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OF LOCAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Hugo R. Noble

Dissertation presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology)

at

University of Stellenbosch

Promoter: Professor C.J. Groenewald December 2003

UNIV.STELLENBOSCH

ImlUmmllilWI

300783 1548
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I, the undersigned, declare hereby that the work contained in this dissertation is my own original work and that I have not previously in its entirety

or

in part submitted it at any university for

a

degree .

..~.

Hugo R. Noble December 2003

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ABSTRACT

The research report investigates the theoretical foundation of the understanding of

decision-makers at local government level

of

the term "development", with specific reference to local government as development agent and Local Economic Development. The choice of theoretical model by these decision-makers to conceptualise their understanding has historical and analytical antecedents, and secondly, the decision-maker is faced with

a

basic dualism in developmental thinking, ie. the emphasis on universalism (global competitiveness) on the one hand and the need for specificity (local economic development) on the other. The theoretical principles and assumptions on which the neoliberal and market-orientated approach to development is based are incorporated in the macroeconomic policy approach 'Growth, Employment and Redistribution' in South Africa. This approach has recently overshadowed the social welfarist developmental approach represented by the 'Reconstruction and Development Program' or Sustainable Human Development. The basis for specific policy formulation and intervention strategies are found in the theoretical assumptions, goals and objectives in each ofthese alternate approaches to development.

The research design for the study is primarily qualitative. A semi-structured interview schedule is applied in directing in-depth interviews with identified central decision-makers in metropolitan and larger "B" municipalities. The research design and process is constructed around three themes based on current and historic analysis of

development thinking as a means to address poverty and inequality: theme

1

-theoretical understanding of the term development, Economic Growth in the formal sector versus Sustainable Human Development; theme

2 -

the nature and relevance

ofparticipation by civil society in the Local Economic Development (LEO) process; and theme

3 -

Local Economic Development and the role ofinfrastructure investment, land use planning and zoning as intervention strategy. A benchmark position is developed on local government as development agent and LEO, using various sources, for example, interview with Director-General in the Department of Provincial and Local
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Republic of South Africa and legislative acts and policy papers relevant to LED. This position is compared with the position held by local government decision-makers dealing with LED.

The analysis ofthe information collected suggests that the theoretical perspective and policy framework on development, participation and strategies to address inequality and poverty, ie Sustainable Human Development (researchers title) held by the Department

ofProvincial and Local Government (DPLG) is not compatible with the definition and understanding ofthe majority ofthe decision-makers at local government level dealing directly with LED. The notion

of

participative development with anti-poverty strategies focussed on poor urban citizenry at the local level is not seen as the relevant theoretical or applied focus by developmental decision-makers at municipal level. In addition, limited knowledge is available to local government decision-makers on both formal and informal economic activity. In this regard, de facto leadership has already been handed over to formal-economy organisations and institutions. The idea

of

using land-use planning and zoning regulations to reorientate economic activity to low- and informal housing settlements and the reconstitution of low-and informal housing as sites of

manufacture utilising flexible specialisation principles was positively received. However, the respondents were either not knowledgeable about these principles, for example; Globalisation ofproduction and flexible production processes, or had not considered them in relation to their planning, land use or zoning and development functions.

In the light of the above, the notion of local government as development agent with specific reference to addressing poverty and inequality utilising the Local Economic Development process as envisaged by the Department of Provincial and Local Government does not have the majority support ofdecision-makers at city and metro level. The majority of respondents defined the process of consultation as limited to formal economic sectors that were/could be competitive in the new global economy. The majority ofdecision-makers hold the view that the redefinition and location ofsites

of economic activity could be delegated to these formal sector organisations and institutions. Their common understanding ofdevelopment and the related intervention strategies was based on formal sector growth and related job creation strategies, as

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wish to remain relevant in this context the Department of Provincial and Local Government has to develop intervention strategies to reorientate and redefine the theoretical and applied definition ofdevelopment held by the decision-makers especially with regard to Local Economic Development. If these issues are not addressed the form and shape

of

South Africa cities and metros will be based on the entrenchment and escalation of economic dualism and exclusion of the poor from any developmental decision-making and strategies. This has serious implications for the development of

local democracies and developmental institutions based on the formulation and understanding of local conditions and circumstances of poverty and inequality and holds serious implications for social stability in the South African metros and municipalities in the future.

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Die navorsingsvers/ag ondersoek die teoretiese begronding van die begrip wat bes/uitnemers op p/aaslike regeringsv/ak het van die term "ontwikke/ing " met spesifieke verwysing na p/aaslike regering as ontwikke/ingsagent en P/aas/ike Ekonomiese Ontwikkeling. Die keuse van teoretiese modelle deur hierdie bes/uitnemers het historiese en ana/itiese voor/opers en tweedens, word die bes/uitnemer in die gesig gestaar deur 'n basiese dualisme in ontwikkelingsdenke, die k/em op universa/isme

(g/oba/e kompeterendheid) aan die een kant en die behoefte aan spesifiekheid (p/aaslike ekonomiese ontwikkeling) aan die ander kant. Die teoretiese beginse/s en aannames waarop die neolibera/e en markgeorienteerde benaderings tot ontwikkeling berus, word gei"nkorporeer in die makro-ekonomiese benadering "Groei, Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling" (GEAR) in Suid Afrika. Hierdie benadering het on/angs die sosia/e we/synsontwikkelingsbenadering, wat verleenwoordig is deur die "Heropbou en Ontwikkelingsprogram" (HOP)

of

Vo/houbare Menslike Ontwikkeling, in die skadu geste/. Die basis vir spesifieke be/eidsvorming en intervensiestrategiee word gevind in die teoretiese aannames, doe/witte en doe/stellings in elk van hierdie a/tematiewe benaderings tot ontwikke/ing.

Die navorsingsontwerp vir hierdie studie is primer kwa/itatief. 'n Semi-gestruktureerde onderhoudskedu/e word toegepas am rigting te gee aan in-diepte onderhoude met geidentifiseerde sentra/e bes/uitnemers in metropo/itaanse en groter "B" munisipaliteite. Die navorsingsontwerp en proses is gekonstrueer rondom drie temas wat gebaseer is op huidige en historiese analise van ontwikkelingsdenke as 'n manier waarop armoede en onge/ykheid aangespreek kan word: tema

1 -

teoretiese begrip van die term ontwikkeling, ekonomiese groei in die forme/e sektor teenoor Vo/houbare Mens/ike Ontwikkeling; tema

2 -

die aard en re/evansie van dee/name deur die sivie/e same/ewing en die P/aaslike Ekonomiese Ontwikkelingsproses (PEO); en tema

3

-Plaas/ike Ekonomiese Ontwikkeling en die ro/ van infrastruktuurbe/egging, grondgebruikbep/aning en sonering as 'n intervensie-strategie. 'n Beginpuntposisie word ontwikke/ oar p/aaslike regering en PEO deur gebruik te maak van verskeie bronne, byvoorbee/d, onderhoude met die Direkteur-Generaa/ in die Deparlement van Provinsia/e en P/aaslike Regering gemoeid met Plaas/ike Ekonomiese Ontwikke/ing

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relevant tot PEO. Hierdie posisie word vergelyk met die posisie wat ingeneem word deur plaaslike regeringsbestuurbesluitnemers gemoeid met PEO.

