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DRIVERS AND MOTIVATIONS OF WOMEN IN VIOLENT RADICALIZATION

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www.ijsernet.org Page 39

DRIVERS AND MOTIVATIONS OF WOMEN IN VIOLENT

RADICALIZATION

David muthondeki

National Police Service of Kenya and Kenyatta University as Lecturer Po Box 1980-00100

Nairobi +254728288006

ABSTRACT

The deteriorating global security status has necessitated increased attention from experts and researchers. After being ignored by policy makers in the past despite an active history in violent activity, the role of women in violent radicalisation has emerged as a new threat especially with projections showing that it is set to increase in the future. Experts have sought to establish the motivations behind their extremism in a bid to formulate appropriate counter-terrorism strategies. With increased knowledge among disciplines on women, this paper was based on desk review methodology that used secondary data. Existent studies and reports on the topic were critically reviewed and analysed to gather data. Findings generated inconclusive results on women drivers. While marginalization, oppressive cultures, personal factors, political ideologies and religious pressure were found as radicalizing vulnerabilities, revenge as a result of social settings stood out as a dominant motivator. The study concludes that an emotional based approach must be used when formulating policies meant to discourage women from getting radicalised. Further the study finds that there is no ‘one size fits’ all remedy, rather a prescribed solution depending on societal contexts should be adopted when developing counter-terrorism strategies.

Keywords: radicalization, violent extremism, terrorism, political ideologies, radicalization vulnerabilities

INTRODUCTION

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www.ijsernet.org Page 40 The factors that underlie the shift from secondary roles to primary roles are key to explaining the current phenomena. In a brief history of women involvement in radicalization Jacques (2008 ) highlights the active involvement of women in the russian revolution in the 1970s and 1980s. Similarly in Latin America in the 1990s women fighting in the guerrilla wars and In Africa where women were at the forefront of brutal revolutionaries reveal that while strong theory and testing is missing, women have been active participants in violence. Their participation in terrorism can be seen as a natural progression from the violent revolutions they played roles in. Bizovi (2014) argues their participation and increase in influence while has been ignored by experts ,has been used by groups as a strategic and tactical advantage for more succesful operations. Further, their accpetability and easy assimilation into it suggests underlying drivers to participation. According to Taylor (2006) ,widening of logistical, ideological and regional participation by women can be attributed to key events, religious or nationalistic views, revenge and personal reasons. Kendall (2015) in an investigation on drivers of extreme acts among women found that passionate political commitment also drives them to engage in radicalization.

In the wake of globalization of terror from non state actors, experts have argued that suicide boming and pre-emptive attacks which involve female participants will increase. Groups are increasingly taking advantage of the fact that women are less likely to be scrutinized like their male counterparts. Terrorist leaders have learned that women as couriers and decoys can easily evade security forces and are perceived naturally peaceful and not able to commit violent acts (Cragin & Daly , 2009). While various studies have invested in developing relevant literature on women, many have failed to exclusively focus on drivers which are regarded as root causes. Suggestively to formulate effective intelligence and long term counter-terrorism strategies there is a need to establish exclusive motivations to their participation in violent radicalisation.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The global community has increasingly experienced security deteroriation in the hand of terrorists who have claimed lives, destroyed properties and reversed economies. Security experts have stereotyoed the typical terrorist as being an 18-30 year old male. Females have been sub-ordinated as playing minor support roles. However, starting the millenium trends have shown the upsurge of women actors in violent confrontations. Much of the perceived notions of this activity are based on conventional wisdom rather than facts. Bloom (2011) argues that roles of women in violent radicalization have not been significantly researched leading to scarcity of information regarding what motivates their involvement.

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www.ijsernet.org Page 41 This lack of information has limited resources and approaches that security,intelligence and law enforcement analysts are able to employ when looking at terrorist events. With the changing environment in violent radicalization and little literature on women, recruitment and attacks are bound to increase. It is of paramount importance to researchers to deal with the root cause such as what drives them to be radicalized to develop a more sustainable counter-terrorism strategy.

