ABSTRACT
GIBSON, STEPHEN MICHAEL. Where Do I Belong?: An Investigation into the Impact of Racial Microaggressions on African American College Students (Under the direction of Dr. Jessica T. DeCuir-Gunby).
African Americans often feel isolated and out of place at their respective universities (Smith et al.,
2007). Furthermore, African American students at Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs) often
view their campuses as hostile and not culturally affirming due to racial microaggressions. For
many African American particularly within the educational context, racial identity serves as a
protective factor when experiencing racial microaggressions. Moreover, African American college
students must engage in specific coping strategies that enable them to achieve academic success
even despite negative race-related and high levels of stress experienced on campuses (Greer &
Chawalisz, 2007). This quantitative study investigated the relationships between racial
microaggressions, coping strategies, and racial identity. Results indicated that African American
college students’ sense of racial pride served as a protective factor when experiencing racial
microaggressions. Moreover, this line of research has implications for innovations in educational
and teaching practice, counseling practices on college campuses, and diversity training for students
© Copyright 2019 by Stephen Gibson
Where Do I Belong?: An Investigation into the Impact of Racial Microaggressions on African American College Students
by
Stephen Michael Gibson
A thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of North Carolina State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of
Master of Science
Curriculum & Instruction
Raleigh, North Carolina 2019
APPROVED BY:
Dr. Jessica T. DeCuir-Gunby Dr. DeLeon Gray
Committee Chair
ii
DEDICATION
This document is dedicated to Charles and Mary Gibson
Dad and mom, you sacrificed so much for me to be here. I know that raising my brothers
and me was not an easy task, but you made it looks effortless. Throughout the years, you have
taught me to be a man of character and integrity that is hard-working, responsible, and above all
a good person. I hope this document makes you proud. I pray that my graduate school and
research journey fills your heart with love and makes you proud of the little boy you turned into
a man.
Your son,
iii
BIOGRAPHY
Stephen Gibson is a native of New Orleans, Louisiana, but currently resides in Durham,
North Carolina. He received a B.A. in Psychology with a concentration in Community Psychology
in 2016 from North Carolina Central University. Prior to graduate school, Stephen was hired as
the Project Manager in the Wilbourn Infant Lab at Duke University under the direction of Dr.
Makeba Wilbourn. As the project manager, Stephen assisted with research projects, recruitment
efforts, and mentoring undergraduates through their research journey, while being the Co-Director
of the Wilbourn Infant Lab Summer Internship.
Currently, Stephen is a Masters student in the department of Teacher Education and
Learning Sciences. He is working on his Master’s degree in Curriculum & Instruction with a
concentration in educational psychology, with plans of continuing his research as a doctoral
student in Developmental Psychology at Virginia Commonwealth University. In addition to
dedicating himself to his research and coursework, Stephen is a Graduate Research Assistant under
Dr. Jessica DeCuir-Gunby and in the North Carolina State University Fatherhood Research Lab
iv
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First, I would like to express my gratitude to my thesis advisor, Dr. Jessica DeCuir-Gunby,
for her guidance and support throughout this lengthy and intensive process. I appreciate your
guidance and your feedback have been instrumental in helping me in this endeavor. In addition, I
would like to thank my committee members, Dr. Deleon Gray and Dr. Elan Hope for their time
and thoughtful feedback. Also, I want to thank Ms. Irene Armstrong for all of her support and
emails. I appreciate all of the emails and meetings to make this document possible.
Secondly, I would like to give a special thanks and express my gratitude my fellow cohort
and colleagues - Jerica, Whitney, McKenzie, Briana, and Erin – for their moral support and
encouragement. Without all of the laughs and deep conversations, I will not be here. Furthermore,
I want to express thanks to my brothers for always being there for me.
Thirdly, I want to thank all of the professors – Gary Bennett and Martin Smith - that have
guided me with support and advice throughout this process. In addition, I want give special thanks
to the many professors that gave me opportunities after opportunity to work in their labs and on
multiple projects – Makeba Wilbourn, Primula Lane, Sarah Gaither, Qiana Cryer-Coupet, Shauna
Cooper, Angela Wiseman - each experience have touched and made a huge difference in my
growth and development as a researcher.
v
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES ... vii
LIST OF FIGURES ... viii
Chapter 1: Introduction ...1
College Campuses and African American Students ...2
What about Racial Microaggressions? ...4
Racial Microaggressions and Coping Strategies ...5
Racial Microaggressions and Racial identity ...7
Sense of Belonging...8
Conceptual Framework: Impact of Racial Microaggressions on African American College Students ...10
Chapter 2: Methods ...12
Participants ...14
Measures...17
Data Collection Procedures ...18
Data Analysis ...19
Chapter 3: Results...20
Preliminary Analysis ...20
Main Analysis: First Goal ...20
Main Analysis: Second Goal ...22
Main Analysis: Third Goal ...27
Chapter 4: Discussion ...29
Implications ...31
Limitations and Future Directions...32
Conclusions ...33
References ...34
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1 Descriptive Statistics for College Racial Microaggression Data Set ...16 Table 2 Descriptive Statistics and Correlations for
College Racial Microaggressions Data Set ...20 Table 3 Hierarchical Regression Model Predicting Sense of Belonging
as a function of Public Regard ...24 Table 4 Hierarchical Regression Model Predicting Sense of Belonging
vii
LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Representation of the relationships between racial
identity, educational advocacy, racial microaggressions
and sense of belonging ...11 Figure 2 Mean scores of microinsults experiences for
undergraduate and graduate African American students ...21 Figure 3 Mean scores of microinvalidations experiences for
undergraduate and graduate African American students ...22 Figure 4 Interaction of private regard by microinsults experiences
in predicting self-reported sense of belonging ...25 Figure 5 Standardize mediational pathways from racial microaggressions
1
CHAPTER I Introduction
African Americans regularly face bias, prejudice, and discrimination in both academic and
social settings on college campuses (Franklin, Smith, & Hung, 2014; McCabe, 2009; Suyemoto et
al., 2009). The experience of racism and racial discrimination plays a key role in explaining that
African-American undergraduates students have lower graduation and retention rates than their
White peers (Grier-Reed, 2010; Brezinski et al., 2018; Wells, 2008). Empirical findings suggest
African American college students, attending predominantly White institutions (PWIs) are
exposed and experience racially insensitive covert and overt behavior such as racial discrimination,
racial slurs, and racial exclusion. In one study, an astounding 98.5% of African American graduate
and undergraduate students experienced racial discrimination on their college campuses (Prelow,
Mosher, & Bowman, 2006). Previous research has found that microaggressions emerged as the
most relevant form of discrimination within physical settings (Sue et al., 2007). Furthermore, recent
literature suggests racial microaggressions negatively influences the lives of African American
college students (Grier-Reed, 2010; Henson et al., 2013; Lewis et al., 2013). D’Augelli and
Hershberger (1993) propose negative and pervasive racial experiences, such as discrimination and
microaggressions, are taxing for African American college students and results in lower levels of
academic success in the college environment.
