Eu 12 Haring Divine Temples

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Divine Households

Administrative and Economic Aspects

of the New Kingdom Royal Memorial Temples

in Western Thebes

by

B.J.J. Haring

Egyptologische Uitgaven • XII

Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten

Leiden

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EGYPTOLOGISCHE UITGA VEN

onder redactie van

J.F. BORGHOUTS, M.S.G.H. HEERMA van VOSS. J. de ROOS en H. te VELDE

XII

DIVINE HOUSEHOLDS

ADMINISTRATIVE AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE NEW KINGDOM ROYAL MEMORIAL TEMPLES

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(SHW), die wordt gesubsidieerd door de Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (NWO)

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DIVINE HOUSEHOLDS

ADMINISTRATIVE AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS

OF THE NEW KINGDOM ROYAL MEMORIAL TEMPLES

IN WESTERN THEBES

by

B.J.J. RARING

NEDERLANDS INSTITUUT VOOR HET NABIJE OOSTEN LEIDEN

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Raring, B.J.J.

voor het Nabije Oosten Witte Singe! 25

Postbus 9515

2300 RA Leiden, Nederland

Divine Households: Administrative and economic aspects of the New Kingdom royal memorial temples in Western Thebes I by B.J.J. Raring. - Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten. - (Egyptologische uitgaven, ISSN 0927-0043; 12)

ISBN 90-6258-212-5 NUGI 633/644

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PREFACE

Don't let the granary be lacking in barley and emmer, for it is on its granary that the house stands firm! 0. BM 5627 obv., 12-14

In spite of the secluded and elitist character of its cult, the Ancient Egyptian temple was an institution of special public interest. It was important to Egyptian society first and foremost, of course, as a centre of divine worship: it was here that the gods had their home; here they were venerated and cared for by priests. It is known that to some extent it also functioned as a centre of learning and a place of rendering justice, although many aspects of these roles in society still remain to be fully investigated.

The greater temples, controlling substantial amounts of personnel, land, animals and other resources, were also of tremendous economic importance. The daily offerings presented to the gods alone required enormous quantities of agricultural products and luxury commodities, which, after the offering ceremony, were distributed among the entitled priests and officials. But the workforce that produced the necessary items itself also required nourishment, and so did the temple herds. The divine offering cult, in brief, appears to have been the reason for the development of a special type of economic machinery, in which redistribution was the main principle at work.

No attempt will be made here to describe the genesis of this particular type of economic institution. The New Kingdom shrines that form the subject of this work represent a (late) stage in the economic development of the Ancient Egyptian temple. The world of temple priests and officials living, not by what they produced themselves, but by the quota levied from masses of agricultural workers, already had a long history behind it. Consequently, what is presented here is nothing more than a possible model of how the system worked, and in some respects changed, during a particular space of time.

The study and the description of an ancient society are usually restricted to some specific aspects, in order not to be faced continuously with the complexity of that society as a whole. In this sense, it would seem to be no mistake to regard the economy of Ancient Egypt as a separate field of study. Not all Egyptologists, however, would readily agree to such a point of view. It appears that the study of the Ancient Egyptian economy is in particular need of justifying itself with respect to the opinion that the economic behaviour of ancient man should not be viewed as separate

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from other aspects of his mentality, such as his views on social distinctions, on ceremonial affairs and on the supernatural. The ongoing discussion of this matter is tremendously important, as it preserves us from an overly one-sided view of ancient economics. In disregarding other aspects of society, one might fail to see motives (social, religious, or otherwise) that play a significant role in economic transactions, and thus fail to explain the phenomena observed.

On the other hand, it is actually possible, and justifiable, to isolate economic data for analysis, especially since the Ancient Egyptians themselves were very well capable of dealing with economic matters as no more than such, in spite of the statements by those who have become too well accustomed to the mythical world-view exhibited by so many ancient documents. Admittedly, much of our information on the economic history of Ancient Egypt comes from inscriptions with a character that is mainly ceremonial or religious, and we have to be very careful when isolating it. Many texts on papyri and ostraca, however, present us with "raw" economic and administrative data, and I think there is no objection to regarding this particular type of text as the reflection of a particular sphere of thinking and acting, which was economically exact and to the point. Of course, theories built upon the data obtained from these sources should ultimately be checked against the information we have on other aspects of Ancient Egyptian society.

But if it is indeed justifiable to study the economy of an entire society by itself, does the same apply to the economy of an Egyptian temple, the raison d'etre of which was, after all, the divine offering cult? Again I believe that it does. First, because temple administrators will hardly have been less "businesslike" or "to the point" than their colleagues who worked in other sectors of society (for instance, the royal palace, treasury, and granary); second, because it is only by a concentrated study of the economic workings of a temple that its role as a part of the economic infrastructure of the society as a whole becomes a little clearer.

