

Significance of the Study

Little is known or understood about Hmong women’s paths to procure leadership roles. Thus, with few Hmong women exposed to and in leadership positions, this study will provide critical knowledge of structural, political, and cultural barriers that obstruct Hmong women’s leadership advancement. This study is also significant because it lays the groundwork for future efforts to capture the

personal and professional experiences of high-achieving Hmong women. The experiences lived by these women may provide critical insights that could be

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the Hmong culture and cultural practices for the general public. The findings of this study will also provide crucial information for supporting, advising, educating, and empowering all minority women towards achieving leadership roles as well as help clarify possible adaptations needed to implement leadership training and development programs. Also, comprehending how Hmong women have successfully obtained and maintained their leadership roles despite barriers might bring about better

understanding of cross-cultural leadership and help explicate gaps that need to be filled in leadership development programs.

Conclusion

This narrative study examined the lives of nine successful Hmong women leaders, and is presented in five parts. Chapter I introduced stages of women’s

development and women from the Hmong culture, discussed the purpose and problem of the study, provided the theoretical framework, and described the assumptions and limitations of the research study. Chapter II will provide an overview of the relevant literature associated with the history of the Hmong, leadership in Laos and in the United States, and feminist epistemology, biculturalism, and leadership theories. Chapter III will detail the research design and methods, including discussion of trustworthiness as well as data analysis. Chapter IV will describe the findings of the data in the form of themes and subthemes as supported by the data. Finally, Chapter V will provide an analysis of the findings and impart recommendations for action and future research on the issue of Hmong women leaders.

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18 CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Numerous studies have been done on the Hmong as an involuntary refugee group in the United States; however, as mentioned in Chapter I, only a few studies exist on the study of Hmong women in leadership positions alone that could

contribute to this section. For this reason, this chapter is presented in three segments to better comprehend Hmong women from cultural, leadership, and feminist

standpoints.

The first segment commenced with an overview of the Hmong’s history as suggested by historians and Hmong scholars. Following that is a discussion of traditional social perspectives of Hmong cultural practices, gender expectations, and leadership allocations in Laos compared to the same perspectives for Hmong living in the United States to illustrate the extent of transformation that has occurred. The second segment discusses relevant theoretical reviews of leadership theories as it relates to women in leadership. Following this is a succinct discussion of

contemporary feminist theories as it pertains to women and bicultural women in leadership positions.

Historical Consideration

According to Yang, (2006), the word Hmong can be either singular or plural and a noun or adjective. Literature is vague on the group’s earliest name and history;

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some historians have suggested that the Hmong had lived in China and perhaps were amid a group called Miao (Moua, 1994; Yang, 2003). People in Laos began to use the name Hmong, the name they called themselves after the publication of Jacques

Lemoine’s (a French anthropologist) study of the Hmong in Northern Laos

and Yang Dao’s (the first Hmong to earn a doctorate) dissertation in 1972 (Lee, 1998, p. 2). However, it is difficult to trace their past since “the Hmong people had no written language [so] their history was kept only through the Hmong legends, oral history, folk tales, folklore, and needle crafts” (Moua, 1994, p. 17). As Lemoine (2008) noted “the Hmong had no writing nor written history until the 20th century.” Yang, (2003) argued that “the history of the Hmong has not yet been fully studied, and many aspects of it have not yet been documented” (p. 273). Thus, this section is devoted to discussing the history of the Hmong as presently known to scholars and historians, and detailing cultural practices, gender expectations, and leadership designations of Hmong in Laos as compared to Hmong living in the United States.

History of the Hmong

Lemoine (2008) stated, “History starts as people need it in their political present.” Since their involvement in the Secret War more than three decades ago, the Hmong have become better known to the world as many researchers and historians dispute the group’s history and foundation. To date, there exist numerous versions of the history of the Hmong that makes it difficult to reconstruct Hmong history.

