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^i'.

V„.' ^{=v-^3i-. "^-./ -*;^:-} V,*' _.c-^B?;-. "^../

^{^}

•'

.*^'

•• •*

^ ^—

-^.^^^^{.^} *:

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A

'J^.

"..o' .^^ o *.,,.*

^.0''

^^

.^^

.

vO^,

^

^*;

-^^0^

'»'«

v^ :

HORACE _GREELEY,

"THE CHAPPAQUA _SAGE."

WHAT HE KNOWS _{ABOUT PARTISAN POLITICS- GLANCES}

_?

AT HIS POLITICAL RECORD.

Sudden

changes of opinion always excite _distrustunless they are

accompanied by

causes so adequate and apparentthatthemetamorphosis isat once e^ptained

Whea

hJ'^Zf^r?'''^''^''''''^'^{^-'^ ^^-^'?.?^'}

^^^

_{^^^'^ °« l^Sical orsufBcieut reason caa} be perceived for a revolution in life-long action

and

sentiment, there naturally arisesa suspicionofhidden mercsnary, sellish, or dishonorable motiveg. Ifthecon-

JSr;.

^{' j"'}

'T^

^{•^'^r'^}

^{^"1}

^• ''^^^^"y inexplicable, _^vas calculated to subservs n^f

h^^'^^l'.T^

a continuance in theformer _sentiments

would

Tm.^^ K

bonest conviction and high-minded _{sincerity in the} premises

vould

almost, orquite, '.raoant to certainty.

W^MtW^

^{r^'^'^^^^i9^^}

^HDrace

^Greeley

^now

^{occupies in the}

^minds

^{of those}

^who

t^o\

Wplf

^. k""

^''P°^'^''^^ coadjutors. Like Saul of Tarsus he has suddenlybe-

W ^{.n^ I}

^{'^} companionship _{of those}

whom

hehas ever before

denounced

as to

tLTp

wlfn

f^f

^•

^V\^

^{case ofthe saintthere}

^was

^{alightin the heavens visible}

.

onffthTwS

"^^^^.^bout

; butin the case ofthe

Chappaqua

philosopher there

nr.I r

^'f''''°^^^°f

Cimmenan

darkness, farfromsuggestiveofanything celestial.

SiTpb fn?^« '^ ^"^ ^'''';^'1 ^^^ Repuhcans, nay more, the censuresand oly-urgations

Sm t r.irr^ ^'^'IH

^"^^^27^^"P^^^ theiropponents, he

now

pours out

upon fnS^^.lj

\i''''"''%^^^l ^\'

Democrats make

it their greatestboast that they are unchanged.

Horace

Greeley_has notkept his "first estate," politically, he

is-

"

5F^^'?.^^^'^'o°o, flaming fromth' etherial sky.

With hideous ruin and combustion,

down To

bottomless perdition."

WrilfJ^w

"""i^-? ^^f^i^^^ tje great

and

noble party t6 which he

was

attached, but his hatredtowardit willhereafter begreaterthan thatof aperson

who

nevei belonged_to

It.

JJunngthe

old wars between the

Mahometans and

Christians, the latte^were accustomed to saythat ''onerenegade

was

worsethantenTurks." Thereisanatural abhorrencein the

human mind

against treachery

and

selfish desertion.

The

rene-

Enn

^{0^1 °} i'"'''^^'/-

He

issensible of the

meed

he deserves from faithful

and

honorableminds,

and

he hates those

who award

it to.him.

As

the Northern dough-

Zi^!^^7^?

^{^^^}

"'V

slf^emongersin their obsequiousness and 'devotion _to the system ofslavery, so Greeley

and

the Tribune will

now

exceed Marble and the

World

Siblica?s ^^{^^^^'} malignancy,

and venom

with which they will pursue the Re-

^.^7f r^'^^^^-^^^'^o^/^P^^tion and

prominence as apartisanjnid pungenteditor

f ifc

^{°^}

^{^^^"'} 'V^¥'

^{'^^^^ ^'^"^Patentto all}

^who

^{knew, and to} alllvhrcriti-

anfcnnSl

^{^''^' '^^^1'espec ally lackedthe}qualifications'necessary for an able

men

likf

?/ f

^{^'-}

^{w^^^} ^%T'°''

<^=^^Paign

was maiaged

by shrewd

Ld

sagacious wr1?pl k!^5-

7 i

^{^"^.}

^{^'^^-}

^{• Tliey}

^made

^{use ofGreeleyto}great advantage, and as

a

writer he ^did efficient execution.

He

was handledso adroitly that he fancied he

was

^

w

'^^'''^^u'^

controlhng mind,

and

wished to establishatriumvirate with

Seward

nJ^.l.

!L

^{•. t ^^ ^^Z ^^}""^^ ""^'^ "^^".^^ ^ ^"^^ter, but would be ruinousasaleader. ^.

^lilZf^I^l-'''

a^'i^g'^eedy and anxious as Greeley has always been for offioe, neitherthe VVhigs nor Republicans ever dared to trust

him

in prominent

and

execu- tive positions, if he

now

and then received a nomination, heinvaj-iablyran behind hisparty ticke

,

and

the circulationand popularity of the Tribune never could give

him

arespectable currencyas a candidate.