Die analise van die inligting wat ingesamel is suggereer dat die teoretiese perspektief en beleidsraamwerk oor ontwikkeling, deelname en strategiee om ongelykheid en armoede aan te spreek, die Volhoubare Menslike Ontwikkeling (navorserstitel) wat gehuldig word deur die Departement van Provinsiale en Plaaslike Regering (DPPR) nie versoenbaar is met die definisie en begrip van die meerderheid van die besluitnemers op plaaslike regeringsvlak wat direk gemoeid is met PEO nie. Die idee van deelnemende ontwikkeling met anti-armoede strategiee wat gefokus is op arm stedelike burgers op plaaslike vlak word nie deur die ontwikkelingsbesluitnemers op munisipale vlak beskou as die relevante oftoegepaste fokus nie. Bykomend is beperkte kennis tot beskikking van plaaslike regeringsbesluitnemers oor beide formele en informele ekonomiese aktiwiteite. In hierdie verband isde facto leierskap alreeds oorhandig aan formele ekonomiese organisasies en instellings. Die idee van die gebruik van grondgebruik- en soneringsregulasies om ekonomiese aktiwiteite tot lae en informele behuisingsnedersetfings te herorienteer en die hersamestelling van lae en informele behuising as plekke vir vervaardiging deur gebruik te maak van buigbare spesialiseringsbeginsels is goed ontvang. Die respondente was egter nie ingelig oor hierdie beginsels, ofhulle het weggelaat om hierdie beginsels in berekening te bring by hul beplanning, grondgebruik ofsonering en ontwikkelingsfunksies.

In die lig van bogenoemde het die idee van plaaslike regering as ontwikkelingsagent met spesifieke verwysing tot die aanspreek van armoede en ongelykheid, deur gebruik te maak van die Plaaslike Ekonomiese Ontwikkelingsproses, soos in die vooruitsig gestel deur die Departement van Provinsiale en Plaaslike Regering, nie die meerderheidsteun van besluitnemers op staats- en metrovlak nie. Die meerderheid van die respondente het die proses van beraadslaging gedefinieer as beperk tot die formele ekonomiese sektore wat kompeterend was ofkan wees in die nuwe globale ekonomie. Die meerderheid van hierdie besluitnemers is van mening dat die herdefiniering en plasing van plekke van ekonomiese aktiwiteite gedelegeer kan word aan hierdie formele sektororganisasies en instellings. Hierdie gedeelde begrip van ontwikkeling en

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en verbandhoudende werkskeppingstrategiee, asook die "afsyfering" van bronne en geleenthede na die informele sektor. As dit hul wens is om in hierdie konteks relevant te bly, moet die Oepartement van Provinsiale en Plaaslike Regering intervensie-strategiee ontwikkel om die teoretiese en toegepaste definisie van ontwikkeling, wat gehuldig word deur besluitnemers, veral met betrekking tot Plaaslike Ekonomiese

Ontwikkeling te herorienteer en te herdefineer. Indien hierdie aangeleenthede nie aangespreek word nie sal die vorm en fatsoen van Suid-Afrikaanse stede en metros gebaseer wees op die verskansing en uitbreiding van ekonomiese dualisme en die uitsluiting van die armes van enige ontwikkelingsbesluitneming en strategie. Oit het ernstige implikasies vir die ontwikkeling van plaaslike demokrasie en ontwikkelingsinstellings gebaseer op die formulering en begrip van plaaslike toestande en omstandighede van armoede en ongelykheid en hou ernstige implikasies in vir die sosiale stabiliteit in die Suid-Afrikaanse metros en munisipaliteite in die toekoms.

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Relevant Legislation and Acts List of Abbreviations Chapter 1 Introduction

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1.1 Introduction 1

1.2 Research review and research questions 3

1.3 Research process 6

1.4 Fieldwork and the research tool: question survey 10 1.5 Problems encountered in the application of the research study 20

1.6 Conclusion 22

Chapter 2

Development Theory and Sustainable Human Development

2.1

2.2

2.3

2.4

2.5

2.6

2.7

2.8

2.9

2.10

Introduction

Modernisation or "Development" Theory Dependency and Growth

World-Systems Theory

Basic Needs Theories of Development Basic Needs and "Employment"

Anti-Poverty Approach to Development

Human-Centred and Basic Needs Approach to Development Sustainable Development Conclusion

25

27

39

43

47

50

53

55

60

68

Chapter 3

Local Government as Development Agent and Local Economic Development

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3.3 Urban problems and the Third World City (South Africa) 90 3.4 Development Planning and related Legislative Frameworks 96

3.5 Managing Growth and Development of the City 103

3.6 Regulatory and Legislative Environment 104

3.7 Local Economic Development (LED) 114

3.8 Local Government: Development, Civil Society and spatial

planning - three themes and Question Survey 119

3.8.1 Theme 1: Growth and Human Theories of Development -Globalisation, global capitalism and Sustainable Human

Development (Poverty relief and Human Needs) 120

3.8.2 Theme 2: Local Government and Civil Society

-Participation and Local Economic Development 131

3.8.3 Theme 3: Globalisation and Local Economic Development policies as formulated by Local Government and the nature

and content of the Local Economy of the Urban Poor 140

3.9 Conclusion 152

Chapter 4

Presentation of Findings of Question Survey

4.1 Introduction 154

4.2 Theme 1: Growth and Human Theories of Development -Globalisation, global capitalism and Sustainable Human

Development (Poverty relief and Human Needs) 155

4.3 Theme 2: Local Government and Civil Society

-Participation and Local Economic Development 166

4.4 Theme 3: Globalisation and Local Economic Development policies as formulated by Local Government and the nature

and content of the Local Economy of the Urban Poor 178

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Chapter 5

Critical Assessment of Findings

5.1

Introduction

192

5.2

Local Economic Development and Local Government as

Developmental Agent

192

5.3

Economic Growth, Good Governance and the Global

Economy: South African cities - a critical appraisal

197

5.4

Department of Provincial and Local Government and

Decision-Makers at Local Government Level: An uneasy alliance?