The economic importance of temples in the Ancient Egyptian society has been generally acknowledged by Egyptologists for a long time, and the economic competition between temples and the state has always been a special point of interest. Yet, although certain topics have received due attention over the course of time, few attempts have been made so far to describe the economic structure and transactions of one specific temple, of a group of temples, or of the "typical" Egyptian temple-if such a generalization can be made-at a given time. The present book aims at providing just such a description by presenting the relevant data and a model for the economic workings of a select group of temples: the royal memorial temples of the New Kingdom on the Theban west bank. The description does not proceed from any specific economic, historical, or anthropological theory, but from a collection of documents classified and analysed empirically. The result is therefore not an innovation in terms of its theoretical approach, but the traditional work of an Egyptologist, and is not intended to be anything more than a contribution to the understanding of an important aspect of Egyptian society in the New Kingdom.

This publication is a slightly revised version of my Ph.D. thesis as it was submitted to the University of Leiden, and accepted on January 14th, 1997. The

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research work was carried out during a four-year fellowship at Leiden University (February 1992 - January 1996) that had been granted by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO), and continued by the Foundation for History, Archaeology and Art History (SHW), which is subsidized by the same organization. The promotor and supervisor of the research project was Prof. J.F. Borghouts. The promotion committee also included Prof. H.J.M. Claessen, Prof. P.W. Pestman, Prof. H.D. Schneider, Prof. K.R. Veenhof, Prof. S.P. Vleeming, Dr. G. van Driel, and Dr. A. Egberts.

I sincerely wish to thank Prof. J.F. Borghouts for his willingness to submit the research proposal to NWO, and for his continuous support for the project. I am also grateful to him, as well as to the referee, Dr. A. Egberts, for reading and re-reading a manuscript that was still far from assuming its definitive version, and for their suggestions for improvement. I am grateful to Dr. R.S. Simpson of Oxford for correcting the English (or what tried to pass for it) of the manuscript, and to the editors of Egyptologische Uitgaven for their willingness to include my dissertation in this series. The Oriental Institute of The Museum of Chicago kindly permitted me to reproduce the drawings from Medinet Habu Ill, plates 168, 169 and 173 in figures 1 and 3 of chapter IV.

Special thanks are due to Prof. Jac. J. Janssen for reading preliminary versions of Chapters II, VIII, IX, and XI and discussing these chapters with me in his home in London or by mail. I am very grateful for having been able to benefit from the suggestions made by this great specialist in the field of Ancient Egyptian economics. A similar debt of gratitude is due to Dr. R.J. Demaree, who read most of the manuscript and provided me with many useful remarks, especially with regard to the documents from the community of workmen at Deir el-Medina (Chapters VIII and IX). Prof. S.P. Vleeming kindly lent me his photographs of P. Ashmolean 1945.94 (the "Griffith Fragments") and P. Louvre AF 6345, and discussed some problems of this text with me. To my colleague W. Hovestreydt I am grateful for providing me with a copy of his unpublished master's thesis on the Egyptian treasuries in the New Kingdom, and with a preliminary version of his article on private statue endowments that is due to appear in Lingua Aegyptia. Needless to say, the help of so many people does not take away my own responsibility for anything that might displease the reader of this book.

I sincerely regret the death of Prof. W. Helck in August 1993. My correspondence with this great scholar, which had scarcely begun, was thus prevented from assuming any substantial form.

The Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) and the Foundation for History, Archaeology and Art History (SHW) not only granted me the fellowship that gave me the opportunity for full-time research during four years; they also financed my stays in Luxor (March 1993), Oxford (November-December 1994) and Turin (April-May 1995), which enabled me to check relevant details in a great number of hieroglyphic and hieratic texts. The stay in Turin was also partly made possible by a grant from the Faculty of Arts of Leiden University.

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In Luxor, I had the opportunity to discuss some problems with regard to the New Kingdom memorial temples with several people; I especially wish to mention Dr. Ing. H. Jaritz (Schweizerisches Institut fiir agyptische Bauforschung und Altertumskunde, Cairo) and Mr. G. Heindl (Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Cairo).

The principal reason to visit Oxford was, of course, to study the notebooks and manuscripts left by Prof. J. COerny. I wish to thank Dr. J. Malek, Dr. D.N.E. Magee, and the assistants of the Griffith Institute for their kindness and help in enabling me to consult this precious material. My stay in Oxford also enabled me to study the Griffith Fragments and other documents kept in the Ashmolean Museum, for which I wish to thank Dr. H.V. Whitehouse. During this period I made a few visits to the British Museum in London, where Dr. S. Quirke kindly made it possible for me to study some of the Museum's hieratic papyri.

I was particularly fortunate in having the opportunity, in April 1995, of studying a great number of New Kingdom hieratic papyri in the Museo Egizio at Turin. I am most grateful to Dr. A.M. Donadoni Roveri for her permission to study these texts, which are so extremely important for our knowledge of New Kingdom Egypt, and yet so poorly published. I also wish to thank the museum assistants for their daily help in getting access to the texts.

It remains for me to express my deepest gratitude to a few people outside the scholarly domain: to my parents Rina and Jan and my sister Mariette, who had no difficulties in accepting the early development of my interest in Ancient Egypt as something perfectly normal; to

t

r '

who in spite of her name is there to remind me, whenever necessary, of a world outside Egyptology.