LITERATURE REVIEW

There is no universal definition in academia on violent radicalisation as beliefs, ideologies and environments that are used to define it differ. The European Commision however refers to it as the embracing of opinions, views and ideas that can lead to acts of terrorism (European Commission , 2015). According to the British Act of 2000, violent radicalisation is the process by which an individual comes to support terrorism and forms of extremism leading to terrorism. Bhui (2014) posits that it involves supporting acts that can lead to terrorism as a result of certain vulnerabilities that include poverty, migration and mental health issues. The present definitions all seem to converge with the idea of engaging in activities that can elevate to terrorism.

There are a number of factors that propel individuals to participate in violent radicalisation from political,social, cultural and psychological.Taylor (2006) acknowledges that understanding what drives suicide terrorism for instance will play a key role in preventing terrorism. In his study that analyses the differences in motivation of 30 male and 30 female suicide terrorists using secondary data, he finds that men reported to be driven more by religious or nationalistic motivations while women were driven by key events, personal motivations and revenge. These findings reveal the variance between genders which are dependent on ideologies or actions of the group one aligns themselves to.

In another attempt to provide motivations, Spindlove & Simonsen (2013) categorize motivations into 3 factions. Rational, psychological and rational. These categories are broad and have further specializations within them. The rational group, involves assesing of cost-benefit analysis by an individual, the psychological motivation is bred on the need and desire to belong while the cultural motivation involves a sense of identity and unity that envince those who are in it. Despite the categorization of these drivers, some individuals exhibit multiple motivations that may fall outside this scope. Depending on an individuals needs ,desires or beliefs one aligns themselves with an ideology that represnets his/her interests.

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www.ijsernet.org Page 42 radicalisation motivate both men and women however, these factors are experienced and internalized differently along gender lines. The Organization for security and Co-operation in Europe (2013) in a women radicalisation report revealed that gender based discrimination can overlap violations on other grounds. Conditions conducive for radicalization of women can therefore include violence against women, lack of economic,educational or political opportunities and gender based inequality.

The patriachal approach of human security has tended to oppress strategies aimed at adressing women radialisation. Radical groups have also impaired the dignity and livelihood of female terrorists through instances such as rape and physical inferiority that have bred bitterness forcing women to become suicide bombers. Derry (2014) argues that development of feminism has played a role in participating in terrorist acts by instilling a feeling of gaining honor and feeling useful as opposed to mainstaream subjugation. This view however remains inconclusive and should be accorded more attention by researchers.

The current global security situation varies from region with some regions being non-conflict zones, moderate conflict and conflict zone. Speckhard (2008) argues there are significant differences in these areas that can motivate women to be radicalized. In conflict prone areas radicalization can be catalysed by factors such as personal loss, trauma while in non-conflict areas women are moslty driven by social controls such as corruption, deprivation and reduced opportunities related to emancipation. The relation between gender margnalisation and underdevelopment is easy to cause radicalisation as is evidence in the Tamil and Chechen rebel groups.

While a taxonomy of motivations have been identified, Lay (2015) notes that in most instances dualistic factors motivate both men and women and detailed differences between gender profiles are not exclusive. Increased female recruitment in radicalised in groups such as Boko Haram in Nigeria, Hamas and Fatah in Palestine and Isreal and Chechen in Russia reveal that motivation factors are complex which calls for a deeper understanding on distinct drivers to women radicalisation.

METHODOLOGY

This research relied on secondary data acquired from a review of various past research studies. According to Lopez (2013) secondary data is easily accesible, time saving and feasible for both longitudinal and international comparative studies. There is a significant amount of literature that has data related to women and violent radicalisation. Using various studies and research reports, the different motivations women subscribe to were noted and analysed for conclusions. The study adopted a desk review methodology that capitalizes on summarization of related existing research exercises.