The

frequent disappointmentshesuffered

Z LF^o'T

"'vf''^^{'^^}

^'T

^to dissolve the firm of Seward,

Weed, and

Gree-

ley, and siace tnen, like BarKis, ho has always been willing, and always unsuccessful,

'

.G8V\s3

)t i:i servlns oat a

month

^or two of somebodyelse's term in Cjii-^F'-.s. wh^-,;-^ irv

elect

would and

Dur'ii''' Lincoln's celebrated canvass with ^Dougla=!S, and during tbe legislative cki- testTvhi'h followed 1% Greeley was ^{quite as}

much

for llie latter as the jormor.

de

electioneered for Lincoln about as be did for the ilepublioans in (^onneotir-it list

Alttrwards. at the Convention in Chicago, where Lincoln was^^{tir t ;-oini-} Lincoiri, SiMvard,

and

had that his

_ d

conception ofTta"te3man'ship,Vrepudiating Lincoln and Scward, ^arui

men

of that calibre, and advocating a

man

^that no one else ever

dreamed

of for 1resident—Jid-

ward

Bates Mr. Lincoln was perpetually

annoyed and

^{worriedby this}

same

tnineaa

politician, daring allhis Administration.

At

one time ^it would be hisheedless ^•' oa

^to

Richmond,"

at anotherhis cowardly counsel to

make

degrading

and

smcidal con- ceexiOQS,

and

at another by prosecuting insane negotiations in Canada.

_

As

cai'ly as

November

9, 1860, ho demonstrated

how

safe and ^{judicious it woi} have been ^to have intrusted the guidance of these United States to his sagacity a wisdom. In the rriiune ofthat datehe says

:

,,

^n

*'

And

now, ifthe cotton States considered the value ^{of the} Union debatable, _wa

maintam

their perfect right ^to discuss it. Nay,

we

^{hold with Jefferson to the in-}

alienable ri'-ht ofcommunities to alter or abolish form3 of

government

that have be-

come

^oppressive or injurious^; and, if the cotton States shall decide ^thatthey can do bcLUr out ofthe Union, than ^init,

we

insist on letting

them

go

m

^{peaee. ihe r;ght}

'to secede

may

be a revolutionary ^one, but it exists nevertheless;

and we

do t:oi see

ho

We

nuliify or defy v^- , - ^. .

,,,,,-,-,-

i

And, whenever

a considerable ^{section ot} our

Union

shall deliuorateiy resolve ^i.j go out,

we

shall resistall coercive measures designed to keep ^itin. ^

Vv'e hope licvrr co live ina Pepublic whc.eof one ^{section is} pinned to theresidue by ^onyouecr;.

On

the 17th ofDecember, ^{1800, the}

Chappaqua

^jurist, patriot, a.id philanthropist, evinced his

acumen

^{by telling w/^a^ he}

knew

about the

DscWaUon

ofIndependsucs.

" We

hove repeatedly asked those

who

disaeutfrom our vlaw ^{ij-i' [h\3} matter to tell

uaf'-aukly whether they do not assentto Mr- Je9'<>r'^on'3 statement ^{in tho}Declaration

" "

that governments 'derive their jV/s/ powers from ^{C.ii^ consent <-{/ iAc} secede

mav

be a revolutionary ^one, but it exists nevertiieless;

ana we

uo i:oi see cv

oneparty'canhavea

^{right to do}

what

another party has a

nght

to prevout.

e must ever ^resist the asserted right

or

any State V)

rcmam

^{in the bnion. and}

iliify or defy thc-Uws^{thereof; to} withdraw fromthe

Union

is quiteanothsVnaUar.

ofih

sion take:

out

eDenJivT,"in adetested

Union

with them, bymilitaryforce-

, • -, .

"If

seven or eight contiguous States cb.all present tliem^-ives p.utnenucauy ai.

Washluo-ton, saying

'Wc

hate the Federal Union;

ws

have withdrawn from ^itj

we

giveyouthe choice ^betv.'f;en acquie-^eing in our secession and^^{arranging^amicr-Oi.Y}

aJ

incidental questions could notstanditp fo

jusL

We

^{hold the right ot} gcit-goveriim^.iio ^..^^^^,

those

who

deny ^itto others-" _. . ., ^{• •}

Farther alon^ ^{in the}

same

^article

we may

^5.-ce

him

invoking the incoming Aam-.nia- tration to precipitate itself against ''fugi'Ace slaves,"

and no^

^{it is expected by}

some

thathe will receive the

"negro

vote" with ^grateful acclamation._

He

^says:

"We

^fully realize that the

dilemma

of the incoming Administration ^will be a

critical one. Itmust endeavor to uphold and enforce the laws, as well a^a,inst re- hellious slavaholdcrs ^{as fugitive slaves.}

The

President

must

fulQU the obligations assumed ^{in his}inauguration oath, butif ever;' sivea

oreigM^

.^ates" sendugtntsto Washingtonto say, " _]Vc

want

togo ottt of ^the Union,'

wc

snail feelconstravied by

3

^_

>- lanthropy^<5ne

^week

at ^laterwhich

^December

Jeft Davis^2-i,

and

^ISGO,hisyetMr. Greeleyunrepentantpouredfollo^rersout

may

his soul

ckn

thei^^\tV .