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+

Louvre AF 6345) § 6 - The Theban memorial temples

in P. Ashmolean 1945.94

+

Louvre AF 6345

§ 7- Disputes about temple fields (P. Sallier I 9, 1-9 and P. BM 10373)342

259 261 263 268 273 278 283 283 301 315 321 326 340

Chapter XI. Jar dockets and seal impressions 346

§ 1 -Hieratic jar dockets 346

§ 2- Textual information from wine dockets 347

§ 3 - Dockets recording other products 355

§ 4 - The provenance of the dockets 357

§ 5 - Seal impressions 360

Chapter XII. Economic resources of the royal memorial temple

according to administrative texts 363

§ 1 - Introduction 363

§ 2 - The temple proper and its immediate sources of supply 364

§ 3 -The greater temple estate 372

§ 4 - Relations with the king and his representatives 380

§ 5 - Relations with other temples 383

Conclusion 389

Tables, Appendices, Indices 397

Tables 399

Appendix 1- List of "Temples of Millions of Years" in Western Thebes 419 Appendix 2 - Priests, officials and workmen of the royal memorial temples 426

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F. Von Kiinel, Les Pretres-ouab de Sekhmet et les Conjurateurs de Serket (Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Section des Sciences Religieuses LXXXVII), Paris 1984

U. Kaplony-Heckel, Agyptische Handschriften I (Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland XIX, 1), Wiesbaden 1971

S.L.D. Katary, Land Tenure in the Ramesside Period (Studies in Egyptology), London- New York 1989 H. Kees, Das Priestertum im Altiigyptischen Staat vom Neuen Reich bis zur Spiitzeit (Probleme der Agyptologie 1), Cologne 1953 (indexes and addenda: Leiden-Cologne 1958)

Kenzi. Revue de Philologie et d'Archeologie Egyptiennes et Coptes

B.J. Kemp, Ancient Egypt. Anatomy of a Civilization, London-New York 1989.

D. Kessler, Die heiligen Tiere und der Konig I. Beitriige zu Organisation, Kult und Theologie der spiitzeitlichen Tierfriedhiife (Agypten und Altes Testament 16), Wiesbaden 1989

K.A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions. Historical and Biographical 1-VIII, Oxford 1975-1990

K.A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions Translated and Annotated: Translations I and II, Oxford 1993 and 1996 Koenig, Catalogue des Etiquettes de Jarres Hieratiques de Deir El-Medineh, fasc. I (nos. 6000-6241) and 11 (nos. 6242-6497) (Documents de Fouil!es XXI), Cairo 1979-1980

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Labor in the Ancient Near East Lacau, Steles

Lacau, Chevrier, Chapelle d'Hatchepsout Legrain, Statues et Statuettes

Lepsius, Denkmiiler Lepsius, Denkmiiler Text

Lesko, Dictionary of Late Egyptian Lexikon der A.'gyptologie

Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature Lipinska, Deir El-Bahari IV

L6pez, Ostraca Ieratici

Lucas, Harris, Materials and Industries4 Man, Settlement and Urbanism

Marciniak, Inscriptions Hieratiques MDAIK

Medinet Habu

Meeks, Anmie Lexicographique Megally, Notions de Comptabilite

Melanges Mokhtar

M.A. Powell ed., Labor in the Ancient Near East (American Oriental Series 68), New Haven 1987 P. Lacau, Steles du Nouvel Empire (Catalogue General des Antiquites du Musee du Caire Nos. 34001-34189), Cairo 1957

P. Lacau, H. Chevrier, Une Chapelle d'Hatchepsout ii Karnak I and II, Paris 1977 and 1979

G. Legrain, Statues et Statuettes de Rois et de Particuliers, vols. I-III and indexes (Catalogue General des Antiquites du Musee du Caire Nos. 42001-42250), Cairo 1906-1925

C.R. Lepsius, Denkmaeler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien I-VI, Berlin 1849-1858

C.R. Lepsius, Denkmaeler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien. Text I-V, edited by E. Naville, Leipzig 1897-1913 L.H. Lesko, A Dictionary of Late Egyptian I-V, Berkeley 1982-1990

W. Helck, E. Otto ed., Lexikon der Agyptologie I, Wiesbaden 1975; W. Helck, W. Westendorf ed., Lexikon der A.'gyptologie Il-VII, Wiesbaden 1977-1992

M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature. A Book of Readings I-III, Berkeley etc., 1973-1980

J. Lipinska, The Temple of Tuthmosis Ill. Statuary and

Votive Monuments (Centre d 'Archeologie

Mediterraneenne de I' Academie Polonaise des Sciences et Centre Polonais d' Archeologie Mediterraneenne dans la Republique Arabe d'Egypte au Caire. Deir El-Bahari IV), Warsaw 1984

J. L6pez, Ostraca Ieratici fasc. 1-4 (Catalogo del Museo Egizio di Torino, Serie Seconda - Collezioni Ill), Milan 1978-1984