Racial Microaggressions have real consequences in both academic and social spaces for
African American college students (Solórzano et al., 2000). Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso (2000)
suggests that collegiate racial climate fosters more subtle racism within academic environments
compared to overt racism, whereas more overt racism actions are exhibited within social spaces
2
and lack of racial community within the college campuses are all elements that contribute to
African American students feeling of self-doubt, frustration, and isolation (Solórzano, Ceja, &
Yosso, 2000). Furthermore, African American college students must strive for good academic
performance while combatting negative racial stereotypes that create and perpetuate racial
microaggressions. Thus, the goal of this manuscript is to explore the experiences of African
American college students on PWI campuses with racial microaggressions, and its impact on
students’ sense of racial identity, sense of belonging, and elected coping strategies used to combat
these experiences.
College Campuses and African American Students
Empirical research focusing on African American college experiences at PWIs have
primarily concentrated on differential experiences relative to White students (Allen, 1992), African
American students attending an historically Black college (Fleming, 1984), and the racial
composition of their respective college campuses (Ancis, Sedlacek, Mohr, 2000). A breadth of
empirical research has investigated the comparison between African American college experiences
at PWI campuses and their White counterparts along many factors such as persistence rates,
academic achievement, postgraduate study, and overall psychological adjustments (Allen et al.,
1991; Astin, 1982; Fleming, 1984; Hall, Mays, Allen, 1984; Nettles, 1988; Thomas, 1981). A
recent trend of literature have focused on the African American perception of school racial climate
at postsecondary institutions (Chavous, 2005; Hurtado et al., 2008). Campus racial climate is
associated with students’ academic and social life within the college context (Hurtado et al., 2008,
p. 205). African American college students at PWI campuses face several difficulties, such as
isolation, alienation, and lack of support from faculty and administrators; moreover, forcing
3
Campus climate can be broadly defined as the overall racial environment of the college
campus (Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000). An existing body of literature have investigated and
concluded when collegiate racial climate is positive the campuses consist of the following
elements: inclusion of students of color and programs to support the recruitment, retention, and
graduation of students of color. (Carroll, 1998; Guiner et al., 1997; Hurtado, 1992; Hurtado et al,
1998). Solórzano and Yosso (2000) suggest positive college racial climate can facilitate positive
academic outcomes for African American students; in contrast, negative racial climate have been
linked to poor academic performance and high dropout rates (Allen, Epps, & Haniff, 1991).
African American students frequently view the campus racial climate at PWIs as negative (Pieterse
et al., 2010). One potential explanation is African American students at PWIs reported negative
relationships with faculty members and White peers, thus avoiding interactions with faculty and
peers outside of the classroom.
Campus environments’ influences on the educational outcomes and experiences of African
American college students have been a consistent thread in research (Allen et al, 1991). Previous
literature investigating school climate suggest that attending a hostile school racial climate can
result in African American and other students of color’s sense of connection to school decreasing,
even if they value the outcomes of education (Booker, 2006). School racial climate is viewed
influential for African American students due to the salience of race in their lives (Booker, 2006;
Mattison & Aber, 2007). Students’ perceptions of school racial climate and experiencing racial
microaggressions on PWI campuses can negatively impact students’ sense of belonging and
decrease academic performance. Consequently, African American students can potentially
4
What about Racial Microaggressions?
Racial Microaggressions are brief and commonplace, interpersonal exchanges, intentional
and unintentional, communicate denigrating and disparaging messages to ethnic minority
individuals (Sue et al., 2007). Racial microaggressions serve as daily reminders that one’s race and
ethnicity is an ongoing ‘stimulus in the world’ (Harrell, 2000). Experiencing a racial
microaggression may be manifested behaviorally or verbally (Torres et al., 2010).
Microaggressions can be experienced in multiple forms: microassaults, microinsults, and
microinvalidations. Unlike microassaults that involve overt behavior, microinsults and
microinvalidations include subtle and ambiguous discriminatory situations (Torres et al., 2010).
Subtle forms of racial microaggressions can be more harmful than blatant acts of microaggressions
due to their ambiguous nature (Torres et al., 2010; Sue et al., 2008). Due to the ambiguous nature,
these acts can leave the targeted individual in a confused state (Breziniski et al., 2018). For African
Americans, this state can lead to a decrease in academic performance (Solórzano et al., 2000; Sue
et al., 2008).
Microinsults are subtle, indirect verbal and nonverbal behaviors that convey stereotypical
beliefs that convey a hidden insulting message to the recipient of color (Sue et al., 2007, page 274).