^f^l

nf,,'

v_J

and

nail a brother secessionist;

He

says :

'_"^-^.v t-'<iprnei. iiands i. "Jlost certainly

W3

believe that Gove'rnments are

made

for pennies notn-.r,!.,

^

.for Governments—

that the alter ^'= derive thei- irq^ nn-v^r fr^J ^{.7' ' ^}

^

'^Pl®**

^>^

goven.edV;

and

whenever

a

porHon of^U^Ji^^„^^^^^^,?l^

pe-He;it, self-subsisting nation, shall see fit to say, anthentica! v

^n

tla ^{'"^}

®'

•

vVewant

togo

away &om

you,"

we

shHl gnv-'-nd

v^Hr

?.f^'ip ^® '<5^i5ue, regard for the "pnncioles of selfgov^rament w^ll"e-tcT"

f

^"' ,'"^^-^^^.P««^^'

'S

"°*

American peopk

to say-''

Go

^!"

U^ ne'S^It

h-d sfn.^^

^^

"''•'''^"^ ''^ t^«

..Ivc-3orour neighborLjs to wi,h \o

\Td

X^g'^j;^

f

^{j^P^^^^^^}

^opimon

^{of our-}

Butthe dissolution of a

Government

c^nnorbreff^ct'ed'Tn

'heT^'XSd

^

^'liocking dovrn a hon.se^of cards. Let the cotton State., or any _{six or}

mX ^qi

^°/

say, nnequivocally, _' TVe

want

to grt out ofthe

Union." and pJopos^trV&n^fw:

end_:bat

_Rre

peaceful

we want them

_{days after}yand«moffensively,the inaugurationtogo, _{but that}

and we

as.veloathePresidentwillthedo ourofidea ofthe best

ConfedeS

compelling

to^heb them S/ tE

^f

oS

^oo?

I'3?

^{tY^f}nnf cistingmshed citizen

who

was subseauentlvbnil^f^ tr-ui, o,-,„i i -. States, ot that- ley the latter in the

M«ne%7

Feb'rS723'\Vt^I.^^i^,^^\ts ''"'^ ""' ''^' ^'•^«'

•' V/e have repeatedly said, and

we

once

more

in ,cf <{ot t^' , .

.,

bodied by Jefferson in the Declaration

o^t^vA^f' \^f

^{^ie great principle}

^em-

inent, derive their just po^4rs from

thAo^.enro^

?'? I"'^«P«"dence, that Govern-

ftud that if the slave States, ^^he cott^; s;

S

^{' or}

t^rTf^qf;/'

'""? ^ \^<^ j'^^*' form an independent nation, thev have a

dZ'rr-J S^

^{Gulf States only, choose to}

said, and s^ili maintain, _that provSer/hTco^^^^^^

right to do so _:

We have

Eiade up their niinda to ^o b^_themselves

T^eSSl^^f /7lf^ ^{^\^}

^definitely

J^^r^^W^ ^telw''

""i

?^e<l"e°«y

persist in opinions which apr>ear

...

e'vt'oVif siisjie^^tTsSat S*i nt^'v 'Vhfr '"^^i

ja^j,„_ _.

New

roRK, September2, 1884.

Your Exc£LLEKCY

:^

The

undersigned have been _requested by a

body

of influential

^SX\.S^^:f'

^{''' ''''' Governors.}

V

^the

^{^^^^^lu^^}

1. In your

judgment

is the re-election of Mr. Li>fCOLX a probability?

2. In your

judgment

can your

own

State be carried for Mr. Lixcoi n?

oute

the

sXftSf

ⁿ f""

^^« "^t^^^sts ofthe

Union

party, and so of the countrv, _re-

^ n n,^ ^• .f

^

^{°^^°°'^''.' ^^"^1Jate in place ofSir. Lincoi.v?}

th^;or;.^:Je"^nrcrsfrure°

^{°^^^^°° ''}

°"

^{°^-"'} ^"^ -'^-^^

^--

^{-^-^-f-^}

"Yours truly,

HORACE GREELLY,

_, ^-- , Editor of the _Tj'/^Jimc, (and ^*

wo

others.)

•'

nSn .-P^fv^'^H^^'"'

^GreeJey'8 interrogatories n. thev wi!! answer t'no.e of

ferbuUhei'n^h^'f-th-

^{^'}

'Tf ''^r

^P-^?^°^^"'^«'^^''^

---

^{°!-'i^-}

_-^

cou

Accordipg to

John

IJauvi-M :ht' ground before the erlrancG to the cave ofthegiants,

Pope and

^{Pagan, was} covered with blood, bonts. ashes, aud

mangled

bodies. This might be said metaphorically of the approaches tothe Preside^ jy. For a lon^

num-

ber ofyears

we

have seen

men

of abilityand reputationsacrihcingall the truehonors of their lives to the insane idea of

becoming

President.

When

once anindividual is seized bythis

madness

it

becomes

an infection that never leaveshim.