A. Lucas, J.R. Harris, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries, fourth edition, London 1962

P.J. Ucko, R. Tringham, G.W. Dimbleby ed., Man, Settlement and Urbanism, London 1972

M. Marciniak, Les Inscriptions Hieratiques du Temple de Tlwutmosis Ill (Deir El-Bahari I), Warsaw 1974

Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archiiologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo

Medinet Habu I-VIII (The University of Chicago. Oriental Institute Publications VIII, IX, XXIII, LI, LXXXIII, LXXXIV, XCIII, XCIV), Chicago 1930-1970

D. Meeks, Annee Lexicographique 1-3, Paris 1980-1982

M. Megally, Notions de Comptabilite ii propos du Papyrus E. 3226 du Musee du Louvre (Bibliotheque d'Etude 72), Cairo 1977

P. Posener-Krieger ed., Melanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar I and II, Cairo 1985

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XIX

Menu, Regime Juridique

MIO

Moller, Hieratische Paliiographie2

Mond, Myers, Temples of Armant

Nagel, Ceramique

Naville, Deir El Bahari

Naville, Details Releves Naville, Xlth Dynasty Temple

Niwinski, 21st Dynasty Coffins

OLZ

Otto, Topographie

Parker, Calendars

Peden, Egyptian Historical Inscriptions

Peden, Ramesses IV Peet, Tomb-robberies

Peet, Mayer Papyri

Pendlebury, City of Akhenaten Ill

Petrie, Six Temples

B. Menu, Le Regime Juridique des Terres et du Personnel attache

a

la Terre dans le Papyrus Wilbour (Publications de la Faculte des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de l'Universite de Lille, Institut de Papyrologie et d'Egyptologie 1), Lille 1970

Mitteilungen des Instituts for Orientforschung

Moller, Hieratische Paliiographie. Die iigyptische Buchschrift in ihrer Entwicklung van der filnften Dynastie bis zur romischen Kaiserzeit, second edition, I-III, Leipzig 1927-1936

R. Mond, O.H. Myers, Temples of Armant. A Preliminary Survey, London 1940 (2 vols.: text and plates)

G. Nagel, La Ceramique du Nouvel Empire

a

Deir El Medineh I (Documents de Fouilles publies par les · Membres de l'Institut Fran<;ais d'Archeologie Orientale

du Caire X), Cairo 1938

E. Naville, The Temple of Deir El Bahari I-VI (The Egypt Exploration Fund. Memoirs 13, 14, 16, 19, 27, 29), London 1895-1908

E. Naville, Details Releves dans les Ruines de Quelques Temples Egyptiens, Paris 1930

E. Naville, The Xlth Dynasty Temple at Deir El-Bahari, vols. I-III (The Egypt Exploration Fund. Memoirs 28, 30, 32), London 1907-1913

A. Niwinski, 21st Dynasty Coffins from Thebes. Chronological and Typological Studies (Theben 5), Mainz 1988

Orientalistische Literaturzeitung

E. Otto, Topographie des thebanischen Gaues (Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde Agyptens 16), Berlin-Leipzig 1952

R.A. Parker, The Calendars of Ancient Egypt (Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 26), Chicago 1950 A.J. Pecten, Egyptian Historical Inscriptions of the Twentieth Dynasty (Documenta Mundi Aegyptiaca 3), Jonsered 1994

A.J. Pecten, The Reign of Ramesses IV, Warminster 1994

T.E. Peet, The Great Tomb-Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty, being a critical study, with translations and commentaries, of the papyri in which these are recorded I-11, Oxford 1930

T.E. Peet, The Mayer Papyri A & B. Nos. M. 11162 and M. 11186 of the Free Public Museums, Liverpool, London 1920

J.D.S. Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten Ill (The Egypt Exploration Society. Memoirs 44), vols I and 11, London 1951

W.M. Flinders Petrie, Six Temples at Thebes. 1896, London 1897

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Petrie, Tarkhan I and Memphis V

Pleyte, Rossi, Papyrus de Turin

Porter, Moss, Topographical Bibliography

Porter, Moss, Topographical Bibliographl

Posener-Krieger, Archives

PSBA

Quibell, Ramesseum

Ranke, Personennamen RdE

Reliefs and Inscriptions

Ricke, Totentempel

Romer, Gottes- und Priesterherrschajt

RT SAK

Sandman, Texts

Sauneron, Ostraca Hieratiques

Sauneron, Pretrei Schaedel, Listen

Schmitz, Amenophis I.