Microinsults include behaviors that convey or perceived as ascription of intelligence, assumption
of criminal status, pathologizing cultural values/communication styles, and second-class
citizenship (Torres et al., 2010). Microinsults are used to indirectly insult an individual’s racial
identity or racial heritage by offering a compliment that was received negatively (DeCuir-Gunby
& Gunby, Jr., 2016). Microinvalidations can be defined as statements that tend to “exclude, negate,
or nullify the psychological thoughts, or feelings or experiential reality of a person of color” (Sue
5
experiences as racial/ cultural beings (Helms, 1990).
Racial Microaggressions take various forms, verbal and nonverbal assumptions, for
African American students (Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000). Racial Microaggressions, within the
academic setting, are often filtered through layers of racial stereotypes of academic inferiority of
African American students in comparison to their White counterparts. African American students
commonly combat racial microaggressions from administrators, professors, peers, and the
curriculum (Baber, 2012; Cabrera, 2014; Johnson-Ahorlu, 2013). A breadth of research
investigating racial microaggressions within the college context have focused primarily on African
American undergraduates (Brezinski, 2018; McCabe 2009; Forrest-Bank et al., 2015; Harrell,
2000) and African American college students overall (Robinson-Wood et al., 2018; Solórzano,
Ceja, & Yosso, 2000; Hardwood et al., 2012; Torres et al., 2010; Sue et al., 2007). As a result, there
is dearth of literature that focuses on the types and frequency of racial microaggressions
experienced by graduate students. In addition, there is a lack of quantitative research that explores
the impact of racial microaggression on graduate students of color, specifically African American
students (Ortiz-Frontera, 2013). African Americans must learn to cope while negotiating their
environments; however, doing so can be particularly challenging in PWI contexts because of
experiences with racial microaggressions (Mitchell, Fasching-Varner, Albert, & Allen, 2015).
Racial Microaggressions and Coping Strategies
Compas et al., (2001, p.89) defined coping as, “conscious, volitional efforts to regulate
emotions, behaviors, physiology, and the environment in a response of stressful events or
circumstances.” Previous literature has highlighted that African American college students on PWI
campuses experience traditional college stressors (e.g. financial problems); however, these
6
microaggressions (L.P. Anderson, 1991; Thoits, 1991). Coping has been found to mediate the
effects of stress. Coping with racism involves the effort used to solve or minimize stress or conflict
(Thomas, Witherspoon, & Speight, 2008). African American college students must engage in
specific coping strategies that enable them to achieve academic success even despite negative race-
related and high levels of stress experienced on campuses (Greer & Chawalisz, 2007).
Finding the appropriate coping mechanisms that are appealing in a non-supportive
environment can be a difficult task (Holder et al., 2015). Several studies have found that specific
coping strategies serve as a buffer against the negative association between racially stressful events
(Gaylord-Harden & Cunningham, 2009; Noh et al., 1999). However, utilizing effective coping
strategies can help African Americans address racial microaggressions and oppression in addition
to impact their overall physiological health (Franklin & Franklin-Boyd, 2000; Holder et al., 2015).
Two traditional approaches to understanding coping strategies are adaptive and maladaptive
coping (Suls & Fletcher, 1985).
Adaptive coping strategies are the positive or healthy approaches to addressing stress such
as engaging in communication or confronting racism and seeking mentorship, networks, and safe
spaces (Holder et al., 2015; Franklin & Boyd-Franklin, 2000). Miller and Kaiser (2001) observed
coping with racial discrimination and other racial stressors may manifest in collective individual
actions such as: educational, advocacy, and lobbying efforts. Utilizing education as an adaptive
mechanism can educate the aggressor of the intentional or unintentional racial microaggression
while defending the recipient's personal rights. Mellor (2004) suggested that educating the
aggressor as a coping strategy can serve as an effort to prove the aggressor wrong by challenging
ignorant thoughts and beliefs and asserting their right to equal treatment. Sue and colleagues
7
intervention. Moreover, the process of educating the aggressor benefits victims by asserting pride
in their own racial/ethnic identity and denying their identity for self-protection.
Racial Microaggressions and Racial identity
Racial identity can be defined as the significance and meaning of race in individuals’ lives
(Sellers et al., 1998). Cross et al. (1998) hypothesized the primary function for African Americans’
racial identity is to buffer negative impact of experiencing racial discrimination. A breadth of
research has suggested the association of racial identity development and psychosocial outcomes
as well as the potential of racial identity beliefs to buffer against negative effects of racial
discrimination among Black emerging adults (Caldwell et al., 2004; Sellers et al., 2003; Sellers &
Shelton, 2003; Wong et al., 2003). Brondolo et al. (2009) suggested that positive racial identity is
linked to positive academic outcomes when experiencing different forms of racism. For many
African American particularly within the educational context, racial identity serves as a protective
factor when experiencing racial microaggressions.
Previous research suggests racial regard serves as a protective factor for African Americans
from adverse consequences of perceived discrimination (Branscombe et al., 1999). Moreover, this
racial identity model hypothesizes an individuals’ worldview of the African American community
can serve as a buffer when experiencing racial discrimination. Sellers (1998) suggests racial regard
measures the extent to which an individual feels positively about his or her race. This dimension
involves two components—public and private regard. Public regard refers to one’s perceptions of
how society views the African American community. Previous research highlights public regard
as a moderator for the relationship between perceived racial discrimination and mental health
(Sellers & Shelton 2003). Furthermore, an existing body of literature has suggested low public
8
outcomes (Chavous et al., 2008; Oyserman et al., 2001; Sellers et al., 2003; Sellers, Copeland-
Linder, Martin, & Lewis, 2006; Wong et al., 2003). Low public regard suggests negative opinions
of the African American community from the broader society. As a result, African Americans,
with low public regard, may be less affected when experiencing perceived racial discrimination in
comparison to African Americans with high public regard, due to the consistent racial worldview
(Sellers et al., 2003). Low public regard may serve as a protective factor for Black college students
due to the recognition of negative views of one’s racial-ethnic group (Keels et al. 2017). Moreover,
African Americans with high public regard are less likely to think that the broader society would
treat them negatively because of their inconsistent worldview (Sellers & Shelton, 2003).