From

the first

moment

ofthe attack, he grows

more

and

more

recklessand unprincipled, repudiates his,formtr must ^cherishfd sentiments, turns his back on old and tried friends, forms alliances with those

who had

always detested him, and iinally,

" Living, ejiall forfeit fair renown,

And

doubly dying, shall go

down

To

the vile dustfrom

whence

he sprung.

Unwept, uuhonoicd and

unsung." .

This Presidential fever is inveterateandincurable. Itseizesthe citadel oflife, and renders its victimridiculous and contempLiblo.

"It ^is agreen ey'd monster, which doth inake

The meat

it feeds on."

The

most coarpicuous instance of the

malady

at present

maybe

seen in

Horace

Greeley, the s&go, philosopher, and wood-cutter ofChappaqua. Before he

became

&

victim to the

madness

that

now

possesses him, he had deJinite notions of the Presi- dentiul disease, was well acquainted with ^its fympl.oms, and hadaclear perception of

its intrac'aide and contaminating character.

At

abanquetgivenin Montreal,in 1863, Mr. Greeley, in spe.iking of Daniel Webster,

made

use ofthe following language:

" Mn

Webster v«-as not only a gentleman, but he

had

the elements of moral great- ne?s; and he had faults as wcl".

He

failed only in one respect, and in this respect I differ from

him—

he wanted to be PreKide^.t, and I don't. [Cheers and laughter.]

But

for thatone misfortune he would have been the greatest

man ^America

ever pro- duced.

We

^have seen our greatest

man,

Mr. Cb.a;e,

making

the

same

blunder. I

have seen

men who

hadthedisease^early, anddied ofitata vcrjold age. [Laughter.]

General Lewis Cass died at about eighty-two, and np to the day of his death he wanted to be President.

No

one ever escapes

who

once catches the disease_; and ho

livesand dies in the delusion. Being a reader and an observer atan early age,I saw

how

^itpoisoned and paralyzed the very best of our public

men,

and I have carefully

avoided it." v1

Two'years only have elapsed since this utterance, and already

may

ilr. Greeley be ^t; l-'ressed in the words ^ot the

Roman

^satirist

—

"

Change

but the

name

ofthee, thetale is told."

Altiiouih always erratic and visionary, always

wedded

to specious ^fallacies, always abouDcIingin contradictions, yet he hus

now

involved himself in a

mesh

of antago- nisms-which are wonderful in comparison with his former position.

Wo

propose to contrast Greeley, the Radical Republican, with Greeley, the "_Lib- eral Rc'publican." lie lias indeed

bowed

the knee ^to Baal and soldhisprinciplesfor

a

mess of pottage. If there was atiy one thing

more

than another to which he pro- fessed an unalterable attachment, ^itwas the principle ofprotection, or asheexpressed

it, '"protection to

American

industry." Yet, in order to purchase Iree trade votes,

he

threw overboard the child of his aflecLion, leaving it to find fixvoror countenance asit could.

Knowing

that he has no possible c];aucc of getting so

much

as one electoral vote unless he isnominated ^atBaltimore, next July, by the Democrats, he

isemployingevery measure and every artifice in his

power

to bring about such a consummation.

He

^{is in} alliance with the

Tammany

King, as has been charged

home

^to him, and has notbeen denied by himself orthe Tribune.

A

^late

number

of the

New York

CommercialAdvertiser publishes thefollowing suggestive paragraph

:

!

"August

Belmont,

Horace

Greeley,

James

S. Thayer, and

Benjamin Wood

breakfasted together at the

New York

Hotel yesterday morningat 10^.

Has Tam- many

sold out to Greeley, or has

Greeley

sold outto

Tammany? Which?"

1

We

^{have the lion} and the

lamb

lying

down

together

—

^{free trader and} protectiionist CfDssing their legs under the

same

maliogany

—

Sqsv and Christian fraternizing in a anost exemplary manner.

The

^files of the

Log

Cabinand of the Tribunewould fur- nish volumes otscurrility

and

abase which

Horace

Greeley poured outon the

Loco

I\3cos, Free Traders,

Rum

Party, Democrats, as he called them, and to whoin,he

now

^cuddles, and to

whom

he sacrifices the opinions

upon

which he used to pride Jlfinselfmost.

Here

isa specimen of the compliments thatformerly rained from hia

"Point," hesays:

be

]yoreveryelection to give a large majority for that which stjiea itself theDemocratic party."

*'

Take

alltlie haunts ofdebaucheryin the land

and you

will find niae-tentbg of theirraa!;terspiritsaeliva participants ofthat

same

Deaiocracy."

*

* ''May

^itbe v/ntleu

on my

grave that I neverwas its folloiTer, and lived anddied in nothing^ its^lebtor."

Here,isrhetoric for the Baltimore platform¹

But

^{i'frMr. Greeley is} fraternizingwithhis old enemies, the

"Loco

Foco?," so La

i^ coquettin.'?with his old enemies, the_Ku-KIus.