W.M. Flinders Petrie, Tarkhan I and Memphis V (British School of Archaeology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account, Eighteenth Year 1912), London 1913

W. Pleyte, F. Rossi, Papyrus de Turin, Leiden 1869-187 6 (2 vols. : text and plates)

B. Porter, R.L.B. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings I-VII, Oxford 1927-1952

B. Porter, R.L.B. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings, second edition of vols. I-III, Oxford 1960-1981

P. Posener-Krieger, Les Archives du Temple Funeraire de Neferirkare Kakai' (les Papyrus d'Abousir) I and II (Bibliotheque d'Etude LXV), Cairo 1976

Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology J.E. Quibell, The Ramesseum, and R.F.E. Paget, A.A. Pirie, The Tomb of Ptah-hetep (Egyptian Research Account, 1896), London 1898

H. Ranke, Die iigyptischen Personennamen I-III, Gliickstadt 1935-1977

Revue d'Egyptologie

Reliefs and Inscriptions at Karnak I-IV (The University of Chicago. Oriental Institute Publications XXV, XXXV, LXXIV), Chicago 1936-1986

H. Ricke, Der Totentempel Thutmosis' Ill. (Beitrage zur A.gyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde 3 .1), Cairo 1939

M. Romer, Gottes- und Priesterherrschaft in A.'gypten am Ende des Neuen Reiches. Ein religionsgeschichtliches Phiinomen und seine sozialen Grundlagen (Agypten und Altes Testament 21), Wiesbaden 1994

Recueil de Travaux relatifs

a

la Philologie et

a

l'Archeologie Egyptiennes et Assyriennes

Studien zur Altiigyptischen Kultur

M. Sandman, Texts from the Time of Akhenaten (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca VIII), Brussels 1938

S. Sauneron, Ostraca Hieratiques Non Litteraires de Deir El-Medineh [VI] (Documents de Fouilles de l'lnstitut Fran~ais d' Archeologie Orientale du Caire XIII), Cairo 1959 (see also Cerny, Ostraca Hieratiques, above)

S. Sauneron, Les Pretres de l'Ancienne Egypte, revised edition, Paris 1988

H.D. Schaedel, Die Listen des grojJen Papyrus Harris. Ihre wirtschaftliche und politische Ausdeutung (Leipziger A.gyptologische Studien 6), Gliickstadt etc. 1936

F. Schmitz, Amenophis I (Hildesheimer A.gyptologische Beitrage 6), Hildesheim 1978

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XXI Schott, Festdaten

Schott, Kanais

Serapis

Sesto Congresso (Acts) Sesto Congresso (Abstracts) Social History

Speleers, Recueil des Inscriptions

Spencer, Egyptian Temple Spiegelberg, Priesterdekrete

State and Temple Economy

Stewart, Egyptian Stelae Studies Griffith

Studies Gwyn Griffiths

Studies Hughes

Totentempel Amenophis' 111.

Urkunden Ubersetzung Hefte 5-16

Urkunden Ubersetzung Hefte 17-22

Schott, Altiigyptische Festdaten (Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur. Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse 1950, no. 10), Wiesbaden 1950

S. Schott, Kanais. Der Tempel Sethos I. im Wadi Mia (Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Giittingen I. Philologisch-historische Klasse 1961 no. 6), Giittingen 1961

Serapis. The American Journal of Egyptology

Sesto Congresso Internazionale di Egittologia. Atti I and II, Turin 1992 and 1993

Sesto Congresso Internazionale di Egittologia. Abstracts of Papers, Turin 1991

B.G. Trigger, B.J. Kemp, D. O'Connor, A.B. Lloyd, Ancient Egypt. A Social History, Cambridge etc. 1983 L. Speleers, Recueil des Inscriptions Egyptiennes des Musees Royaux du Cinquantenaire

a

Bruxelles, Brussels 1923

P. Spencer, The Egyptian Temple. A Lexicographical Study (Studies in Egyptology), London etc. 1984 W. Spiegelberg, Der demotische Text der Priesterdekrete van Kanopus und Memphis (Rosettana) · mit den hieroglyphischen und griechischen Fassungen und deutscher Uebersetzung nebst demotischem Glossar, Heidelberg 1922

E. Lipinski ed., State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East. Proceedings of the International Conference organized by the Katholieke Universiteit Leuvenfrom the lOth to the 14th of April1978 I and II (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 5 and 6), Leuven 1979 H.M. Stewart, Egyptian Stelae, Reliefs and Paintings from the Petrie Collection I-III, Warminster 1976-1983

Studies Presented to F.Ll. Griffith, London 1932 A.B. lloyd ed., Studies in Pharaonic Religion and Society in Honour of J. Gwyn Griffiths (Occasional Publications 8), London 1992

Studies in Honor of George R. Hughes, January 12, 1977 (Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 39), Chicago 1976

G. Haeny ed., Untersuchungen im T,otentempel Amenophis' 11I. (Beitrlige zur Agyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde 11), Wiesbaden 1981 A. Burkhardt, E. Blumenthal, I. Muller, W.F. Reineke ed., Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Ubersetzung zu den Heften 5-16, Berlin 1984

W. Helck, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Ubersetzung zu den Heften 17-22, Berlin 1961

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Urkunden IV

VA

Valbelle, Ouvriers

K. Sethe, Urkunden der I8. Dynastie. Historisch-Biographische Urkunden, parts 1-16 (pp. 1-1226) (Urkunden des Agyptischen Altertums IV), Leipzig 1906-1909; W. Helck, Urkunden der I8. Dynastie. Historisch-Biographische Urkunden, parts 17-22 (pp. 1227-2179) (Urkunden des Agyptischen Altertums IV), Berlin 1955-1958