Private regard is defined as the extent to which individuals feel, positively or negatively,
towards African Americans and about being an African American (Sellers et al., 1998). Private
regard has been closely linked to racial pride and psychological closeness. High private regard
suggests an individual's positive feeling about being African American and the overall African
American community; however, low private regard is associated with an individual’s negative
views about being a part of the African American community. Nevertheless, having a strong or
positive sense of racial identity can buffer African Americans’ experiences with racial
microaggressions and its impact on their psychological needs. Current works of literature reveals
African American students’ sense of racial identity can promote or deter students’ sense of
belonging and can impact academic engagement (Gray, Hope, Matthews, 2018; Hope et al., 2013;
Smalls et al., 2007).
Sense of Belonging
According to Deci and Ryan (2000), all humans have three basic psychological needs:
9
belonging is an essential factor throughout life and within the academic setting. Furthermore, the
need for belonging is a necessity in order to motivate, be motivated, and achieve or thrive during
a task (Baumeister & Leary, 1995). A sense of belonging for students can be defined as the extent
to which students feel personally accepted, respected, included, and supported by others within the
school environment (Goodenow, 1993). The need for social belonging is a basic human motivation
(Baumeister & Leary, 1995; MacDonald & Leary, 2005). Previous research broadly defines school
belonging as perceptions of acceptance, respect, inclusion, and support (Goodenow, 1993).
Moreover, students’ sense of belonging at school serves as a protective factor academically
(Freeman, Anderman, & Jensen, 2007; McMahon, Wernsman, & Rose, 2009) and psychologically
(Matthews, Banerjee, & Lauermann, 2014).
Prior research of school belonging suggests that students’ race and ethnicity are pivotal
factors in the way students perceive and interpret school environments (Juvonen, 2007). Moreover,
African Americans in academic contexts are often stigmatized in circumstances that threaten their
sense of school belonging (Walton & Cohen, 2007). Gray, Hope and Matthews (2018) offers a
deeper exploration of school belonging for African American students by presenting broader
perspectives encompassing interpersonal, instructional, and institutional opportunity structures.
Furthermore, existing research has investigated the impact of social factors, such as students’ sense
of racial identity on students’ sense of belonging in academic settings. African American students,
due to the stigmatized circumstances, have heightened the risk of being the target of disconfirming
messages about belonging in academic spaces (Cohen & Garcia, 2008; Cook, Purdie-Vaughns,
10
Conceptual Framework: Impact of Racial Microaggressions on African American College Students
Based on Deci and Ryan (2008), everyone has needs that must be met at the psychological
level thus impacting their interactions. Therefore, in the collegiate setting, students need these to
be met to satisfy their personal well-being, growth, and performance in the academic setting.
Previous research has examined the impact of racial microaggressions on their academic
involvements, campus experiences, and emotional and physical health (Gomez, Khurshid, Freitag,
& Lachuk, 2011; Harwood et. al 2012; Yosso, Smith, Ceja, & Solórzano, 2009). Experiencing
racial microaggressions can place a strain on African American students’ academic involvements,
interactions, and feelings of belonging in the college context. Particularly within the educational
context, positive racial identity has been associated with positive academic outcomes and
achievements (Harper, 2007; Thomas, Caldwell, Faison, & Jackson, 2009).
African American college students often feel alone in academic and social settings as they
experience racial microaggressions in the classroom and social spaces on campuses. Consequently,
African Americans often feel isolated and out of place at their respective universities (Smith et al.,
2007; Solórzano, 1998; Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000). Moreover, African American college
students often view PWIs as hostile and not culturally affirming. As a result, when African
American students experience racial microaggressions, their sense of racial identity is challenged,
which triggers coping mechanisms, often in negative ways, causing detrimental effects and
simultaneously decreasing their sense of belonging.
Understanding African American college students’ experiences with racial
microaggressions is a complicated process. There is existing literature on African Americans’
11
Solórzano et al., 2000). In addition to this body of literature, there is empirical research focusing
on the impact racial microaggressions have on African American students’ perceptions of school
climate at predominately white universities (Booker, 2006; Mattison & Aber, 2007). Furthermore,
empirical research suggests that racial identity serves as protective and mediating factors for
African Americans within academic settings when experiencing racial discrimination (Sellers &
Shelton, 2003; Mellor, 2004). However, limited research has investigated the link between racial
microaggression experiences and African American college students’ sense of belonging as
protective and mediating factors at predominately white universities. Based upon the body of
literature discussed, I conceptualize that racial microaggressions are directly associated with sense
of belonging for African American college students. In addition, students’ sense of racial identity
(e.g. public regard and private regard) will moderate this relationship, while educational advocacy
as a coping strategy will mediate this relationship (see Figure 1).
12
CHAPTER II Methods
The purpose of this study was to explore the experiences of African American college
students with racial microaggressions within the PWI college context. A PWI is an institution at
which White students make up for 50 percent of more of the student body (Brown & Dancy, 2009).
The first goal was to explore how specific groups of African Americans’ students experienced
racial microaggressions including how experiencing racial microaggressions impacted African
American college students’ sense of belonging on PWI campuses within the college context. The
second goal was to examine how African American college students’ social factors such as the
sense of racial identity and coping strategies influenced the relationship between experiencing
racial microaggressions and sense of belonging for African American college students. Lastly, my
final goal was to explore the effects of racial microaggressions, racial identity, and coping on
African American students’ sense of belonging within a PWI context. I specifically explored the
following research questions:
Research Question 1: Do African American undergraduates experience more microinsults and
microinvalidations than African American graduate students?