The

J'/'/ftjoiedenouncestheau- thority wh-ich ithasbeeni^roppsed tocontinu3inthe President'shands tosuspendthe habeas corpus^act

where

publicsafety

may

absolutely require it. This, eays the Tri- bune, is toput inthe President's

hands

" asivord to gainare election

—

^aniniquitous

attempt togag ^{a,Dd fetter}

a

people just beginnin,»_to recoveritsfreedom ofspeech

and

aelioa

—

abill for keepingthe South under military rule for political purposes,"

and more

^{of the}

same

purport

and

the

same

Democratic complexion.

But how

did .

Mr.

Greeley ^write of the

same

thinglessthan ayearago?

Hero

are his

words

:

.

"I

^{hold our}

Government bound

byits duty of protectingourcitizensiti their fun- damental^{rights, topass}

and

enforce laws lor the eritirpation of the execrable

Ku- Klux

^conspiracy;

^and

^ifithasn<jtthe

power

to

do

it, then I say our

Government

^is

no

Government, ^but a cham. I therefore on every proper occasion advocated and justiSedthe

Ku-KIus

act. I hold it especially desirable for the South;

and

if it

doesnot^prov-?, strong

enough

to elxcct its purpose, I

hope

it will be

made

stronger

and

stronger."

Washehjnest

then, or is he honest

now? Did

he want

Ku Klux

votes then, or does

ho want them now?

V^as

he Horace

Greeley then, or is he Augustus Belmont,

Ben

Tv'ood—Jciy.

Davis—

Greeley

now?

The Hand

CJliincss looking catof Chappaqua, belongs to the

"

Reformers " now.

but

when he

did not'n'ant their votes, his

paws

were not so velvety. liecarriedclawa

on them

^then

and

scratched_the Reformersso vigorously,

and

kept

up

su:h acater- uraulingv/hi!e

he was

aboutit, that his present co-adjutors hated

him

with a hatred that

had

nodiscount. In September, 1S70, Greeley characterized thisrefcrm move-

ment

as "

a

conspiroxyto destro;;tinllepuhlicanparty

^

lie

was

speaking_{of the}Carl Schurz

and

Gratz

Browa

organization in Missouri, in the

same

article he goes on ^to

say: ^^

*' Governor LIcCLUiiG.of Missouri,

was among

those

marked

out forprostration hii this conspira''y. Accordingly,

wo

were nowise surprised

when

a minoriry of t-ielaie

Republican Conventionat Jefferson City, finding that they could not defeat Governor

McClurg's

renominatiou, bolted, resolved themselves into

a

^hostile body

and nomi

natcdB.

Gkaiz Bro^tn/o'

Governor, tcithafulltichettomatch. liightwell</issebclien

knew

thatthey could pollbuta small portion ofthe Kepub!i;an vote ; but the

Demo-

crats

had

declined

by

preconcerttonominate aticket, and.v;iil poll their'full votefor thebolters ticket; andthis, itishoped, will elect it."

Here we

find

him

givinghisopinionof B. Gratz

Brown,

th'B

man

with

whom

heia

now ^yoked

^{in the}scrub race they are

making

forthePr?side-jcy.

Brown

didnot then

fillahigh place in Mr. Greeley's estimation.

Brown's

not changed.

Brown

isthe

game man now

thathe

was

thenI

How

^isit with our Chinese sage?

Was

he honest then or

now

?

Now,

oneof the

most

obstreperous howlsof Mr. Greeley is concerningtheremoTul of allpolitical disabilities. His bowels of compassion are

moved

over the unhapy^y ineligibility of Jeff. Davis to holdanationaloffice.

But when

Mr. Greeley va-ote'tue article

from

which I havequoted, ho

was

in astate of darkness

and

error.

Thzn

he stigmatized ^the advocacy

by

the

"

_Missouri

Reformers"

of'the removal of political disabilitiesasafraud

and

ascreen.

He

^then said;

"The

question is seized bythe minorityas an excuse for bolting,and asa

means

of securing theDemocratic votefor theboiling ticket."

Nor

does he ^resthere, but furtheralongreiterates the

same

as- sertion,

and

says:

" We

urge every Eepublican Protectionist tovote forthe Republi- can ^candidate. Letthe freetradershave

a monopoly

ofthe bolting business."

So

^did

Horace

speak then,but

now

he hugsthese unchanged "boltingfreetraders"

to his bosom. Saulis

among

theprophets1

We

^have

^had

Greeley's opinionof Gratz

Brown,

but in portraying the " Reform- ers"

and

in criticising

and

oppo?ingthe

movement,

he also payshiscompliments to Carl Schurz. In the Tribune of

November

30, 1870, Mr. Greeleysays

:

*'

T he

Missouri bolt

was

arrangedin Washington lastwinter

and

then proclaimed

n

the ^free trade orgaue.

The game was

to get a minority of the Republicansto iunice with all the

Democrats and

revolutionizethe State.

To

this end

an

issue on enfrA'-hisemsnt was indi3per1.s3.ble.

Tha

Democrats wave notall -Vrf^ -v.-i'lr-vs Viiu,

they ^all wanted lluj rebels onfi-a'iciiis'j.l. iv.vl A-oa!d vo:.e ai;y lickil t;j secure '-hat end.

Tbe

Republicans were dividel ou eufr;in'..»li;seinoat ; 5o::ie brilievingthat the time for it liad come, others'that it hal not.