205

5.5

Urban Poor Citizenry: Life choices and the Quality of Life

of the Urban Poor

209

5.6

Conclusion

212

Chapter 6 Conclusion

6.1 Introduction

6.2 The research project

6.3 Research findings and conclusions 6.4 Further research

6.5 Conclusion

Bibliography

Appendix 1 - relevant website's

Appendix 2 - question survey questionnaire Appendix 3 - recommended readings

215

217

220

224

227

229

246

247

253

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Relevant Legislation and Acts

The Proclamation of Township Ordinance, number 19 of 1905 Transvaal Township Act of 1909

Black Labour Regulation Act, number 15 of 1911 Black Land Act, number 27 of 1913

The Public Health Act, 1918/1919

Black Administration Act, number 38 of 1927

The Township and Town Planning Ordinance, number 11 of 1931 Development Trust and Land Act, number 18 of 1936

Group Areas Act, number 41 of 1950 Black Authorities Act, number 68 of 1951 Reservation of Separate Amenities Act of 1953

The Town planning and Township Ordinance, number 25 of 1965 Community Development Act, number 3 of 1966

The Group Areas Act, number 36 of 1966

The Act on Environmental Planning (Physical Planning Act), number 88 of 1967 The Physical Planning and Utilisation of Resources Act of 1967

The Physical Planning and Utilisation of Resources Amendment Act, number 73 of 1975

Environmental Planning Amendment Act, number 104 of 1977 Environmental Planning Amendment Act, number 51 of 1981 Promotion of Local Government Affairs Act, number 91 of 1983 Black Communities Development Act, number 4 of 1984

Town and Regional Planners Act, number 19 of 1984

The Town Planning and Townships Ordinance, number 15 of 1986 Less Formal Township Development Act, number 113 of 1991 Physical Planning Act, number 125 of 1991

Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Act number 200 of 1993 Local Government Transition Act, number 209 of 1993

Development Facilitation Act, number 67 of 1995

Local Government Transition Act, second amendment act, number 97 Of 1996 The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Act number 108 of 1996

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Local Government: Municipal Structures Act of 1998

Municipal Systems Bill of 2000 (National assembly section 75 Bill)

List of Abbreviations BIG BN DFA DLG DPLG DTI EIC. FDI GCP GDP GEAR IDP ILO LED LG LGNF OECD RDP SA SHD TLC TMC

UN

UNDP

WB

Basic Income Grant Basic Needs

Development Facilitation Act Developmental Local Government

Department of Provincial and Local Government Department of Trade and Industry

Environmental Impact Coefficient Foreign Direct Investment

Gross City Product Gross Domestic Product

Growth, Employment and Redistribution strategy Integrated Development Plan

International Labour Office Local Economic Development Local Government

Local Government Negotiating Forum

Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development Reconstruction and Development Program

South Africa

Sustainable Human Development Transitional Local Council

Transitional Metro Council United Nations

United Nations Development Programme World Bank

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Chapter 1 Introduction

1.1 Introduction

This research project is an investigation into the theoretical foundation and understanding of the notion of "development" held by decision-makers in South Africa's local government bureaucracies today. This investigation will be formulated in the context of the constitutional, legislative and policy definition of local government as a "developmental agent" and in the context of Local Economic Development (LED). This developmental role and the process of Local Economic Development are important procedural and institutional tools in the political and socioeconomic transformation of South African society. The goals which this critical level of government are to achieve as part of the post-apartheid reconstruction project are clear: to address inequality and structural poverty; the delivery of basic services; and to bring about the propagation of local democracy. It is this "change", in other words, the values and norms and related procedures, process and objectives that, I believe, is a contested terrain. In short, there is no agreed definition of what constitutes "development". The term "development" captures the areas of change in which these disputes; theoretical and applied, are to be resolved. In my opinion, the specific theoretical framework chosen by the decision-maker at this level of government defines the developmental procedures, objectives and goals of the particular metro or municipal institution acting as the development agent.

The research tool on which the investigation will be based is a qualitative questionnaire which will be constructed in relation to the theoretical definition of the term "development" and applied to "decision-makers" at municipal level. Decision-makers or executive implementers are those individuals who can influence or direct strategic decision-making and related implementation and evaluatory schemes in terms of developmental issues based on their theoretical choices. The theoretical basis for the questionnaire was constructed by analysing both the various definitions of development and the ways in which these definitions have evolved historically. A topology of development theories based on Webster (1990) Sociology ofDevelopmenfformed the

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basis for this discussion (see chapter three). A further literature review will form the groundwork for the construction of a continuum of theoretical definitions of development, [see Oxaal et al (ed) 1975; Booth (ed) 1994; Himmelstrand et al (ed) 1994; Hoogeveldt 1997; Becker

&

Jahn (ed) 1999; Leftwich 2000; Roberts

&

Hite (ed) 2000; Coetzee et al (ed) 2001; Robinson (ed) 2002]. A continuum of developmental theories will be formulated. This continuum will include the notion of globalisation/global competitiveness at one end of the scale and the notion of sustainable human development at the other end (of the scale). The second element of this research project will be the investigation into, and definition of, the theoretical position and application, in practice, of the views of the Department of Provincial and Local Government in terms of "developmental local government" and Local Economic Development. The basis for this review will include academic books and articles with international and South African focus [see Logan & Molotch 1987; Cloete & Mokgoro 1995; de Villiers 1996; McCarney 1996, 1996a & 2000, Atkinson & Reitzes 1998; King (ed) 1996; Borja

&

Castells 1997; Swilling 1998; Venter (ed) 1998; Cape Metropolitan Council 1999; Bond 2000, 2001

&

2001 a; Mabin 2001; Gedes 2001; Mogale 2001; Nel 2001; Palmer 2001; Pieterse 2001

&

2001 a; Rogerson 2001; South African Government 1996, 1998, 1998a, 2000a, 2000b, 2001; Bekker & Leilde 2003; van Zyl 2003]. This view is then located on the development continuum referred to above and will be used as a benchmark in the analysis of the individual respondents' responses.

Responses, in turn, will be collated and analysed and also located on the development continuum; results will then be reported and analysed. Once this is done, I shall then draw certain inferences about the developmental role of municipal government in the context of Local Economic Development and the goals of the post-apartheid transformation project. I believe that the theoretical and applied distinction and/or contradictions that exist in relation to understandings of development will have serious implications for this sphere of government as far as achieving the goals of the socioeconomic and political transformation project are concerned. For example:

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(1) The theoretical definition of what constitutes poverty and inequality identifies and conceptualises the proposed strategies for addressing and resolving poverty and inequality.

(2) The majority of urban citizenry in South Africa's metros and municipalities are poor. The choices made by decision-makers at local government level in relation to Local Economic Development will have a major impact on these people's life choices and quality of life.