Many scholars believed that the Hmong were in fact living in areas of Central China around 3000 B.C. and may perhaps be the group called Miao, a group that

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presumably included ancient predecessors of the Hmong and other sub-groups (Yang, 2003, p. 273-274). In his studies, Yang (2010) noted that the Chinese did, at one time, label a non-Chinese group as “Miao”, and they separated the term “Miao” into two labels: the “cooked” Miao and the “raw” Miao (p. 9). The “cooked” Miao were the non-Chinese who had assimilated to Chinese culture and ways, and the “raw” Miao were the rebellious ones. However, Lemoine (2008) argued that the term Miao is an “ethnic straight-jacket” imposed on a category of population when focus should be on a group call the Miao-Yao who closely resembled each other linguistically (p. 8). Presently in China, the name Miao has become the lumping or general term to include at least four groups: Qho Xiong, Hmu, A Hmao, and Hmong (Yang, 2010). Even so, the term Miao had endured a variety of interpretations as historians, scholars, and the Hmong, as a group, debated on the identity of “Hmong.”

Most researchers, as Yang (2004) noted, related the Hmong to the Miao and interpreted the name to be “southern barbarian,” or Meo, which is a “cat sound” as well as “people of the dirt.” Furthermore, Bankston (2000) noted that “these terms all translated to ‘savage,’ a name that the Hmong understandably find insulting.”

However, Joakim Enwall, a Swedish researcher (as cited in Lee, 1998, p. 3), have argued that “there is no reference to the fact that ‘Miao’ meant barbarian, although the people who use it to label the Hmong may have perceived the Hmong as barbarians.” In fact, Yang (2010) maintained

In Laos, the Laotian’s spelling for Hmong (Hmoob) is “ ” and the word “Meo” for cat is spelled “ .” [Although similar, an added character

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distinguishes the spelling of Hmong from the cat sound “Meo”]. In Chinese language, the word Miao ( ), which has been used since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, has two characters: the top

character ( ) is a symbol meaning “young shoot” or “young plant.” The

bottom character ( ) is the character for a field. The word, Miao ( ) in itself does not means “savage” or “barbarian” but quite graphically aborigine. Combining the two characters together might define the word Miao as “rice shoot” or “bamboo shoot.”

When the Hmong first became known to the world because of their

involvement in the Secret War, a new myth about the group’s name meaning “free people” began to surface. The translation of this name has been attributed to Yang Dao (Lee, 1998, p.5). Nonetheless, the new meaning caused the Hmong to be stereotyped as an aggressive, war-like, and independent people who could not be brought into mainstream civilization (Lee, 1998, p. 6). Contemporary Hmong

scholars such as Yang (2010) have argued that “the Hmong find the name Miao to be insulting because it is not their name but a name imposed upon them by non-Hmong.” Furthermore, he disagreed with the definition of the name Hmong meaning “free” when he stated

During the last 15 years, I have asked hundreds or more elder Hmong, scholars and students, who speak Hmong fluently to define the word

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“Hmong” and none of these individuals have been able to define this word. I am, myself, fluent in Hmong, but could not translate the word “Hmong.” Thus, those who have written about the Hmong still do not have a clear definition of the word “Hmong.” Nonetheless, war indemnity, heavy taxation, poverty, and other harsh conditions in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as a result of tightening Qing dynasty policies and foreign aggression in China forced the Hmong to

immigrate to Southeast Asia (primarily Vietnam and Laos) in the nineteenth century (Yang, 2003; Lee, 1998). Figure 1 below is a map of Laos.

Figure 1. Map of Laos. Retrieved from

http://www.geographyiq.com/images/la/Laos_map.gif. Copyright 2002 by 111 GeographyIQcom. Reprinted with permission.

In Laos, the Hmong took primarily to the highlands, and according to

Lemoine (2008), they “were not peasants but tribal farmers in the hills, [and] they did not care for landownership and freely wandered in the forested mountains where they carved their swidden” (p.10). They were a mobilized group such that when the land

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became useless, they simply relocate to another location. Their rural existence is as simple as their building structures as illustrated in Figure 2 below:

Figure 2: Hmong’s Building Structure. Retrieved from

http://www.bakubo.com/galleries/Laos/slides/hmong-village-2.jpg. Copyright 2010 by Henry Richardson. Reprinted with permission.