When,

therefore, C.vp^u SenuKU, is

x

BULLYING, IRRITATINO sPEEcn, insisted thatthe Republican Oonveation' should n-ake enfranchiseraent a plank of its platform, the answer was obvions ;

*'

You

ask Its to assert a falsehool

—

^{aamely, that}

wo

are all i;> favor of eniVan- ehisemcnt

when

sorce of us are not."

The

Republicans udoptG'i a platforoa v.hicli

Ic-fo everyonefreeto votefor,or against eufraach;.-:oment ashe^{j'.id.^ed} best.

Hero

ipoa

tLs predeterminedbolt was made.

We

warn the Republicans t\vj.%

the

p.isti;x.- w'aS A

SHAM

: that enfranchisement

was

certain to ba carried

anyhow

^: that tho real object of the bolt was to

hand

the ^S:ate o'/er to

sham

D:::ioc:{acy and free trade.

And

that isthe nak(?d truth."

Truthfully and v/ell spoke Mr. Greeley then,, and

when

nov- ^{in the} ravin^s-jo:' his

"

midsummer

madne-js," he ^callsblack white,

and

white black,

we

vaill appeal

from Horace mad

^to

Horace

lucid

— ^wo

^{will confute}

^Oreelayby

^{c^trac's} from Greeley. It Tvould

make

aninterminable chapterto cite allthegross contradictions of Greeley's course.

We

^shall only further cite

him

in regard to the illustrious soldier

and

ju- dicious statesman

who

is

now

President of the United States.

We know how

Gree-

ley

now

execrates

him

and his administration

— how

the caldron seethes and boils with similar abuse. L°t us bring tlorace Greeley into court before he

was

aPresi- tiai candidate

—

^before

^{Herod and}

^Pilate

^had

joined hands. In June, 1S63, the fol-

lowingisthe testimony of our witness prior to his

becoming

arenegade

:

" Upon

General Grant's accession to the Presidencya

number

of those

who

haci flupported his election, with

some who had

not, sought office at his

hands

or ex- pected

him

to bestow it unasked.

He was

unable to gratify their aspirations.

"

Their lamentations mingled with thehowls of the disappointed,

maye

a dolefal dissonance, whereofthe only

meaning

deducible runs thus; 'Geu'i^ral Grant is found wanting

—

^his administration isafailure^1'

"Failure?

how?

in what!

Have we

not peace and plenty in the land? Isnot ourflag displayed

and

respected on every sea?

What

foreign foemolests or threat ena us?

Who

fears insurrection ^at

home

^or invasion from abroad? {a which of th«

thirtj-six States are the masses wanting work, discontented, EUuering?

"

Consider ourfinancial condition. Nearly every State

and

municipality pay.ing offdebts incurredin raising

men

for the war, while thenationaldebthasbeenreduced nearly thirty millions in the four

months

that General Grant has

had

his hands

on

thehelm.

The

public espenditure is falling off

on

every side, while the revenue is tip to high-watermark.

"Yes, General Granthas failedto gratify

some

eageraspirations, and hasthereby incurred

some

intense hatreds. These will not

and

do notftil ;

and

his administra- tion ^willproveatleast equally vital.

We

shall hear lamentation after lamentation overbis failure, from those

whose

wish is father to the thought; butthe

American

peoplelet

them

pass unheeded. 'Their strong

arms

bore

him

triumphantly through the

war and

into the White

House

andtheystill uphold

and

cust5,la

him

.

They

:rsviK FAILED,

AND NEVER

WILLI"

On

the 29th*'ofSeptember, 1871, inadraft fora platform endorsed

by

Mr. Greeley,

it

was

.said ofthe Administrationthat

;

Itabolished sJavery.

Itled in the suppression of the rebellion.

Itpreserved

and

enlarged the Union.

Itpromptly reduced the

enormous

forcesthus required^ to a peace footing.

Ithas reduced the debt overtwo hundred

and

fil'ty millions of dollars in the l&st throe years.

Ithas simultaneously reduced public taxation overtwo hundred

and

fifty million!

of dollars per

annum.

Ithas preserved peace onthefrontier.

Ithas

won

a friendly adjustment dfthethreatening troubles with Great Britain.

In February, 1871, Mr. Greeleysaid :

"We

like General Grant; but

we

cai-e far

more

for Picpublican ascendency thanfor

any man's personalfortunes. It is inourview of greatimportancethattheopposition

ehall be kept^{out of power,}

*******

"For

a Democratic national triumph

means

a restoration to

power

of those

who

de- serted their seats in Congress and their placesunder the last Democratic Presidentto plunge tTie country inii the

Red

Sea ^of Secession and Rebellion.