V aria Aegyptiaca

D. Valbelle, Les Ouvriers de la Tombe. Deir El-Medineh

a

l'Epoque Ramesside (Bibliotheque d'Etude XCVI), Cairo 1985

Vandier d'Abbadie, Deux Tombes Ramessides J. Vandier d'Abbadie, Deux Tombes Ramessides

a

Gournet-Mourrai' (Memoires Publies par Ies Membres de I'Institut Franc,:ais d'Archeologie Orientale du Caire LXXXVII), Cairo 1954

Varille, Karnak I Village Voices

Wallert, Palmen

Wente, Late Ramesside Letters Wente, Letters

Wolf, Peasants Work in Western Thebes

Wreszinski, Atlas WZKM

zAS

ZDMG

A. Varille, Karnak I (Fouilles de I'Institut Franc,:ais du Caire XIX), Cairo 1943

R.J. Demaree, A. Egberts ed., Village Voices. Proceedings of the Symposium 'Texts from Deir el-Medfna and their Interpretation', Leiden, May 3I - June I, I99I (CNWS Publications 13), Leiden 1992

I. Wallert, Die Palmen im Alten Agypten (Miinchner Agyptologische Studien 1), Berlin 1962

E.F. Wente, Late Ramesside Letters (Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 33), Chicago 1967

E.F. Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt (Society of Biblical Literature. Writings of the Ancient World 1), Atlanta 1990

E.R. Wolf, Peasants (Foundations of Modern Anthropology Series), Englewood Cliffs 1966

H.H. Nelson, U. Hiilscher, Work in Western Thebes (The University of Chicago. Oriental Institute Publications 18), Chicago 1934

W. Wreszinski, Atlas zur altaegyptischen Kulturgeschichte 1-III, Leipzig 1923-1941

Wiener Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes Zeitschrift fiir Agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenliindischen Gesellschaft

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INTRODUCTION

§ 1 -THE EGYPTIAN TEMPLE: ITS ORGANIZATION AND RESOURCES THE TEMPLE AS AN ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION

Wolfgang Helck once described the economy of an Egyptian temple as not essentially different from that of a high official's personal household, the resources and personnel of which were organized to sustain the owner of the house and his family.1 Helck's approach matches with the ancient Egyptian concept of the temple as the home of a principal deity and the various gods and goddesses associated with it. The concept is to be taken not in a symbolic, but in a literal sense: the statues that stood in closed shrines in the dark innermost parts of the temple were not tokens, but living images. They were bodies fashioned by craftsmen, and the gods entered into them in order to "rest" (~tp) in the temple.2 Priests saw to it that the divine inhabitants would have no lack of attention, veneration, and food. Rituals were performed and food offerings presented according to a fixed daily scheme in order to keep the gods satisfied (which is also expressed by the word ~tp). It was actually the religious task of the Egyptian king, the Pharaoh, to take care of the gods and the dead. 3 In his divine capacity he could be in the gods' presence and communicate with them. As it was impossible for him to perform the daily rituals in every Egyptian temple, priests assumed his role. In the scenes depicted on the temple walls, however, it is always the king who makes the offerings to the gods, receiving life, health, and power in return. It is on the same walls, or on special stelae, that we find inscriptions in which the king presents himself as the builder of the temple, the founder of its economic domain, and the establisher of the regular offerings. In this way, the Pharaoh fulfilled his direct obligations as the deity's son.

Temple estates founded during the New Kingdom (1550-1070 BC) included lands-agriculture being the basis of Egyptian economy-animals, workshops and storerooms, ships, and personnel producing and transporting the necessary items. Their revenues served the upkeep of the offering-cult, the temple personnel, and the temple buildings. The estate could be exempted from the requisitions made by government

1

W. Helck, in: Lexikon der Agyptologie VI, 414. See also Sauneron, Pretrei, 81 and 82; B.J. Kemp, in: Man, Settlement and Urbanism, 658.

2

This does not exclude their manifestation in a different form at the same time. For the theological concepts of cult images, see J. Assmann, Agypten. 17leologie und Frommigkeit einer frilhen Hochkultur, Stuttgart etc. 1984, 50-67.

3

For an explicit statement on this in an Egyptian text, see J. Assmann, Der Konig als Sonnenpriester. Ein kosmographischer Begleittext zur kultischen Sonnenhymnik in thebanischen Tempeln und Griibern (Abhandlungen des Deutschen Archiiologischen Instituts Kairo. Agyptologische Reihe 7), Gliickstadt 1970, 22.

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officials, which otherwise might have been quite common.1 In other texts, the king expressed his wish that the temple founded by him would be everlasting, with all its provisions. The temple estate would thus appear to have been immutable, but the legal and economic reality was often quite different. Indeed, there are administrative reports about fields of one institution taken away by another. 2 The property of a specific foundation was likely to diminish in the course of time.3 This is also clear from the exemption-decrees, by the details of their case descriptions and the gravity of the punishments they prescribed. In fact, the founder did not expect anything other than that the resources donated would be encroached upon.