(3) The transformation project in South Africa rests on the development and spread of local democracy and institutions that are responsive to local needs and conditions, that is, participation. Different theoretical definitions of development treat the issue of participation and consultation with different emphasis and assign varying levels of importance to both. This is why specific decision-makers' choice of theoretical definition has significant, concrete consequences.

I believe that this research report will have a definite impact on our understanding of local government as a development agent and of what constitutes Local Economic Development in practice. The research findings will also be central to any further research into the nature and functioning of local government in South Africa.

1.2 Research review and research questions

The research project on local government's understanding of development has its roots in the socioeconomic changes that were initiated by the unbanning of the former liberation movements, the negotiations taking place at municipal level about the form of local governance and the reintegration of the formal South African economy into the global economy. During the early 1990s, I was in the process of completing my undergraduate degree at the University of Stellenbosch with 3rdyear Sociology modules as one of my major subjects. The understanding I gained in this study area, including the combination of political sociology and general sociology, coupled with my observations of wider processes of political change, led to my becoming interested,

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specifically, in the socioeconomic and political processes taking place in South Africa. I subsequently registered for a Master of Science degree at the School of Architecture at the University of Witwatersrand. The specific academic focus was on Development Planning and Economics, with the city and city governance as the primary unit of analysis. My master degree research thesis focussed specifically on the adaption of private sector planning systems, for example the Harvard Business School Strategic Planning model, to public sector institutions. During the early 1990s, the national constitutional negotiations that took place in South Africa were parallelled by the negotiations on local government transformation. My Master of Science (Development Studies) thesis research project and findings were directly related to and informed by these negotiations (which were conducted via the Local Government Negotiating Forum negotiations [1993]). These negotiations culminated in the promulgation of the Local Government Transition Act of 1993. This Act, together with the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) (South African Government 1994) as the normative framework, put the regulatory and developmental framework in place; this, in turn, determined the shape, form and focus of the new transitional local government and municipal structures. These normative and legislative developments, and the recognition of the important role the municipal institutions could play in the transformation project in post-apartheid society, further focussed my interest in the city/metro as a unit of analysis. The whole issue of transformation and development was made more problematic by post-apartheid South African society's reintegration into the global economic and social system (ie globalisation).

My first attempt at a PhD research study project focussed specifically on developing an applied research tool which the newly formed transitional local councils could utilise as mechanism to investigate their external and internal environments. It was hoped that this process would also help to develop new systems at local government level through which consensus decision-making could be introduced and developed amongst competing political parties and interest groups. (In other words, the development of local level multi-party democracy around access and distribution of resources, or "development".) The theoretical and normative base of this applied tool was to be the theoretical underpinnings of the RDP program for socioeconomic and political

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reconstruction within the legislative framework of the Local Government Transition Act (1993). However, before the research project could be completed, this policy framework was replaced by the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (Gear) macro economic policy document (South African Government 1996a) in which the theoretical assumptions for "change" were theoretically and normatively different from that of the social welfarism of the RDP (GEAR was based on neoliberal/neomodernist socioeconomic assumptions). This meant that the research framework of my initial research project had to undergo a revision and, secondly, that the perceived consensus on the theoretical model for change, RDP, had became a contested terrain. During this same period the constitutional, legislative and policy frameworks and the geographical demarcation of the new metro and municipal governments were formalised in the various legislative and policy documents drawn up during the period from 1996 to 2000. These will be identified and discussed in chapter 3. The developmental role of local government with specific reference to local economic development became the cornerstone of these separate, but interrelated, constitutional, legislative and policy frameworks. It is clear, however, that no attempt was made to clearly define the theoretical and normative notion of what development or change is, and how this definition of development would influence policy, intervention strategies, the shape and form of municipal government and government's interaction with wider civil society. It

is in the light of this that I formulated my revision of my PhD research project.

The new research project focuses specifically on an in-depth examination of how local government decision-makers theoretically and normatively understand the term "development", with specific reference to the notion of Local Economic Development (LED). The following three questions and the introduction of a possible framework for intervention, (see number 4 below), form the basis of the questionnaire which is analysed and critically discussed in relation to the concerns underlying this research project, these being:

(1) What theoretical understanding of the term "development" do decision-makers at city/metro level endorse, with specific reference to Local Economic Development and local government as the development agent? How do these

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views critically compare with that of the view held by the official from the Department of Provincial and Local Government (DPLG) who deals with LED specifically and the policy, regulatory, legislative and constitutional definition of LED as held by the DPLG?

(2) What relevance and importance do respondents attach to the notion of "participation" in relation to LED and in relation to the view held by the DPLG?

(3) What data and knowledge are available to decision-makers in local government in relation to the economic activity of the urban poor, the informal economic sector, and/or the formal economic sector activities? What is the relevance of the two sectors in the context of LED?

(4) An introduction of a strategy to directly address poverty and inequality by locating economic activities using the land-use and zoning regulations as the vehicle for facilitating asset and wealth creation for the urban poor. (The strategy will be discussed further in chapter 4 and chapter 5, and is primarily based on the redefinition of land-use and zoning regulations from a regulatory to a facilitatory perspective based on flexible specialisation principles as a means to initiate and facilitate economic activity by the urban poor citizenry [Logan & Molotch 1987, Watson 1996, McCarney 1996 &1996a, Finnemore 1999, Schmitz & Nadvi 1999]).

1.3 The research process

The construction of a research tool for investigating local government decision-makers' theoretical understanding of development required an extensive literature review on the part of the researcher. The reading in development studies and theory from undergraduate to post-graduate level provided me with a good theoretical basis from which to work. It is on the basis of this theoretical background that a continuum of development theories could be constructed. As I have already indicated, this continuum included sustainable human development and neoliberal/neomodern (globalisation)

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theories at opposite ends of the proposed continuum. These will be discussed in chapter 2. I wrote and delivered various papers with a developmental focus at conferences and study groups to test my own understanding and viewpoints. At first, the study area had a very broad focus but, as I gained a better understanding of developmental theory and the different theoretical approaches to social change, the focus of my study became much more specific. Initially, my idea was to create categories of development theory into which specific theoretical approaches could be identified, categorised and/or allocated. In the literature review and research, I attempted to use material and readings that were topical and up to date. However, this was not always possible since the formulation of theoretical positions, criticisms and counterformulation of theoretical approaches to development studies have a chronological and historical context. This meant that it was sometimes necessary to utilise or quote authors whose work is now considered dated.