Hypothesis 1: African Americans undergraduate students will experience more racial
microaggressions than African American graduate students. Enrollment in college for African
Americans has steadily increase since 2005 (USA Department of Education, 2015). As a result,
college campuses have become more racially/ethnically diverse. This growth has led to an increase
in opportunities to experience racial discrimination (Rothman et al., 2013). Previous research
proposes that campus life, safe spaces, and residence halls are important socializing factors for
13
more time and interactions with peers due to these socializing factors in comparison to graduate
students. Therefore, I hypothesized that African American undergraduate students perceive more
microinvalidations and microinsults regarding their race in comparison to African American
graduate students.
Research Question 2: Do African American college students’ sense of private and public regard
moderate the relationship between experiencing a microinvalidations and students’ sense of
belonging?
Hypothesis 2: Microinvalidations behaviors include negating and nullifying African Americans’
experiences as racial/cultural beings (Helms, 1990), such behaviors can negatively impact African
Americans’ sense of belonging. Previous research suggests African Americans students’ sense of
racial identity can serve as a protective factor when facing racial discrimination and forms of
racism. Public regard reflects an individual’s perception of how others view the African Americans
community, positively or negatively (Seller et al., 1998), while private regard taps into an
individuals’ racial pride in being a part of the African American community (Chavous et al., 2003).
Sense of public and private regard measures African American perception of worldview regarding
the African American community. As a result, experiencing a microinvalidation will confirm or
refute African American students’ worldview about African Americans. Moreover, students that
report lower scores on public regard or higher scores on private regard will buffer the impact racial
microaggressions have on their sense of belonging. Therefore, I hypothesized that African
American college students’ sense of public and private regard will moderate the relationship
between racial microaggressions and sense of belonging.
Research Question 3: What is the extent does educational advocacy mediate the relationship
14
Hypothesis 3: Experiencing racial microaggressions, specifically microinsults, can place a strain
on African American students’ academic involvements, interactions, and feelings of belonging in
the college context. Microinsults convey rudeness, insensitivity, or otherwise demeaning behaviors
that can be detrimental to African American students (Torres et al., 2018). As a result, African
American college students may have feelings of racial exclusion which leads to feelings of
isolation on PWI campuses. Such feelings of isolation due to racial microaggressions forces
African American college students to elicit mechanisms to cope with such experiences. I
hypothesized educational advocacy, an adaptive coping strategy, will mediate the relationship of
racial microaggressions experiences and African American college students’ sense of belonging.
Research Question 4: What is the effect of educational advocacy, microinsult, public regard, and
private regard on belonging?
Hypothesis 4: African American college students who report high levels of educational advocacy,
high private regard, high experiences of microinsults, and low public regard will not report high
levels of belonging. In the college setting, students may attend social and academic events as part
of their college experience to feel connected to the campus; however, African Americans who
report lower levels of belonging will not perceive their campus climate as culturally affirming.
African American college students with high private regard feel connected to their racial
community and will utilize education and advocacy as coping strategies; in addition, these students
may have perceived the low regard society has for the African American community and
experience more microinsults.
Participants
Participants were 97 college students who consented to participate in a broad investigation
15
college students from various Predominately White Institutions. Demographics and descriptive
statistics were analysis (see table 1) and further discussed. Of the participants, 77% identified as
female and approximately 82% of the sample attended a university with greater than 15,000
students. About 81% of the sample attend a university with racial composition of at least 20% of
people of color at such university. Of the participants, about 94% of the sample identified as full
time undergraduate and graduate student and 88% attend a public university. Of the sample, 40%
identified as graduate students and 60% identified as undergraduate students. For the
undergraduate student sample, 9% identified as a freshman, 13% classified as sophomore, 14%
identified as a junior, and 23% classified as a senior. Approximately 26% of the sample identified
16
Table 1. Descriptive Statistics for College Racial Microaggression Data Set.
Characteristic Number Percent
Gender
Male 22 22.68
Female 75 77.32
Income
$0-$9,999 10 10.42
$10,000-$29,999 23 23.96
$30,000-$59,999 29 30.21
$60,000-$99,999 16 16.67
$100,000-$199,999 12 12.50
$200,000-$499,999 4 4.17
$500,000+ 2 2.08
Education
Freshman 9 9.28
Sophomore 13 13.40
Junior 14 14.43
Senior 22 22.68
Graduate Student 36 37.11
Professional Student 3 3.09
Racial Distribution of University
Less than 5% people of color 4 4.12
5% people of color 19 19.59
10% people of color 31 31.96
15% people of color 16 16.49
20% people of color 10 10.31
25% people of color 9 9.28
30% people of color 3 3.09
35% people of color 1 1.03
40% people of color 2 2.06
50% people of color 2 2.06
Size of University
Less than 5,000 Students 7 7.22
5,000 to 15,000 students 10 10.31
Greater than 15,000 students 80 82.47
Member of an African American Greek Organization
Yes 25 25.77
No 72 74.23
17
Measures
Participants were asked to respond to six different instruments including: demographics
questionnaire, the Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale (Nadal, 2011), the Coping With
Discrimination Scale (Wei et al, 2010), the Emotional Regulation Questionnaire (Gross & John,
2003), the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (Sellers et al.1998), and the Basic Need
Satisfaction in General Scale (Deci & Ryan, 2000). These measures were utilized to elicit an
understanding regarding the participants’ various experiences.
Demographics Questionnaire
The demographics questionnaire included questions regarding personal characteristics and
issues such as: age, gender, classification, and major. Additional questions addressed the university
context.
Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale
The Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale (Nadal, 2011) was designed to examine the
experiencing of various types of racial microaggressions in multiple contexts. This scale was used
to assess African American college students’ experiences with racial microaggressions. I focused
on two of the subscales: Assumptions of Inferiority and Microinvalidations. Assumptions of
Inferiority accounted for students’ experiences with microinsults.
Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity
The Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (MIBI) was developed to explore the
multidimensionality of Black identity and uses a 7 point-Likert format (Sellers et al, 1997). For
this study, the Racial Regard scale (e.g. private and public regard) was used to explore African
18
Coping with Discrimination Scale
The Coping with Discrimination Scale (Wei et al, 2010) uses a 6 point-Likert scale. This
scale explores numerous ways in which people of color cope with racial discrimination. The
subscale used in this study consisted of educational advocacy, whose items reflected efforts to deal
with discrimination through educational or advocacy efforts at individual and societal levels. This
scale was used to assess how African American college students cope with racial
microaggressions.