Exemption-decrees for temples are known from the late Old Kingdom onwards. They guaranteed that temple personnel would not be summoned to work for the royal residence. It is unclear whether such an exemption was self-evident. In the twenty-third century BC, the personnel of the temple of Min at Coptos were protected by King Pepi II from the obligation to work for the residence.4 The decree in question, however, was only a renewal of a similar arrangement made in earlier years, which implies that protective measures had to be renewed from time to time. The same king, moreover, had instructed his nomarch Harkhuf, who was leading an expedition in the king's service, to requisition material provisions from the departments of the royal workshop, as well as from the temples, without exempting any of them. 5

The best information on the economy of Old Kingdom temples is provided by the archives found at Abusir, which relate to the cults and provisions of the funerary temples of kings Neferirkare and Raneferef.6 It appears from these archives that the revenues of the royal funerary temples did not come from autonomous domains that served only the temples in question, but that they followed a much more complicated pattern. The products of the domains apparently founded for the benefit of the funerary

1

E.g. the Nauri decree of Sethos I protecting the Nubian resources of his temple at Abydos (F.Ll. Griffith, lEA 13 (1927), 193-206, pis. XXXVII-XLIII; Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions I, 45-58); his stipulations for the protection of gold supplies for the same temple from Kanais (Schott, Kanais, 184-187; Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions I, 67-70); the decree of Ramesses Ill for the temple of Khnum at Elephantine (Breasted, Ancient Records IV, 85-87; Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions V, 343-345). See also Romer, Gottes-und Priesterherrschaft, 356-359.

2

E.g. P. Sallier I 9, 1-9 and P. BM 10373, both treated in chapter X, § 7. 3

As is effectively shown by text A of the Wilbour Papyrus; see chapter X, § 2.

4

Decree Coptos B; see H. Goedicke, Konigliche Dokumente aus dem Alten Reich (Agyptologische Abhandlungen 14), Wiesbaden 1967, 87-116.

5

According to an inscription from the tomb of Harkhuf: K. Sethe, Urkunden des Alten Retches (Urkunden des Agyptischen Altertums I), Leipzig 1932-1933, 131, 4-7; Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature I, 27. For the last sentence n iri(. w) !Jw.t im, I follow E. Edel, Altiigyptische Grammatik (Analecta Orientalia 34/39), Rome 1955/64, 457 (§ 902): "no exemption is made therein", instead of the relative clause in the translation by Lichtheim.

6

P. Posener-Krieger, J.L. De Cenival, The Abu Sir Papyri (Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum, Fifth Series), London 1968; Posener-Krieger, Archives I and II; P. Posener-Krieger, in: State and Temple Economy I, 133-151; idem, JSSEA 13 (1983), 51-57; idem, in: Agypten. Dauer und Wandel. Symposium Anliisslich des 75jiihrigen Bestehens des Deutschen Archiiologischen Instituts Kairo am 10. und 11. Oktober 1982 (Deutsches Archiiologisches Institut Abteilung Kairo. Sonderschrift 18), Mainz 1985, 35-43, pl. 3; idem, in: Melanges Mokhtar II, 195-210, pis. I-VI; idem, in: Akten Munchen 4, 167-176; idem, CRIPEL 13 (1991), 107-112; idem, MDAIK 47 (1991), 293-304; S. Allam, CdE 63 (1988), 36-39.

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3

temple were delivered to the residence and to a solar temple at Abusir, from which they were partly passed on to the funerary temple at the foot of the king's pyramid.1 Such economic dependence on other institutions may have been a characteristic of royal funerary temples. For the Middle Kingdom, the temple we are best informed about is the funerary (valley) temple of Sesostris II at El-Lahun, which was the centre of a large settlement. Besides its own revenues, it received products from the temple of Sobek at Krokodilopolis (Medinet el-Faiyum).2 The Eleventh Dynasty temple of King Mentuhotep Nebhepetre at Deir el-Bahri received at least part of its provisions from the temple of Amun at Karnak according to a decree of the later king Sesostris III.3 By the time of King Thutmosis Ill of the Eighteenth Dynasty, the royal memorial temples in Western Thebes (in a way the New Kingdom equivalents of the older funerary temples; see below, section 3) received their shares of incense from the royal deliveries (in. w)

through the treasury of the same Amun temple. 4 The memorial temple of Amenophis Ill at Memphis was put on the "provision" (s4fJ) of the temple of the god Ptah.5 If the term "provision" is to be taken literally, it may express the economic dependence of the royal temple. It may also refer, however, to the administrative control over it by the temple of Ptah.