Though

you paint an inch thick, to this complexion you must

come

^{at last.}

The

brain, the heart, ih©

eoulof the presentDemocratic ^partyis the rebel elementat the Southwith ^itsNorth- ern allies and sympathizers. It is rebel at the core to-da^. * * *

"It Would hail the election of aDemocratic Pfe'sident in 1872as avirtual reversal of the

Appomattox

surrender. It would oomt; into powerwith tlie hate, the chagrin,

the v^ra'h, the :u rlificadcn. 'if le;! bittery;!ars. to iinpt:;! ami <j;ui(^e its steps. It

wonM

^{hail tl\e tilings} of iiation^vl baakruptcy with unalloyed gladness and uacon- ceaU'l exuitJi'io!'. 'A'hiitever chaslisemeat

may

be d3served by our national sins,

we

muM

hope that ii:i.< disgrace and humiliation will be spared us."

On

the 5th of ^.7a:iunrj, 1871,

when making some

remarks on taking his seat aa chairman ofa Republican Committee, Mr. Greeley said:

"

As

to the adixiir.istraiion of Gex. Guan't, I recognize no one as a Republican

who

^is rotgrateful for its judicious, energetic, and successful efforts to procure the ratification ofthe Fifteenth

Amendment,

that keystone ofourpoliticalarch,

whereby

the fruits ofour great triumph over rebellionandslavery areassuredand perpetuated.

While asserting the rightof every Republican to his untramuieled choice of a candi- date for next President until a nomination is made, I venture to suggest than Gen.

Gra.v!' willbe farb.:-tter q'jaliiied for that

momentous

^{trust in 187J} than

he

was in 186S.''

II -re Mr. GrL-eu'^y,

vmr

.so strenuous for the one term principle, nominated General

Grai!!. for a second term.

The

views he expresses concerning the President and the Administration ar-j

juU

and true,

and

are and will be endorsed

by

the great

body

of the people.

The

blind and vindictive denunciation in which Grecl«y has since in-

dulged, can never obliterate the record he has himselfwritten of General Grant's eaiiusntability and perfect integrity.

noa.tCK or.KKr.K7 as a suce.ssioxist.

We

well

know

^ti:j,o the

American

people are bothforgetful-and forgivingofpolitical

errors of

judgment and

iaconsiatency. It is comparatively of little avail to prove

that ^'<x.nj public

man

has b-oen on ailsides of all public questions. This is to be re-

gretted, because i' hai shorn political affairs of their mDr.al

and

conscientious power,

and

has reduced

them

to a great extent to

mere

professions, dictated by conve- nience.

Kr.owing that thia is the c^sc,

we

would scarcely

deem

it worth our time to prove that

Horace

Greeleyhas entsrtained

upon

the tariff

and

slavery questions

and

upon

all economic measures, opinions entirely different from those that are professed by the greatmasses of hisprobable supporters. Dit there is one question which goes deep'T

down

to the issae of the life and death of our nation,

and

this is the question ofthe rightofsecession.

Whether

the

American

continentshall be one and indivisi- ble, vhethcrit shall remain a grcMt

power

with all the rights, privileges,

and immu-

nitifcs of a great power: v/hathor the Aai'.-ricau citizen shall b=; respected in the farthest corner ofthe earih, because a ilag of

power

v/avos over him, or whether ha

shall be subjected to the iasults of all, because a fragment of a nation only s^istains

him, is aa issue cf the greatest importance, ft touches the patriotism ofall, and ought neverto be ms.do a.uissue in a political campaign. D.it

how

can itbe avoided

when Horace

Greeley not merely once, but repeately

and

coatinusHy has professed the doctrine and ha.s endeavored to justify it by the misapplication ofthe Dechiratioa ofIndependence; that a.'.v/

number

of States, as he s;iy.', the Gulf Spates, the'cotton States, or the siavo States, or it

may

ba a ^{sin:;-le Stat?, hasthe ri^ht to sece}Je from the

Union

: and

thU

the

Government

of the U;;i'ed Stages hts'^powTIr'nor moral

rightto resist tieird:s3sverzneatof the Union, \Voshall

show

by the following ex- trac:, which might bo inultiplied tothe score of a'dozen, that

Horace

Greeley is fully comr.iittedto the doctrine of the tight of secession.

And

what is

more

singular, is this,_that rcpeatc-darg'ameutatioaa in his editorials were

more

thin a yearthereafter conilraied, and laid dov,-n as his doliberate

julgment

in the letter written in J,8'3^:

,and thathe haau^versince that timehi any

way

recalled those declarations.

Here

isone of the extracts

:

''^\vehaverepeatedlysaid,

and we

once

more

^{insist, thatthe great}principleembodied 'bj JiiFFERSONintheDeclaration of Araerican'Independence,that

Governments

derive their justpowers fromthe consent of thegoverned, is sound andjust;

and

that ifthe slave States, the cottonStates, or the Gulf States only,chooseto form an independent

reasonable patience,

and

they will be let off in peace and good will. ^"

Whenever

it shallhe dear.that the great uodi/of ^{the Southernpeopleare} conclusivelyalienated

from

the bnion,

and

anxiousto escape

from

^it, wswill do ourbasttoforicardtheirviews.''

—

Tribune, Feb. 2,i, 1S61.

x\,.>

wonder

that the South so unanimously rallies to his support. Suppose

Horace

ore':ley is elected

and

has carried a majority of the Congressional districts, as

he

naiuvally would in case of election. Suppose the South meets again ia Conveutioa and uemandis a= aright that it beallowed to secede.