The Hmong lived peacefully in Laos until tension between the French colonial government in Laos over taxation brought the Hmong into the wars that occurred in 1896 and again in 1919 (Yang, 2003, p.275). According to Lee (1998), in 1896, the “Hmong kaitong (clan leader) refused to collect taxes from the people who had not been informed of its increase; [thus], a struggle ensued which resulted in negotiation for a new tax settlement and twenty-five years of peace” (p. 9). After many years of peace, the Hmong revolted again due to taxation abuse which led to the rebellion in 1919 known as the Guerre de Fou or “Madman’s War” (Lee, 1998, p. 9). Thereafter, the Hmong were divided regionally and politically; many remained in Xieng

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The division of the Hmong resulted primarily from the influences of French colonialism from 1893 to 1954 when Hmong were divided politically into two groups: those siding with the French and those who joined the independence

movement that fought to take back Laos from France (Lee, 2007, p. 3). This division is most represented by the conflict between Lo Blia Yao and his son-in-law, Ly Foung, in the 1920s to 1930s as will be discussed in the following segment on Hmong leadership designation in Laos.

Although the Vietnam War was never a secret to the world, the war in Laos became known as the “Secret War” because both the United States and the Soviet Union involved in this war secretly violated Laos’ neutrality (Yang, 2010).

According to Lindsay (2002), “Laos was officially neutral as the Vietnam War broke out, and the U.S. had signed an international agreement, the Geneva Accords in 1954, intended to keep Laos neutral and prevent fighting there, [but] in reality, this

agreement gave the Communists the upper hand, for they flagrantly violated the agreement.” Furthermore, since the Hmong’s participation in the 1896 and 1919 wars stigmatized them as fearless in action (Lee, 1998, p.10), the Hmong were recruited for counter-insurgency purposes. Yet, the Hmong’s constant struggle for dominance within their own community, which had historically divided them politically,

emerged again during the Secret War.

When the United States’ Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) approached right-wing military leaders of the Royal Lao Army, and later Major General Vang Pao, to recruit armed forces, the Hmong enlisted to participate on both sides of the conflict.

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An estimated one-half of the Hmong in Laos fought under the Communist Pathet Lao and the other half sided with the Royal Lao government, an ally to the United States (Yang, 2010). According to Kou Yang (personal communication, February 15, 2011), by December of 1975, the three Indochinese countries fell to communism; Cambodia was taken by the Khmer Rouge on April 17, South Vietnam fell on April 30, and Laos on December 2, 1975. Consequently, the Hmong who sided with the Royal Lao government during the war years became political refugees as they feared retaliation and retribution by the new communist government.

It was estimated that by 1985, “more than ten percent of the population of Laos became refugees abroad [and] more than one-third of those refugees [were] Hmong” (Yang, 2001). The Hmong who sided with the Royal Lao government, the defeated party of the war, who did not attempt escape or were unsuccessful in escaping to the Thai border faced negative consequences. For instance, Lindsay (2002) noted that “after taking over Laos in 1975, the Pathet Lao Communists stated that they would wipe out the Hmong, [and] from 1976 to 1979, there were credible reports of chemical warfare used against Hmong villages.” Some families were able to take refuge in the jungles of Laos. According to Tapp, Michaud, Culas, and Lee (2004), “after the Liberation in 1975, those Hmong on the Royal Lao Government side who could not escape to Thailand fled to the protective forests of Phu Bia from where they staged their armed opposition to the new regime.” In the years following, the resistance movement became known as Chao Fa and are known for causing havoc for the Lao government as well as making life difficult for the larger Hmong

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population in Laos. Presently, the Chao Fa in Laos has declined in numbers. There are only small pockets of them who are still hiding in the jungles of Laos, but they are not as active as in the past (Kou Yang, personal communication, February 15, 2011). Those who managed to escape to the Thai border did so with much sorrow and loss along the way. Lindsay (2002) wrote

I have heard so many stories of sorrow and loss, the stories of desperate parents trying to hide their children from murderous soldiers, sometimes overdosing their children with opium to keep them from crying and revealing their hiding place; I have heard stories of trying to cross the Mekong River and having loved ones drown or be shot.