Some texts from the Second Intermediate Period and the Eighteenth Dynasty seem to imply that temple offerings were requisitioned from individuals and administrative departments of other institutions. 6 From other Eighteenth Dynasty documents, however, and especially from Ramesside temple inscriptions, it becomes clear that the temple was, at least ideally, a self-sufficient economic unit. The Pharaohs stressed the enormous amounts of workmen, animals, and fields which they gave to their newly founded temples. Nevertheless, they continued to bestow additional gifts on the temple estates during their reigns; these gifts consisted mainly of personnel (war-captives) and luxury goods.7

TEMPLE PERSONNEL

The number of people working in a temple depended on the size of the sanctuary, which in its turn corresponded to the importance of its cult. As the size of temples varied considerably, indications from the documents of Abusir and El-Lahun speak only for those temples, leaving us in the dark about the numbers of people in other sanctuaries,

1

P. Posener-Krieger, in: State and Temple Economy I, 138-147. 2

According toP. Cairo JE 71580 (previously Berlin 10005): Kaplony-Heckel, A'gyptische Handschriften I, 266; Borchardt, zAS 40 (1902/3), 114 and 115. See also Helck, Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 166 (read: "Sesostris II", instead of "Sesostris Ill").

3

Naville, Xlth Dynasty Temple I, pi. XXIV; Helck, Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 166 (read: "Sesostris Ill", instead of "Sesostris I").

4

According to the incense-lists of Ineni and Puyemre; see chapter IV, § 4.

5

According to an inscription on a statue of the chief steward Amenhotep: Urkunden IV, 1796, 9-11; R.G. Morkot, JNES 49 (1990), 328. See the discussion of srjj;/sdfin chapter VI, § 3, pp. 169-173.

6

Stela Cairo JE 51911 (W. Helck, MDAIK 24 (1969), 194-200), and a hieratic writing-board (present whereabouts unknown: P. Vernus, RdE 33 (1981), 106-118).

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and at other times. From data provided by the duty-rosters of the funerary temple of Neferirkare from the Old Kingdom at Abusir, Posener-Krieger estimated the total personnel attached to this temple at some 250 to 300 individuals.1 Most members of the personnel, however, functioned only on a part-time basis. They were organized in groups, called s;.w in Egyptian, a term corresponding to the Greekphyle "phyle"in later texts concerned with temple personnel. The Egyptian phyle system, however, was not confined to temple personnel; it was a ~eneral form of organization also applied, for instance, to work-gangs and policemen. The temple phyles in turn consisted of two sections. These sections relieved each other every month. One specific phyle section reappears in the duty rosters after ten months, so there must have been five phyles working in the temple. Thus, the number of people working in the temple at the same time (being the active phyle section plus permanent staff) will rather have been some fifty or more.3 This still seems quite a lot when compared with Sauneron's estimate of ten to twenty or twenty-five people in the medium-sized provincial temples of later

. d 4 per10 s.

The phyle personnel consisted mainly of "god's servants" (~m. w-n[r) and people bearing the title ljnt.y-s.5 Both categories appear to have had ritual as well as administrative tasks. It is therefore difficult to distinguish between priestly and non-priestly personnel. Apart from the phyle members, there were a certain number of people who worked throughout the year. Among these were the priests called "wab" (w('b; lit. "pure"), and certainly the "lector-priests" (or "ritualists", lJr.y. w-~b) and other personnel.6 The titles ~m-n{r, ljnt.y-s, and w('b could be held by functionaries outside the temple organization, sometimes even by very high state officials. Apparently, they performed their tasks in the temple on a part-time basis, if they actually performed them at all: some of the temple services required were quite humble. In some cases, the titles may have been only honorary ones, the work connected with them being left to others. Granting an honorary title connected with the royal funerary temple may have been a common way for the king to remunerate his officials. 7

1 _{Posener-Krieger, Archives II, 573 and 574.}

2

Erman, Grapow, Worterbuch III, 413; W. Helck, in: Lexikon der Agyptologie I, 371-374. See also A.M. Roth, Egyptian Phyles in the Old Kingdom (Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 48), Chicago 1991.

3

That is, 22 phyle(-section)-priests and an additional number of part-time and full-time personnel: Posener-Krieger, Archives II, 573.

4

Sauneron, Pretrel, 60. 5

Originally a designation for a class of servants in royal funerary temples as well as in the palace, it may have assumed the meaning "gardener" after the decline of the Old Kingdom funeraty temples (A.M. Roth, in: Akten Miinchen 4, 177-186; see also W. Helck, Untersuchungen zu den Beamtentiteln des Agyptischen A/ten Reiches (Agyptologische Forschungen 18), Gliickstadt etc. 1954, 107-109; Posener-Krieger, Archives II, 577-581; R. Stadelmann, BIFAO 81 (1981), 153-164; S. Quirke, zAS 118 (1991), 144; C.J. Eyre, JEA 80 (1994), 69).

6 _{Posener-Krieger, Archives 11, 565-588.} 7

Eu 12 Haring Divine Temples

Divine Households

Administrative and Economic Aspects

of the New Kingdom Royal Memorial Temples

in Western Thebes

by

B.J.J. Haring

Egyptologische Uitgaven • XII

Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten

Leiden

XII

DIVINE HOUSEHOLDS

DIVINE HOUSEHOLDS

ADMINISTRATIVE AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS

OF THE NEW KINGDOM ROYAL MEMORIAL TEMPLES

IN WESTERN THEBES

by

PREFACE

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CONTENTS

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XIX

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zAS

INTRODUCTION