Basic Psychological Needs at College Scale
The Basic Psychological Needs at College Scale (Brien, Forest, Mageau, Boudrias,
Desrumaux, Brunet, & Morin, 2012; Deci, Ryan, Gagné, Leone, Usunov, & Kornazheva, 2001;
Deci & Ryan, 2000) (adapted from was adapted from Basic Psychological Needs at Work Scale)
consists of 3 subscales featuring a 7-point Likert format. The 3 subscales were autonomy,
competence, and belonging. The belonging subscale was used to examine the African American
students’ feelings of belonging at college within the PWI context.
Data Collection Procedures
Participants were recruited anonymously via a Qualtrics survey link (online survey
software), social media (Facebook), and academic listservs. Participants were invited via an email
format message based on a convenience sampling strategy. Participants were asked during the
survey to reflect on: (a) their experiences with racial microaggression in the last 6 months, (b) ways
they have coped with racial discrimination at school, (c) the extent of which they identify as a
member of the African American community, and (d) their thoughts and feeling about their college
19
Data Analysis
The data was analyzed using SPSS and STATA. I began by conducting descriptive statistics.
Next, I conducted Pearson correlations. Last, I conducted T-tests and hierarchical regressions
including mediation and moderation analyses to explore my research questions. These procedures
20
CHAPTER III Results
Preliminary Analysis
Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations for all variables are presented in Table 2.
For preliminary analyses, I descriptive statistics offer further depth and descriptions of the study’s
sample.
Table 2. Descriptive Statistics and Correlations for College Racial Microaggressions Data Set
Measures M SD α 1 2 3 4 5 6
1 Microinsults 3.10 1.32 .89 -
2 Microinvalidations 3.59 1.49 .89 .51*** -
3 Educational/ Advocacy
3.86 1.51 .87 .31** .32** -
4 Private Regard 5.64 .81 .86 .04 .03 .43*** -
5 Public Regard 3.57 .97 .78 -.24* .27** -.21* .10 -
6 Belonging 4.94 1.32 .82 -.07 -.03 .09 .39*** .17 -
Note: N = 97. *p <. 05. **p < . 01. ***p < . 001.SD, Standard Deviation.
Main Analysis: First Goal
To explore my first goal on how experiencing racial microaggressions (i.e. microinsults
and Microinvalidations) impacts African American college students’ sense of belonging on PWI
campuses within the college context, I hypothesized that groups (e.g. Undergraduate vs Graduate
Students) experience microinsults and microinvalidations differently and they impact these
students’ sense of belonging. I conducted multiple independent sample t-test to compare the
21
Research Question 1
I predicted that African American undergraduates experienced more microinsults than
African American graduate students. To test this prediction, I conducted a series of one-tailed,
independent sample t-test. Results did not support this prediction. Undergraduates students (M =
3.12, SD = 1.26) reported comparable experiences with microinsults than graduate students (M =
3.13, SD = 1.43) but not statistically significantly so, t (95) = -0.05, p > .05, one-tailed, mean
difference = 0.45. Error bars in Figure 2 (see Appendix) are 95% confidence intervals.
Figure 2. Mean scores of microinsult experiences for undergraduate and graduate African
American students.
I predicted that African American undergraduates experienced more microinvalidations
than African American graduate students. To test this prediction, I conducted a series of one-tailed,
independent sample t-test. Results did not support this prediction. Undergraduates students (M =
22
3.33 , SD = 1.45) but not statistically significantly so, t (94) = 1.45, p > .05 (p = .07), one-tailed,
mean difference = 0.45. Error bars in Figure 3 (see Appendix) are 95% confidence intervals.
Figure 3. Mean scores of microinvalidations experiences for undergraduate and graduate
African American students.
Main Analysis: Second Goal
To explore my second goal on how African American college students’ sense of racial
identity and coping strategies influenced the relationship between experiencing racial
microaggressions and sense of belonging on PWI campuses. I predicted that students’ racial
identity served as a moderator and educational advocacy as a coping strategy served as a mediator
for the relationship between racial microaggressions and students’ sense of belonging. I conducted
hierarchical regressions to test the moderation model and mediation model to address my goal and
my following research questions. To avoid potentially problematic high multicollinearity with the
interaction term, the variables were centered and an interaction terms between microinvalidations
23
Research Question 2
Public Regard Model
To test the hypothesis that African American college students’ sense of belonging is a
function of multiple factors. More specifically, I tested whether African American college
students’ sense of public regard moderated the relationship between microinvalidation experiences
and sense of belonging. I utilized a hierarchical regression to test this prediction. Step 1 of the
model included microinvalidation experiences. Step 2 of the model examined public regard, while
Step 3 of the model included the main effect of the interaction of public regard by
microinvalidation experiences. The final hierarchical regression model included microinvalidation
experiences, public regard, and interaction between microinvalidation and public regard.
The final model (F(3, 92) = 0.91, p > .05) accounted for 3% of the variance of predicting
students’ sense of belonging (R2 =0%). The final model included racial microaggression
experiences (β = -.07, p >.05), public regard (β = -.07, p <.001), and the interaction term (i.e. racial
microaggressions by public regard) (β = -.07, p >.05), but had no significant main effect. These
findings did not support my prediction that the relationship between African American college
students’ sense of belonging and racial microaggression experiences are moderated by public
24
Table 3
Hierarchical Regression Model Predicting Sense of Belonging as a function of Public Regard
Variable β SE β t Adj.