Although many made it safely to Thailand, their troubles were not over as they endured mistreatment by Thai guards.

The Hmong were not the only groups displaced by the war; other Indochinese refugees flooded into the border refugee camps of Thailand as well. Evidently, the Thai government did not want to keep refugees in the camps for too long; however, “in the early part of the screening process, only former right-wing political leaders and those who were literate were qualified for resettlement, leaving tens of thousands of illiterate parents, siblings, cousins, and friends to endure a devastating and

miserable life in the refugee camps” (Lor, 2009, p. 34). Table 1 below illustrates Hmong population as according to Jacques Lemoine (Yang, 2008a) in major countries in the world as of 2000.

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Table 1

Estimated Hmong Population in Major Countries in the World

Country Number of Hmong

China 2,777,039 Vietnam 800,000 Laos 315,000 Thailand 150,000 Myanmar (Burma) 10,000-15,000 United States 300,000 Canada 3,000 France 10,000- 15,000 Australia 3,000

Note. Compiled by Lena Moua with information obtained from Jacques Lemoine in Yang (2008a).

Those granted passports to other countries for resettlement faced uncertainty in foreign environments while other unfortunates were left in the refugee camps and were often mistreated by Thai guards. Lor (2009) recalled witnessing refugees beaten by Thai guards and imprisoned for the slightest infraction as well as many incidents of killings and rape. When the refugee camps closed in 1999, many refugees were repatriated back to Laos (p. 34). Those sent back to Laos also faced trouble. For instance, Davy (1998) noted that in 1991, the United States government, the United Nations, and other non-governmental organizations convinced refugee leaders such as Vue Mai, the Hmong leader of Ban Vinai camp in Thailand, that it was safe to return

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to Laos; in doing so, Vue Mai was closely monitored by the Lao government, secretly arrested, and coincidently, disappeared unexpectedly (p. 3). Other coincidental

incidents were the food-poisoning of Chong Moua Thao, Vice-Chair of Chieng Kham camp, after dining with Lao government officials and the “bomb[ing] of Nam Tao and other villages in Saysomboun Special Area, killing 180 Hmong villagers” (Davy, 1998, p. 3). In any sense, the Hmong became a stateless people trying to adjust to the society that they were thrust into.

In 1976, Yang (2001) noted that an estimated 750 Hmong arrived in the United States. The low number might be due to the fact that the war in Laos was a secret war; therefore, there was not a policy in place for the United States to take in refugees from Laos. Thus, the few who were selected to enter the United States between 1975 and 1976 were the high risks and students (Kou Yang, personal communication, February 3, 2011). Consequently, the numbers of Hmong refugees entering the United States gradually grew as a result of the 1980 Refuge Act, which reformed immigration law to admit refugees for humanitarian reasons (Kennedy, 1981). The Hmong benefitted from such a policy. In fact, Ling (2008) noted that “the 2000 Census counted more than 11 million Asian Americans [and] the Hmong ranked as the tenth largest group, numbering 186,310” (p. 3), although the number of Hmong residing in the U.S. is estimated to be more since most Hmong families do not turn in their census information.

In the United States, the possibility to continue living the agrarian lifestyles of farming and growing their own foods as they once knew in Laos prompted the

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greatest concentration of Hmong community in Fresno in the 1980s and early 1990s (Yang, 2008b, p. 81). However, due to high unemployment and poor economic conditions, many Hmong families moved to the midwestern states in the mid 1990s, primarily to St. Paul and Minneapolis, Minnesota, which house approximately 60,000 Hmong and are now the largest Hmong community in the nation (Yang, 2001).