In the chapter on theory, chapter 2, the organisation of the literature review was based on, and organised around, the chronology of the evolution of theoretical approaches to development studies (see Webster, A. 1990: Introduction to the Sociology of Development), and on the three themes which constitute the question survey. These themes are identified and discussed in detail in chapter 3. This process was repeated in chapter 3 in which the theoretical and applied understanding of the role, form and function of the third sphere of formal government (called municipal, city, metro or local government respectively). A slightly different approach to the literature review was followed here simply because there is a less extensive range of theoretical literature on the subject area of local government and on local government as development agent. The general readings and available literature were found to be focussed more on form and structure, with the theoretical underpinnings subsumed in the specific texts (eg the relationship between legislative form and policy goals). The development of this section in chapter 3 is therefore based on the categorisation of the nature and form of local government and municipal structures. This section is organised in relation to the specific goal(s) to be achieved within a specific historical period. These are arranged chronologically, with specific reference to historical periodisation and related legislative and policy formulation. For example the post -1994 restructuring of municipal and local

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government can broadly be periodised into periods. Bekker

&

Leilde (2003:144) state:

Local government reform in South Africa has, over the past decade, passed through two analytically distinct phases of policy. The first after the local government elections in 1995 and 1996 established local democracy. The second enunciated particularly in the White Paper on Local Government (1998) established developmental local government which emphasised participative planning and local economic initiatives as preeminent local government goals. A third set of policies which is emerging at the time of writing (2001), has been preceded by a country-wide re-delimitation of area jurisdiction and promises more effective and more equitably financed local governments.

The research project has its basis in the second period as identified by Bekker & Leilde (2003) as the period concerned with the formulation of developmental local government and the introduction of the concepts related to local economic development. The research project will as indicated investigate decision-makers understanding of these concepts at municipal/metro level. The interviews were conducted from February 2001 till August 2001 and the results were collated and analysed from September 2001 till July 2002. The first draft of the thesis report was handed in for examination in September 2002. The findings of the research project can be interpreted in relation to the third period as identified by Bekker & Leilde (2003). This third period deals specifically with financial equity and effective delivery of services and infrastructural development. The contention of this research project is that the theoretical choices of these decision-makers will effect the form and content of these services and

infrastructural related issues.

A historical comparative approach is followed in chapter 3 since the nature and form of local government in South Africa reflected the historical evolution of local government in the United Kingdom and the United States of America. However, the colonial experience and interests (eg primacy of gateway coastal urban development), and the segregationist and racial policies of the English colonial powers, led to different urban

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development forms and patterns in countries with a colonial history such as South Africa.

Secondly, the newly independent South African Republic's (1963) urban development policies of separate development and racial urban segregation, led to new forms and legislative constructs that were different from historical precedents. The "Apartheid City" had particular spatial and geographic characteristics which reflected the theoretically defined goals and objectives of those that held political and socioeconomic power during that particular historical period. These objectives and goals are reflected in the legislation and policy objectives and the nature of territorial and infrastructural development (eg see chapter three - the red, blue, and green books). This section of chapter three also reflects the changes that were introduced constitutionally, legislatively and in the related policy documents after the demise of Apartheid and the introduction of a nonracial constitutional democracy in South Africa in 1994 (see Bekker & Leilde 2003). This change was represented by the political and related reconstruction of the role, content and goals of all spheres of government (ie non-racial, non-sexist multi-party democracy). This research project, however, is primarily focussed on the third sphere of formal government, that is, local or municipal government, and the development, structure, form and content of these changes are discussed in detail in chapter 3.

A central element of the demarcation of the different competencies of the three spheres of government was the identification of local government as a provincial competency in the 1993 Constitution. This dependency was however diluted in the 1996 constitution in which the constitutional autonomy of local government was highlighted (Besdziek 1998). The provincial government however, will if the local government institution is unable to fulfill its functions in relation to its oversight role, intervene in the manner that national government can intervene in provincial government. According to the Constitution of South Africa (1996:chapter 7) local government is:

... responsible for the provision of accountable and democratic government to local communities and to encourage the involvement of

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communities and community organisations in matters of local government. ... obliges local government to ensure provision of services to local communities in a sustainable manner; to promote social and economic development; and to promote a safe and healthy environment. The constitution also lists two specific "developmental duties of local government": local government must give priority to the basic needs of communities and promote social and economic development of communities ...(Besdziek 1998: 157).

It is in the light of this constitutional definition that the research project will focus specifically on the developmental understanding of the executive decision-makers at local government level in the definition and fulfilment of their "developmental duties". The research project is predicated on the reading and construction of theoretical and the methodological frameworks defined in chapters 2 and 3 and in the interrelations between these two areas of study, that is, development and local government studies with the academic focus on development studies, local government studies, economics, sociology and policy studies.

1.4 Fieldwork and the research tool: question survey

In this section I will discuss the key issues that were taken into consideration when constructing the research tool, and, secondly, what was involved in the fieldwork - in other words, how the questionnaire was used in practice. The first key issue was to define and identify the data sources. As I have already stated, the basis for this study assumes that social knowledge is organised in terms of theories. Social theory is defined as a "system of abstractions or ideas that condense and organise knowledge about the social world " (Neuman 1994:6). Various theories of social change or development are identified and discussed in chapter 2 and these map the norms and values and related forms of knowledge that constitute each of these theories. Since the area of study is the theoretical understanding of decision-makers at city or metro level, any relevant data obtained must, by its very nature, either support or reject the theoretical view held by the Department of Provincial and Local Government (DPLG).

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This data had to be defined, collected and analysed according to specific rules and procedures and according to empirical qualitative data (ie the questionnaire itself), the subject matter being local government decision-makers' theoretical understanding of development. The questionnaire is constructed in such a way that respondents would be asked to respond to a number of questions (approximately 30) in a interview over a relatively short period of time. A summary of the views as held by the respondents can thus be formulated and the necessary inference about respondents' views can be made on the basis of this data and evidence.

With the help of the Director-General of the Department of Provincial and Local Government that deals with issues of Local Economic Development, it was relatively easy to identify the main role players, individually or collectively, in the different metro governments or larger "B" municipalities during this period. The metros of Tswane (Pretoria), Guateng (Johannesburg), Ekurhuleni (East Rand), Cape Town, NelsonMandela (Port Elizabeth), Thekwini (Durban) and the "B" municipalities of Buffalo (East London), SolPlaatjie (Kimberley), Polokwane (Pietersburg), Mangaung (Bloemfontein), Msunduzi (Pietermaritzburg), Mbombela (Nelspruit) were included in this research project. The metro Ekurhuleni and the "B" municipalities of Buffalo (East London), SolPlaatjie (Kimberley) and Mangaung (Bloemfontein) and Poloquane (Pietersburg) were approached, but for various reasons did not want to take part in the research project at this stage. The final number of respondents identified, and who agreed to take part, was 12. The process of identification of respondents sometimes resulted in more than one respondent from the particular municipal institution being identified as a "decision-maker or executive implementer".