R2
Step 1 (F(1,94) = 0.08, p = 0.7835)
Microinvalidations -.03 -.03 -.28 .00
Step 2 (ΔF(1,91) = 8.39, p<.001, R2 =.16)
Microinvalidations .02 .02 .19
Public Regard .23 .17 1.63 .15
Step 3 (ΔF(1,90) = 7.41, p <.05, R2 =.20)
Microinvalidations .019 .02 .19
Public Regard .23 .17 1.61
Public Regard by Microinvalidations -.02 -.02 -.22 .04
(n=96). *p <. 05. **p < . 01. ***p < . 001.
Private Regard Model
I predicted that African American college students’ sense of belonging is a function of
multiple factors; more specifically whether students’ sense of private regard moderates the
relationship between experiencing microinvalidation and sense of belonging. I conducted a
hierarchical multiple regression analysis to test this prediction. The Step 1 model included
microinvalidation experience, while the Step 2 model examined private regard. The Step 3 model
investigated the interactions of students’ sense of private regard by microinvalidation experiences.
The final hierarchical regression model included microinvalidation experiences, private regard,
and interaction between microinvalidation and private regard.
Based on significant changes in the F statistic, the final model (F(3, 90) = 7.41, p < .01)
included both the main effects and the interaction terms (i.e. Step 3). This final model accounted
for 20% of the total variance in students’ sense of belonging (R2 =17%). The final significant main
effects included private regard (β = -.07, p <.001) and the interaction term (e.g. racial
25
experiences (β = -.07, p >.05). These findings supported my prediction that African American
college students’ sense of belonging is moderated by their sense of private regard (See Table 4).
Table 4
Hierarchical Regression Model Predicting Sense of Belonging as a function of Private Regard
Variable β SE β t Adj.
R2
Step 1 (F(1,94) = 0.08, p = 0.78)
Microinvalidations -.03 -.03 -.28 .00
Step 2 (ΔF(1,91) = 8.39, p<.001, R2 =.16)
Microinvalidations -.05 -.06 -0.58
Private Regard .65 .39 4.08*** .15
Step 3 (ΔF(1,90) = 7.41, p <.05, R2 =.20)
Microinvalidations -.08 -.09 -0.94
Private Regard .61 .37 3.88***
Private Regard by Microinvalidations .31 .21 2.18* .04
(n=96). *p <. 05. **p < . 01. ***p < . 001.
Figure 4. Interaction of private regard by microinsults experiences in predicting self-
26
Research Question 3
I hypothesized that educational advocacy as a coping strategy would mediate the
relationship between microinsults and sense of belonging. Baron and Kenny (1986) asserted
evidence for mediation is found under the following conditions: (1) the independent variable
(microinsults) significantly predicts the outcome variable (belonging), (2) the independent variable
(microinsults) significantly predicts the mediator variable (educational advocacy), and (3) the
mediator significantly predicts the outcome variable, while the independent variable (microinsults)
simultaneously no longer predicts the outcome variable. In regression model 1, microinsults did
not significantly predict belonging. Regression model 2, microinsults significantly predicted
educational advocacy. In the final regression model 3, I used microinsults and educational
advocacy as predictors of belonging. However, both microinsults and educational advocacy did
not significantly predict students’ sense of belonging (See Figure 4).
27
Main Analysis: Third Goal
To explore my final goal of exploring the effects of microinsults, sense of racial identity,
and coping strategies on an African American students’ sense of belonging within a PWI context,
I conducted a hierarchical regression.
Research Question 4
To address my final goal, a hierarchical regression was utilized to explore predictors
associated with African American college students’ sense of belonging. The predictors are
continuous and were mean centered. The Step 1 model included racial microaggression
experiences. The Step 2 model examined educational advocacy as a main effect, and the Step 3
model examined the remaining main effects of racial identity (e.g. private and public regard).
Based on significant changes in the F statistic, the final model had an Adjusted R2 = 0.14, F(4,89)
= 4.74, p < 0.01. The final model accounted for 18% of the total variance in predicting sense of
belonging (Adjusted R2 = 0.14). The final significant main effect included private regard (β =.67,
p <.001) but not public regard (β =.12, p >.05), educational/ advocacy (β = -.07, p >.05), or racial
microaggression experiences (β = -.07, p >.05). These findings indicate African American college
students’ sense of racial identity, specifically private regard, is positively associated with
28
Table 5
Hierarchical Regression Model for Students’ Sense of Belonging
Variable β SE β t Adj. R2
Step 1 (F(1,94) = 0.44, p = 0.5084, R2 =)
Microinsults -.07 -.07 -0.66 .00
Step 2 (ΔF(1,93) = 1.29, p = 0.259, ΔR2 =.014)
Microinsults -.11 -.11 -0.99
Educational/ Advocacy .14 .12 1.14 .01
Step 3 (ΔF(2,89) = 8.49, p <.001, R2 =, ΔR2 =.157)
Microinsults -.07 -.07 -0.65
Educational/ Advocacy -.07 -.06 -0.51
Private Regard .67 .41 3.75***
Public Regard .12 .09 0.84 .17
29
CHAPTER IV Discussion
The primary goal of this research project was to better understand African American
college students experience racial microaggressions within the PWI context. The findings
supported and added to the existing literature on African American college students’ experiences
with racial microaggressions and its impact on these students’ sense of belonging. The African
American college students who participated in the study reported experiencing both microinsults
and microinvalidations on their respective PWI campus. The sample of students reported negative
effects of experiencing racial microaggressions and its impact on the sense of belonging to their
university.
African American college students from different academic standings reported different
amount of racial microaggression experiences. African American undergraduate and graduate
students reported experiencing racial microaggressions often. Both, graduate and undergraduates,
reported experiencing both microinsults and microinvalidations occasionally on campus. This
finding adds to the literature by exploring the potential difference in racial microaggression
experiences of African American undergraduates and graduates students. Overall, these
microinsults and microinvalidations made African American college students feel isolated and
unsupported on their restive university campuses.
Additionally, findings indicated some dimensions of racial identity can serve as a
protective factor moderating the relationship between microinvalidations and sense of belonging.