The 2000 Census revealed that “the top five states for foreign-born Hmong are California, Minnesota, Michigan, Wisconsin, and North Carolina, and the top five metropolitan areas for foreign-born Hmong are Minneapolis—St. Paul, Minnesota; Fresno, California; Sacramento-Yolo, California; Milwaukee-Racine, Wisconsin; and Merced, California” (p. 3). This indicates that the Hmong community lives in

clusters, which reinforces the importance of the clan and kinship ties as will be discussed in the next section of this study. Figure 3 below illustrates the distribution of the Hmong community across the United States.

Figure 3: Distribution of Hmong communities in the United States. Retrieved from http://news.newamericamedia.org/directory/getdata.asp?about_id=480714d0f85a29f2 bf224826b49780b6-7. Copyright 2007 by ePodunk Inc. Reprinted with permission.

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The 2000 U.S. Census indicated that the Hmong American population “grew by a 97% increase from 94,439 people in 1990 to 186,310 by the year 2000” (Yang, 2008, p.239). As of 2009, the United States’ population is 307,006,556, and the Hmong makes up 236,434 of that total population (American Community Survey Data, 2009). The fast-growing population is a result of a high fertility rate, which will be further explained in the following section, as well as the 15,000 Hmong refugees from Wat Tham Krabok in Thailand to the United States in 2004 (Ngo, Bigelow, & Wahlstrom, 2008, p. 3) and Hmong immigrants from other countries to the United States.

Hmong in Laos: cultural and gender expectations

In Hmong society, clan and kinship are of great importance. Moua (2003) stated, “It is a blood and marital relationship that defines and connects those

consanguine (blood) relatives in the same clan (kwv tiv), affinal (marital) kin within other clans (neej tsa), and between them” (p.4). The clans provide a foundation for legitimate marriages through the rule of exogamy. Unlike the Adam and Eve myth, the Hmong’s story begins with the Great Flood and helps explain the clan’s primary role. According to Lee (2005), “all clans descended from an incestuous union between a brother and a sister who survived the Great flood by taking shelter in the hollow of a wooden funeral drum” (p. 12). The myth explains that when the flood receded, the brother desired the union of his sister, but she denied him. Consequently, the two went to consult Saub, the creator, who instructed each to take a stone up a mountain and roll it down simultaneously. Saub noted that upon inspecting the stone

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as it landed at the bottom of the mountain, the two were to marry if the stones were on top of each other. When the stones were hurled, the brother and sister raced down the mountain to check the result, but since the brother ran faster, he reached the stones first and purposefully stacked the stones on top of one another, fooling the sister into an incestuous union. The siblings united and out of the union, an inhuman, round, smooth child similar to a stone was born. Not knowing what to do, they sought Saub’s advice once again, and Saub instructed them to cut up the child into little pieces and throw the pieces into various places around their home. Doing so, each piece became a unique clan, thus, founding the Hmong people (Lee, 2005, p. 12-13).

Lee (2007) noted a similar version told by the Miao of Guizhou in China entitled “The Great Flood and the Second Creation” which tells of a brother and sister who survived the great flood. The brother became restless and lonely, and when the cotton bamboos advised him to find love with his sister, he utilized various tricks to convince her to agree to their union. The incestuous relationship resulted in the sister giving birth to a lump of flesh that was not human-like. The brother became angry and cut up the inhuman object into small pieces and spread them over nine hills. The next morning, nine little huts occupied by a couple in each hut sprang from the flesh of the inhuman object, and that gave rise to each clan. Lee (2007) noted that the Guizhou Miao claim that the scattered pieces of flesh turned into many groups of people which “puts different ethnic groups into a hierarchy based on which body parts they came from and according [to] the elevation of the landscape where they live today” (p. 8). Despite the creation myth, the Hmong’s definition of incest is a