The identified respondents had different official titles and the nature of their positions were defined differently. For example: Director: Corporate Planning; Director: SMME and Economic Development Unit; Director: Forward Planning; Director: Strategic Planning; and Director-General of Local Economic Development. However, all the respondents were identified by the Director-General (DG) in the Department of Provincial and Local Government (DPLG) as the specific individuals responsible for Local Economic Planning (LED) projects, planning and resource allocation and strategic

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planning in their specific geographic areas of responsibility. Some of the designated or identified locations (eg Buffalo [East London]) and Mangaung [Bloemfontein]) had not appointed, or did not intend appointing, a responsible individual or unit and as such could not be included in the study. These responses from larger "B" municipalities in itself was an area of concern for the Director-General at the DPLG, who wanted to know more about the unwillingness or inability of the "B" municipalities to fulfill this requirement, given that "B" municipalities were central role-players in the function and achievement of the goal and objectives of the LED projects as defined by DPLG. Access to the various decision-makers was facilitated by the DPLG but, as will be discussed later, this was often not to the advantage of the researcher, because it was soon apparent that there were varied feelings of support, dismissal and ridicule for the DPLG proposals and projects. This has serious implications for the notion of "cooperative governance" which forms one of the cornerstones of the 1996 constitution (Constitution of South Africa 1996; Moosa 1998; van Zyl 2003). This issue will be discussed in greater depth in the analysis of the findings and the opportunities for further research.

The majority of decision-makers in the different metro and representative "B" municipalities were included in the research study and the decision-makers' scope of decision-making covers approximately 60% of the urban population in 2002. This figure is predicted to increase to approximately 70% of the urban population in the next eight years, or by the year 2010 (Demarcation Board on Municipal Government 2002 at

www.demarcation.org.za/demarcprocess/wards/ver3e/Cat_ bdemogStats.asp). The

decisions taken now by these officials around the issue of "development" will have a definite impact on approximately 35 million people. If the statistics and figures supplied

by the World Bank are to be believed; then of this 35 million approximately 60% live below the designated poverty line. In other words, the life choices of 21 million people will be directly affected and shaped by the theoretical choice of these decision-makers

at metro level (World Bank 2001). These issues will be discussed in greater detail in chapter 3. Given the above figures, I am of the opinion that the sample of respondents is large enough to give a true reflection of the nature and scope of local government decision-makers' theoretical understanding of developmental issues for a valid and

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reliable assessment and inference to be made on the basis of the data obtained via the questionnaire survey. Secondly, I believe the information collected is extremely important, given that local government decision-makers' theoretical understanding and related formulation of development strategies and projects is bound to have a very real effect on the life choices of millions of South Africans.

A new questionnaire had to be formulated and constructed since there was no existing tool for investigating decision-makers' theoretical understanding of development. The questionnaire construction is based on a semi-structured approach as the questionnaire contains a number of "directed" and/or closed-type questions and that the interviews would follow a predetermined pattern (as opposed to a conversational interview). However, respondents were encouraged to give their own substantiation for their views expressed in their responses. The questionnaire tool had to be constructed in relation to the particular social, political and economic conditions that are prevalent in the specific metro and "B" municipalities found in South Africa. However, the questionnaire also has to be constructed in such a way that it could be uniformly applied in all the metros and to all of the respondents across South Africa. A further consideration was that, if further research is to be considered, this questionnaire should be applicable

outside of South Africa in both developing countries, for example in the SADC countries (eg Namibia [Windhoek] and Swaziland [Mbababane]), and even in the developed metros and municipalities (eg the European/Mediterranean seaports, which are South Africa's main trading partners). If it was applied in this way, the questionnaire could be used to construct a comparative database which could, in turn, be used as a tool in the inter-city/metro developmental decision-making process (eg within the Southern African Developmental Region or the Eastern and Mediterranean Seaboard).

This issues of reliability and validity are central problems in the construction of a new research tool, in this case, a semi-structured questionnaire. The question of reliability is related to the measure of internal consistency, and in the application of the questionnaire to the various respondents. The questionnaire was constructed in relation to the material based on the literature review and a pilot study was then undertaken. The form, scope and content of the questionnaire underwent major revision after the

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pilot study was completed. The specific problems encountered in the pilot study will be discussed in detail. Respondents were presented with a similar questionnaire to respond to in terms ofform, structure and content. Respondents were not limited to any time constraints. Each respondent or group of respondents were given the same assurances of confidentiality and the reasons for the research project and I explained, in detail, to each respondent, how the data obtained would be used. Secondly, as will be indicated in the report and analysis of the data (in chapters 4 and 5), respondents who supported the neo-liberal/global competitiveness model consistently interpreted and answered the follow-up questions from within this theoretical paradigm. Those who supported the model of sustainable human development were also consistent in their understanding and interpretation of the questions. Reliability was therefore consistent and proven, both in terms of the research tool, and in terms of the data collected within and between the three themes which make up the data gathering tool.

The question of validity has two elements. The first element is: is the measuring instrument actually measuring the theoretical concept or units of analysis in question? The second element is: is the tool measuring accurately? To respond to, and answer the questions posed in the questionnaire, a specific level of competence and theoretical

understanding was required from the various respondents. The specific text, concepts and subject matter covered in the questionnaire is the basis for the selection of incumbents for these highly specialised positions within the local government bureaucracies. A high degree of understanding of these subjects areas is the primary measure for the levels of competence for incumbents at this level in any large private or public sector institution. The subject area of development, development planning, zoning and regulatory frameworks and economic models in terms of which decisions on resource allocation are made all fall within respondents' spheres of responsibility and influence. Respondents' ability to understand and respond to the questionnaire was, therefore, not in question. The second question about validity is that the

respondents could respond clearly, and that the data collected could be interpreted in the reporting and analysis with clarity and without ambiguity. As in the test for reliability, the fact that there was a continued thread in the responses to the questionnaire confirmed the respondents' support for either one or the other of the theoretical models

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and positions. It also bears witness to the validity of the research tool. Although there are various interpretations and tests for reliability and validity, I believe that the question of reliability and validity have been dealt with and that the research tool meets both these requirements.