Specifically as hypothesized, sense of private regard buffered the effects microinvalidations have
on African American college students’ sense of belonging. This finding lends support to previous
30
when experiencing racism (e.g. Cross, 1998; Chavous et al., 2008; Sellers et al., 2003). In addition,
this result extends previous literature by suggesting private regard, specifically, can serve as a
protective factor when experiencing racial microaggressions within PWI college campus settings.
Moreover, the relationship between microinvalidations and belonging for African American
college students was not buffered by sense of public regard. This finding is noteworthy due to the
wealth of literature supporting that public regard serves as a protective factor when facing racially
charged situations (Chavous et al., 2008; Oyserman et al., 2001; Sellers et al., 2003; Sellers,
Copeland-Linder, Martin, & Lewis, 2006; Wong et al., 2003). Together, these findings illustrate
African American students’ racial pride (e.g. private regard) can serve as a protective factor.
However, while low public regard serves as a protective factor against racial discrimination for
African Americans, racial microaggressions may not be influenced by students’ beliefs of other
evaluative judgements of African Americans (e.g. public regard).
The results indicated that the coping strategy of education/advocacy did not mediate the
relationship between racial microaggressions and sense of belonging. However, this finding did
report some noteworthy results. First, this finding furthers previous literature on adaptive coping
strategies when experiencing racism for African Americans within the education setting. Results
revealed the adaptive coping strategy (e.g. educational advocacy) was not a mediator of the
relationship between African American students’ microinsults experiences and sense of belonging.
Previous literature has highlighted that adaptive coping strategies, in comparison to maladaptive
coping strategies (e.g. internalization), have positive outcomes for African Americans when
experiencing racism (Mellor, 2004). Consequently, findings show that within the educational
31
The findings exploring the effects of racial microaggression experiences, sense of racial
identity, and adaptive coping strategies on African American students’ sense of belonging reported
meaningful findings. Results revealed that students’ sense of private regard was a predictor of sense
of belonging. This finding has practical implications for African Americans and other students of
color on PWI campuses experiencing racism indicating that racial pride is key to belonging at their
respective universities.
Implications
The results of the study showed that African American students experience racial
microaggressions on a daily basis within college context. Consequently, experiencing racial
microaggressions showed negative effects on African American students’ sense of belonging at
their respected university. Furthermore, results showed that African American students that
reported higher sense of private regard and electing to educate and advocate the aggressor when
experiencing a racial microaggression had a lower sense of belonging.
Greater efforts should be taken to educate faculty and staff of PWI universities on the
importance of making all students feel welcome and included in the classroom and on campus,
overall. I recommend that universities mandate yearly diversity trainings to educate all faculty and
staff on racial microaggressions and other forms of racial discrimination on campus. Moreover,
teaching of racial microaggressions and other forms of racial discrimination should be included in
curriculum across disciplines. Current programs and safe spaces are examples of university led
programs that successfully increase inclusion of diverse students (Brenzinski et al, 2018).
Furthermore, faculty and staff members need to be aware of their own personal biases and possible
racial microaggressions that they may be unintentionally communicating to African American
32
and breakdown their personal biases to decrease the amount of racial microaggressions African
American students experience. The importance of social support to psychological and academic
performance and motivation have been well documented (Powell & Arriola, 2003; DeBerard et
al., 2004; Dennis, Phinney, & Chuateco, 2005). In addition, social support (e.g. mentorship
programs, academic networks, and safe spaces) plays a vital role in connecting African American
students with resources and support for coping with racial microaggressions which is necessary
for the academic survival of African Americans, particularly at PWIs.
Limitations and Future Directions
Caution is warranted when interpreting these findings. First, the study’s survey only
yielded a 49% response rate. Therefore, response bias is a potential limitation, where it is unclear
how well it represents the larger population of African American students at PWIs. Secondly, even
though we found significant differences between groups (e.g. Undergraduates vs. Graduates) it is
unclear due to the sample size of each sample group how well the study represents the overall
African American college student population at PWIs. Thirdly, the gender imbalance in the study
is also a limitation due to the high percentage of African American women that participated in the
study compared to African American men. Moreover, more research needs to examine gender
differences in experiencing racial microaggressions. African American females often perceived
double bias (i.e. racial and gender) within PWI college contexts (Alexander & Hermann, 2016).
Still, it was important to include both men and women in the analysis, despite the low number of
male participants in the study. Lastly, the racial composition of the predominantly white
institutions may cause some limitations to the analysis. College campus are becoming more and
more diverse with increasing enrollment of African American and other students of color
33
institution at which White students make up for 50 percent of more of the student body (Brown &
Dancy, 2009), the recent increase in students of color on campus can create more variation in racial
demographics on PWI campuses.
Conclusions
The challenges African American students face on predominantly White campuses, such
as institutional racism, inequitable treatment from faculty and university administrators, racial
discrimination, and negative stigma, are well document throughout the literature and contribute to
racial disparities in educational outcomes at the postsecondary level. Better understanding how to
support African American students’ experiencing of racial microaggressions and retain these
students in institutions of higher education is imperative. Consequently, campus climate is
frequently identified as contributing to educational and social inequalities (e.g. retention and
graduation rates, sense of belonging, and social integration) which translate to racial barriers (e.g.
racial microaggressions) for African American students. More clearly understanding the
experience of racial microaggressions and its impact may better equip faculty, administrators, and
counselors to support and retain African American students in higher education.
This study furthers the literature into African American college students’ experiencing
racial microaggressions. The current study identified racial identity (e.g. private regard) as a
potential protective factor. Moreover, this line of research has implications for innovations in
practice, counseling practices on college campuses, and diversity training for students and faculty
on such campuses. Therefore, I recommend future research that includes longitudinal studies
analyzing the experience of racial microaggressions throughout the different college populations
(e.g. undergraduate and graduate) to explore the connections between racial microaggressions,
34
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