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serious topic, but since there exist only 18 clans—Chan/Cha (Tsaab); Chue (Tswb); Ceng (Tsheej); Fang (Faj); Her (Hawj); Hang (Haam); Khang (Khaab); Kong (koo); Kue (Kwm); Lee (Lis); Lor (Lauj); Moua (Muas); Pha (Phab); Thao (Thoj); Vang (Vaj); Vue (Vwj); Xiong (Xyooj); and Yang (Yaaj)—as noted by Moua (2003), the Hmong’s definition of incest is uniquely changed. Robert Cooper (1998) wrote

The incest taboo is extended to the classifactory kua ti (kwv ti) and is, in certain circumstances, far more rigid between members of the same clan classification than actual blood relations. Thus, the preferred spouse is the mother’s brother’s daughter (cross cousins). Sexual and marital relations with the father’s sister’s lineage are permitted because a woman changes her clan after marriage (the aunt’s daughter has a different clan name).

Donnelly (1994) noted that the main function of the clans is to regulate marriage by prohibiting unions within the clan and to regulate social reciprocity. Incest is such a serious issue that the rule of exogamy prohibits members of the same clans from marrying and allows members of the same clans to marry those outside of their clans (Moua, 2003, p. 6). Cross cousins are allowed to marry because they do not share the same patriarchal clans; the last names of the Hmong are the name of the clan.

In addition to valuing clans, the Hmong believed in filial piety, a concept originated from Confucianism with the basic concept of responsibility of each person to “love one’s parent, being respectful, polite, considerate, loyal, helpful, dutiful, and obedient” (Huang, n.d.). Respect is valued over asserting oneself and role fulfillment and obligation are expected rather than personal development and achievement. An

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example of filial piety in practice is the sons taking care of the parents in their old age. Moua (2003) noted, “If the groom is the first-born son, he would generally remain with his parents’ extended family to eventually take his father’s position of authority over the extended family when the father passed away; each married son occupies a separate sleeping compartment in the home until their extended family has grown too large or crowded, [then] there is the process of leaving the parental home [which] would follow the birth orders of those married sons” (p. 23). It is, then, the last-born son’s responsibility to be primary caretaker for the parents during old age until their death. Although the older married sons were permitted to move out, it is important for them to remain close to one another as one large extended family. In addition, filial piety translated to a person’s complete loyalty and unquestioning obedience to elders and authority figures (Prosser, 2001). This makes it possible for the Hmong community to discipline other Hmong parents’ children when they misbehave or act inappropriately.

Anthropologists who studied the Hmong in the mid-twentieth century

described the Hmong family “household” as including “those persons who are under the authority of the householder” (Yang, 2008b, p. 241). The head of the household is usually a man, and this meant that a man’s household consisted of his wife, or wives, his children, their wives and children, and possibly children in the next generation. Lemoine (2008) furthered this analysis by arguing that the Hmong family is more complex than thought since “villages were organized in close kin house clusters [which are] twisted together by recurrent alliances through marriages [and in turn]

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form a never ending rope of kith and kin” (p. 11). Figure 4 below is a graphic representation of Hmong social fabric as suggested by Lemoine (2008).

Figure 4. Graphic Representation of Hmong Social Fabric. Copyright 2008 by Lemoine, Jacques. Reprinted with permission.

The difference in this type of tribal society from others found in Africa, Asia, America, or the Pacific islands is the “relevance of kinship ties, social equality, and an absence of hereditary leadership” (Lemoine, 2008, p.12). Although the Hmong tribal society is categorized into subgroups with different dialects and manners of dressing, Hmong immigrants in the United States have “benefitted from the tribal system that has ensured them with mobility and protection altogether” (Lemoine, 2008, p. 12). Hmong in the United States have found success in integrating into the mainstream social environment and found it easier to face challenges because of the kinship within the tribal system that calls for constant communications and assistance even over considerable geographic distances.