The basis for the research tool is the questionnaire. The relevance of the questionnaire in terms of relevance to the study, relevance of the questions to the study and relevance of the questions to the respondents have to be addressed. The questionnaires were used at the offices of the respondents at the relevant metro or uB" municipal locations. There were two exceptions: where the respondents requested that the questionnaire application be done after hours (owing to perceived problems of confidentiality). These problems will be discussed below. Key issues in the issue of relevance are related to whether the operational definitions (eg global competitiveness) matched the theoretical concepts used in the research study. Secondly, if the study seemed a worthwhile project for the respondents. The first issue, operational definition, has been discussed and the fact that all respondents did not have any problems in discussing or understanding the basic theoretical choices and related consequences meant that the operational definitions were clear and usable. The answer to second issue (ie whether respondents found the project worthwhile) is found in the fact that, apart from Ekurhuleni metro and the identified uB" municipalities, all the incumbents or identified respondents were willing to make themselves available for extended periods of time and all expressed an interest in the final outcome of the study. They all felt that this study could be a way of resolving the problems of funding and of helping to give a structural definition of policy and application - problems that they personally faced every day.

The analysis of the respondents' responses to the questions and the comparison of these responses with the views of the DPLG shows why this is so. This issue is being made more problematic by the DPLG's decision to suppress the information obtained in this research report, simply because this report exposes the fact that the majority of respondents hold views that differ markedly from those of the DPLG. The relevance of the questions to the respondents is also indicated and answered in the discussion.

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Suffice to say that the majority of the respondents' daily duties and responsibilities were influenced by the very issue identified by the research study and by the questions contained in the questionnaire.

Some problems with the construction and content of the questionnaire were identified in the application of questionnaire during the pilot study application and these will be discussed in detail in the following section, section 1.5, of this chapter. Some general problems of question construction had, however, also to be corrected. The first of these problems was that some of the questions were constructed in such a way that they were, in effect, more than one question. These questions had to be revised and in some instances simplified. In the revised questionnaire, where the specific problem of overly complex questions could not be excluded or reformulated, subsections were "built into" the question as a way of resolving this problem. Similar to the above problem was the fact that some questions were too ambiguous to be answered directly and as such were irrelevant and wasted time. These were reformulated or removed from the questionnaire. The complexity level of text use as indicated earlier was not a problem because all the respondents were specialists and used the theoretical and applied concepts and definitions daily in the course of their work. This level of understanding made it easy for questions to be constructed at a high level of theoretical abstraction; respondents were able to interpret these at a concrete level and could give factual examples without any trouble. The high level of text and theoretical understanding made it extremely difficult for leading questions to be included in the questionnaire simply because respondents all held highly developed abstract and theoretical ideas and interpretations about the questionnaire questions.

The nature and content of the questions was seen by the respondents as extremely sensitive and respondents felt that their responses had to be kept confidential. Indeed, some time after the interview, a number of the respondents verbally or in writing requested that the levels of confidentiality be maintained: these respondents expressed specific concerns about their job security and the political nature of the support (or

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The reasons behind this need for confidentiality, I assume, is the notion of party political accountability and perceived levels of political support within and outside of local government bureaucracies. The nature of these appointments is such that they are seen by the incumbents as "political", which makes incumbents responsible not only to their bureaucracies, but also to their political "masters". This view could be summarised in that a number of the respondents did not feel secure enough in their rejection of, or support for, particular theoretical positions because the support for these position could change and they would then be exposed politically. It is obvious that the majority of the respondents felt threatened by the questionnaire and by the fact that they were not sure about how the information would be utilised. It was only by continued and very specific guarantees of confidentiality that these respondents, firstly, allowed the researcher to use the interview material; secondly, to write the report to the DPLG; and, finally, to include their responses in this doctoral research project.

The questionnaire consists of open and closed questions --- semi-structured questionnaire. Open-ended questions are those questions which ask the respondents to respond, freely, to the questions about their theoretical choices and the reasons for these choices. These questions are further backed up by questions about their perceived understanding of the consequences of their specific theoretical and applied developmental choices. Closed-ended questions were mainly questions that asked respondents if they were aware of certain issues; or if they had access to specific tools and resources; and questions about the formal structures and issues of accountability of specific forms and types of, for example committee structures, in relation to "consultation". As such, these questions were an indicator of the level of access to resources and support mechanisms. The questionnaire is a mixture of both types of questions. The question order was divided into the three categories or themes and approximately 10 questions were included under each theme. The order of the questions in each theme, as well as between the themes themselves, is of critical importance. This is because the themes themselves, as well as the order within the themes, build on the previous questions or themes and in some instances are a comparison with a previous question or set of questions. A cover letter was sent by the researcher to the respondents, including the endorsement from the Director General

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at the DPLG. Respondents were also given a copy of the questionnaire days, or in some cases weeks, before the interview and were informed about the nature and content of the questionnaire. The responses were tape-recorded after the researcher had been given permission to do so; the tape recordings were transcribed and are included as an separate appendix to the thesis.

I conducted all the interviews myself because this gave me the opportunity to make the respondents feel secure and also gave me the flexibility to ask respondents to explain themselves more fully if they appeared to be reticent in their responses. The fact that

I have an in-depth knowledge of the subject area also convinced the respondents of the

bona fides of the research project. As I have already indicated, the response rate to the request to take part in the research project identified was very high. I am of the opinion that it was mainly structural issues which stopped those metro or "8" municipalities which did not respond from taking part although no response at all was received from the Polaquane "8" municipality in Limpopo province. Some of these structural problems identified were that specific individuals had not been appointed in these positions yet, or that areas or lines of responsibility had not been established or formulated and as such no specific decision-maker/s could be identified or interviewed. The non-verbal element of the respondent behaviour was also critical in allowing me to assess the

reliability and validity of the responses. The control over the environment in which the interviews took place was limited, but I did alii could to accommodate those who asked for the interviews to take place outside the work environment and outside working hours. Respondents' security and requests for anonymity was obviously of central importance to me and I promised not to divulge names or personal details of any respondents. This fact limits the amount of information about the personal and politic.al profiles of the respondents that could be included. This delimits the amount of information and analysis around the old/new local government officialdom and bureaucratic elites ideological roles and related issues of rent-seeking and personal enrichment that could colour and structure responses from particular respondents.

The order of questions was strictly adhered to because, as I have already explained, the order in which questions were asked had implications for the form and content of

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responses. Respondents were also asked to complete the question interview although, in some instances, the respondents were called away during and before interviews were completed. This was because some respondents had allocated too little time to complete the questionnaire (although they were informed, beforehand, of the approximate time that would be required to complete the questionnaire). Also, respondents sometimes got caught up in the interview process and often talked for long periods oftime about a specific question or set of questions. When this happened, I did not want to interrupt them or "push on" to the next question, because I felt that I could obtain other, relevant information by listening to what they had to say.

The disadvantages of this research process (ie a semi-structured questionnaire) was that is was expensive; I had to travel to different locations across the country to do the interviews. This included the cost of travel, hotels and meals and so on. Respondents who did not want to do their interviews at their offices wanted to do the interviews in restaurants and this also added to the cost of the research project. Related to this was the time that was needed to travel across country and the attempt to rationally and systematically cover all of the metros within a specific time period (approximately three to four months). This proved very difficult because respondents were always cancelling appointments or changing them to different times owing to work pressure and obligations. The cost of transcribing and editing the interviews was also considerable.