'And

suppose Horace Greeley,

who \Um&

couldlegally convene

an

extra ses^ioa of Congress, should refuse t;o exer-

8

ihe tbe perogatlve, ^is there auy poAver, except ^that of revolution, or o. a violent iepo^ition of the President

and

the establishment of dictatorshiD, that prevent the South from re-establishing the Confederate MUitary

Government

and secure their recognition of foreign nations?

,

^,

^. tt ^• t-o^i

u

^i.^i /-

SuT>poso

Horace

Greeley

had

beenin the

White House

ⁱⁿ 1861,

would

not the Con- faderate

Government

have

become

^an established fact,

and

our country a scene of

anarcliy

and

confusion? _{. i,}

i

t

^i. i,

«

i »

We

appeal to all thinking

men,

to ^{all patriots,} to ^all soldiers

who

have offered to bringthe greatestsacrifice, which

men

^{can bring}

^upon

^{the altarof any causae tuat ot}

lifeftself, whetherthevcansustain a

man who

repeatedly has declared himself

m

favor of secession, and who'has never revoked nor ^{recalledthese} declarations.

These declarations moreover were

made

at a time

when

^{there was} the greatest need of firmness, and in circumstances which ^{greatly aided} and encouraged ^{thetraitors ot} the South

and

disconcerted,

and

brought weakness

and

dissensions into the^counsels

°

It^seemsTo us not within the realms of probability thatthepatriotic people of the nation,

who

brought such

enormous

^{sacrifices to} the cause of ^unity, and

who

are

now

payingthe principle

and

interestof the debt of thousands of ^millions ofdollars,

and who

still cherish with sorrow the losses of fathers, sons, and brothers, should delib- erately

condemn

themselves

and

justifysecession

by

the ^elevationto the Presidencyof a

man who

declared in favorof the rightof ^secession, and

who

denied the

pow6r

of coercion.

We

^{earnetlyappeal to our public writers} and ppeakersto ^bringtnisview of the question

home

to the

American

people, because^{this secession record deliber-} atelymade, and never recalled,goesto the very^life

and

existence of tbe nation. Itla the onesource, theone and only source of weakness^{in our 6ystem._}

And

bynotbring- in<' Jefferson Davis to ^trial, the question of the right of secession has never been judicially determined; and

Horke

^Greeleytook

^good

^{care, asfar}as his influence ex- tended, that it never should be. ,, ^{, . .} r rti ^„f„V.1,%1,

We ^{would much}

^rather

^Horace

^Greeleyprofessed doctrines^{in favor}ofthe establish-

ment

of a

monarchy

ordictatorship, because his influencewould be less daugeroug

for these sentiments

would

find only few foUowefS ; but these^ipsidious questions of States rights and secession is one ^{that will} always be popular ^{inthe South,}

and

will

have ^{its seductiveinfluence}everywhere. „„„^„~*

The

^{issueisstriking}

^and

^radicalbetween General ^Grant,

who by

his skill, courage, enterprise, strategy, prowress, and the ^{sacrificesof his} heroic nien saved the Union,

when

the indifferent

and

unpatriotic

Horace

Greeley staid at

home, and

counseled

''unconditional surrender." _{. ,} . ,

'

.^ j r *!,„„•.„„ /,<'fT,a

Let usinsist, then, thatthis great

American

continent^inheri ed fromthe^siresof the Revolution, the support ofRepublican institutions of theworld the peaceful

home

of millionsfrom other lands,the ^exile

home

of^refuge, the

hope

ofbetterdays

among

^the

Governments and

^{nations, shall remain one}

and

indivisible inglory

and

power. Let tie dastardly

and

cowardly

hand

^{that is raised}

apinst

this beautiful ^edifice of State bethrust aside, and let theinsiduous couselors of^secession, disunion,

^^d

division

be remanded

to obscurity. Let^thisissue

be

^fullyand ^fairly

made

and

we

have

no

doubt butthat the intelligent

and

patriotic masses,

who have

^{brought so}

many

sacrificesfor thisunity in time of war, will also with,a united

and

earnest voice ^{sustain itin}time

°Tgrand

^{nation inspires} grand deeds; an illuminated continent induces a wider mentfl^vision and

more

expansive thought.

The

^{influences of a g^^at State enlarges}

theheart and ^increasesphilanthropic impulses, ^{so that in} the true

^^^ncan

^citizen

we

seethe prince of

unbounded

charity

and

afreedom of action and thought ^that can never be found

among

the inhabitantsofinsignificant States. All that

we may have-

alTthat

we may

^{expe^ctto}

^be-in

^{fact, the future of the} world dep^^ds

upon

^{h^^^^^^^}

6ue-forifthe dark pall of anarchy, confusion,

and

subdivision with the ^{r Jealo^sifs}

and

their standing Irmies should^'settle

upon

the

American

continent

where

the

Soblem

of self-governmenthas

had

the^{fairesttrial,} tyranny oppression, and mental

Sd

moral daxk£es3

would

settlelike apolarmidnight

upon

the entire globe ^a\id the lightof Liberty

would

be extinguishedforever.

t'-

*N * <^$CAh*\x' ''L^

^^ *^

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