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Traditional Hmong marriages served two important functions: to unite a man and a woman for the purposes of procreation and economic production and to create reciprocal economic, political, and ceremonial ties between respective clans (Moua, 2003, p. 13-14). Marriage occurred in several ways: formal request by the groom’s family, long-term arrangements, and immediate arrangements which included marriage through abduction, kidnapping, or elopement, although the more preferred path in uniting two people is through the formal request of the groom’s family (Moua, 2003). A wedding ceremony usually takes place soon after. For immediate marriage methods such as a couple who chooses to elope instead of planning the matrimony event, the wedding ceremony often occurs a few days later. At the wedding, a Mej Koob or negotiator from each side of the family (always men) are presented to

negotiate the bride price, often referred to by the Hmong as Nqe Mis or in translation, cost of nurture, milk money (Donnelly, 1994, p.154). The bride price is an agreed monetary amount paid to the parents to compensate them for the girl’s upbringing. This price varies from person to person and from time to time depending on the economic wealth of the families and community. Lee (2007) noted that “a high bride price reflects upon [the bride’s] appeal as a woman of value and often determines her social status within her husband’s clan.” Furthermore, “the Hmong perceived a man’s rise to power as dependent upon his wife’s intellect and the political ties she brings into the marriage” (Lee, 2007, p. 167). This practice is illustrated by many of the traditional Hmong leaders’ purposeful marriages to their minor wives as will be discussed in the following segment regarding Hmong leadership designation in Laos.

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In any case, the couple would live with the groom’s family, a practice called patri-local residence (Kou Yang, personal communication, February 3, 2011). Once a woman marries, she belongs physically and spiritually to her husband’s family. Since the woman is no longer a member of her own family but that of her husband’s family, there are cultural practices that forbids her from entering her parent’s home such as the one-month period after she has given birth.

Role Theory confirmed that roles define how individuals are expected to behave, how individuals in specific roles perceive what they are supposed to do, and the actual behavior of the individuals (Toren, 1973). Women in the Hmong culture maintained conservative roles such as house-maker and other subservient positions, and if they have any authority, it was over children and other women of lower status while men usually took to the agricultural fields performing heavy labors,

constructing the domestic area, and being involved in major political, social and economic transaction (Moua, 2003, p. 26). Each person in the family presumes a specific role to ensure the success of the entire family.

The Hmong’s agricultural society depended heavily upon the family to produce enough food supplies for its members. Thus, the Hmong practically having many children is a direct consequence of the agrarian lifestyle and role theory as well as filial piety, high infant mortality rate, and the lack of family planning resources (Kou Yang, personal communication, February 3, 2011). Filial piety contributes to the decision to have more children since it filters in a sense of pride when the family has one or several members who have brought honor and respect to the clan. In

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addition, Donnelly (1994) noted that “approximately half of children reported born to [Hmong] families died before reaching the age of five” (p.35). The high infant

mortality rate may be due to the lack of modernized medicine, but in any case, this promoted families to have more children as well. Finally, the lack of accessibility to family planning and medical providers because the Hmong lived in remote places in Laos also added to the many children born to Hmong families, and these same reasons continue to impact families with many children in the United States.

Although monogamy is the dominant preferred type of marriage, traditional Hmong society recognized polygamy as another form of marriage. This cultural practice contributed to earlier studies done on the Hmong culture revealing that the culture is patrilineal and patriarchal, which meant females were devalued in the Hmong community. According to Moua (2003), “the Hmong’s type of polygamy is mostly a result of the traditional practice of levirate.” He defines levirate as “the compulsory marriage of a widow by her deceased husband’s younger brother” (p. 27). Upon the death of the older brother, it is the responsibility of the younger brother to tend to his older brother’s interest, even if he is already married. His sister-in-law now becomes his second wife. If there are not any younger brothers, the woman could be passed to a cousin. “Levirate is rarely practiced, and in some cases where the widow is young without children, the woman returns to her parents; divorcees can either return to their parents or chooses to stay at the house of the village leader who had officiated the termination of the marriage” (Kou Yang, personal communication, February 3, 2011). Hmong women in this situation would often comply for the sake

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