Not surprisingly, different respondents responded differently to me personally, as I did to them. However, I tried to constantly adopt a professional and supportive stance at all times so that my own particular theoretical biases and preferences were not apparent, and I consciously refrained from passing judgment on anything the respondents said. The main problem, in fact, was getting the respondents to agree upon a time, venue and location to physically do the interview and to having to give constant assurances of confidentiality. Respondents' fears about being included in the research project and the fact that this could seriously damage their careers, and what they believe my role in this regard is, will be discussed in the next section of the chapter.

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1.5 Problems encountered in the application of the research study

The first research project, as I have already explained, had to be revised when the government altered its policy from that of social welfarism to that neoliberalism/neomodernism. The second project, however, presented its own problems, problems that had to be resolved before or during the pilot study phase or during the data analysis and presentation stages. The theoretical problems were mainly those of formulation, in other words, to create valid and reliable theoretical categories that the respondents could recognise and that would meet academic and research criteria. Once the problems of formulation had been dealt with, the research study was relatively easy to complete. Secondly, the formulation of a central theme which could be used as the basis for the overall structuring of the three themes of the questionnaire was not unproblematic. However, in the literature review readings, I came across a group of scholars based at, or affiliated to the Centre for Urban and Community Studies at the University of Toronto, Canada. This group of academics and researchers focus on the specific issues of development and the consequences of specific theoretical choices regarding development; their work had reference to both developed and developing countries. Various papers, research projects and books have been published by this group. Reading their publications, research reports and books led me to the specific ideas which form the basis of the three themes of this research project

(see Stren

&

Letemendia 1986; McCarney (ed) 1996a; McCarney (ed) 1996b). Constructing the questionnaire was relatively straightforward once I had formulated the combination of the theoretical frameworks for the development studies categories and the three themes relating to Local Economic Development.

The first version of the questionnaire that was applied in the pilot study was also made up of three categories or themes. However, each category consisted of approximately 25 questions. These questions were formulated in great detail and respondents were expected to respond to many closed-response type questions. The pilot study clearly indicated that there were problems with this type of questionnaire. The first problem identified was that, after three hours, respondents refused to continue or take part further with the questionnaire. At this point the questionnaire was only half way

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complete or approximately half of the questions that made up theme two had been addressed. It was obvious and clearly apparent that the length and time that the questionnaire took had to be drastically reduced. The final version of the questionnaire is still based on the original three categories or themes, but the number of questions were reduced to approximately ten questions per theme. This reduced completion time of the questionnaire to between two and three hours. The type of questions had to be changed, of course, simply because there were now far fewer questions. If the same type and levels of complexity of information were to be obtained, then more open-ended type questions had to be included. This, in turn, meant that fewer closed questions could be included. In the end this worked out well, in fact, because respondents would discuss the types of information asked in the closed questions as examples to support their rationale for their responses to the open-ended questions.

As indicated already, identifying respondents was not difficult but the level of paranoia and insecurity amongst this group of professionals (ie people working in the management of local government bureaucracies) was extremely high. The fact that the respondents were identified by the researcher (after consultation with the Director General of the Department of Provincial and Local Government [DPLG]) and the researcher identified himself with reference to the DPLG bureaucracy created a great deal of suspicion. The respondents assumed that this was some form of investigation into their individual work practices and political orientation. Initially, I was thought to be part of a witch hunt to route out potential political dissidents. The various respondents' political and racial viewpoints contextualised their response to the researcher and the research project. These responses were expressed in antagonism, disbelief in the goals and objectives of the research project, avoidance of the questionnaire and distrust of the researcher. It took a long period of time and effort to convince them of my bona fides and the bona fides of the research project. This problem of political insecurity on the part of the respondents and the need to constantly reassure respondents (ie concerning confidentiality) absorbed both time and effort. As a result of this, the confidentiality of the transcribed interviews had to be stringently protected at all times and none of the remarks made may be quoted with reference to the specific person who made them.

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The problem of access and trust were further compounded by the fact that one respondent was arrested for corruption and fraud just days before they were due to be interviewed. In this small and closed circle of bureaucrats, the causal relationship between the research project and this particular individual's arrest was questioned by some respondents. In this particular instance, alternative incumbents had to be appointed to the position and these were then identified as respondents. These individuals expressed high levels of insecurity at being asked to take part in the research project. Other respondents indirectly raised this issue with me and this led to even higher levels of paranoia and insecurity. A second problem was that, within the larger "B" municipalities, incumbents felt particularly insecure (ie politically). This was one of the reasons for the exclusion of some of the "B" municipalities: the problems of access and reliability of the data collected simply could not be guaranteed. The causes of this, in my view, is that the new administrations in the "B" municipalities were often the new municipal and administration centres dealing with the old homeland

administrations (eg Limpopo province and Polaquane and Buffalo in the Eastern Cape). These administrations and bureaucracies were not at all enthusiastic about any research project on their theoretical understanding of development in relation to Local Economic Development and the interrelations with the greater civil society, nor did they wish to discuss their relationship with provincial administrations or DPLG and other national government departments or in relation to the idea of cooperative governance as outlined in the new constitution. The one interview with the bureaucrat from a "B" municipality makes for particularly revealing reading as far as relations between the new urban councillors and the traditional leadership structures are concerned. Indeed, this is an area that needs further research work, given South Africa's transformation project.

1.6

Conclusion

In this introductory chapter, I explained the reasons for embarking on this particular research project. I also described the research process, fieldwork and the research tool and the problems encountered. The key areas of validity, reliability and relevance were discussed in some detail. The pilot study and revision of the project were explained, as

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was the sample population, type of respondent, sampling frame and relevance of information to the research project was discussed.

Chapter 2 will review a number of schools of thought in terms of a basic dualism or contradiction in development thinking, that is, the emphasis on universalism on the one hand and the need for specificity on the other hand. This contradiction is addressed in the definition of the approach labelled sustainable human development, which is proposed as the guiding principle for the developmental challenges in developing countries, including the developmental condition in South Africa today. This analysis links development thinking to local economic development, which puts local government in the centre as the development agent tasked with meeting the needs of local urban citizenry, with the primary focus on the urban poor.

Chapter 3 follows on from the conclusion of chapter 2 and attempts to review the historical evolvement of development policy in South Africa. In this chapter, I ask how sustainable human development can be achieved in South Africa. I focus, in particular, on the role of local government, that is, on the metros or larger municipal governments as devel

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