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www.ijsernet.org Page 43 With limited literature on female involvement in violent radicalisation, theories specific to them are incomplete. As such there is no single theory that can explain womens role in radicalisation. For the purposes of this study, the relative deprivation theory will be used. Having its roots in psychology and sociology, the relative deprivation theory holds that people take action for change in order to acquire something (Chegg Study, 2017). The theory holds that individual and group mobilization of aggression is linked to social, economic and political circumstances. The relative deprivation theory asuumes that aggressive behavious first originates from frustration which soon graduates and provokes an aggressive behaviour. Violent behaviour is facilitated by lack of either economic or social improvements or deteriorations that decrease the ability of an individual to satisfy specific habituated needs. According to Crosby (1984) antecedent conditions, emotional concomitants and behavioral consequences support the theory. Suggestively, the perception of deprivation is a basic condition for participation in collective civil violence. This deprivation may be relative, absolute or alternative.

Existent literature reveals that marginalization, unequal opportunities, exclusion, subjugation and discrimination based on gender have pushed women to violent radicalisation as a means to prove themselves as meaningful. In relation to the theory, women are first pulled to frustration as a result of certain deprivations they perceive key in improving and sustaining their welfare such as job opportunities, economic stability, freedom of expression and sexual security. Without proper frameworks to change these uncomfortable conditions, tensions escalate pushing individuals to violence. Skjolberg (2006) argues that in such situations the general populace is not affected rather a social or ethnic group is adversely affected. This affirmation seconds the relevance of the relative deprivation theory in that women can be more affected by certain situations in a society that leads them to hold extreme views.

As a supportive theory to the study, the general strainn theory was also adopted. Proposed by Robert Agnew in 1992 the theory posits that strain caused by social and economic factors increases possibility of violence among individuals. In his proposition he argues that there are three types of strain that cause this violence. First is the strain brought about by the failure to achieve positive valued goals, second is the strain of removal of positively valued stimuli and the third is strain that comes about as a result of the presentation of negative stimuli (Bizovi, 2014).Accordingly most individuals become radicalised as a result of socio-economic factors whose inclusion, exculusion or insufficiency causes a push to the wall effect that easily breeds radicalisation.

FINDINGS

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www.ijsernet.org Page 44 been linked to a son, husband or brother of a past terrorist who has been eliminated. The findings are in line with Taylor (2006) whose literature posits that revenge is a key motivator to female engagement in extremism.

Findings on a study by Yesevi (2014) on female terrorism revealed that some women tend to participate in violent extremeism as a means of escaping oppressive patriachial societies. With the study based among Pakistan, Chechen and Sri-lankan women terrorists, the study found that harsh environments they find themselves in like poverty, violent institutions and oppresive policies cultivated anger and frustration that fueled their devotion to violence. Liberal feminism was also found to give more power to women in battlegrounds with revenge being the main emotion behind becoming a terrorist. Among palestinian women who were at the forefront in battlegrounds great anger and nationalism were found to be the main reasons for becoming terrorists. Finally, some women joined terrorist organizations as a result of sexual harrasment and infertility in which they played suicide roles. This implies these dishonours left scars that led them to a levels of low self worth.

The shift in players in the terroist realm require security experts the view men and women as equal adversaries. Lay (2015) finds that the stigmas that are perceived to weaken womens equality and honour in the contrary strenghthen their success as violent radicalists. Suggestively, their feelings of fear and dishonour are more likely to motivate them to be dedicated to the cause. Men on the contrary were found to be more driven by nationalistic beliefs, radical beliefs and pressure from extremist groups. In events of recruitment through these social circumstances Sutten (2009) notes they become more rutheless and efficient than their male counterparts, unflinching in weapon use and courageous in battlefield.Several findings have also showed that radicalised women can be more dangerous and produce more adverse impacts. However, in a contrary finding (Jackson et al, 2011)in a study on Tigers of Tamil and armed organizations in Nothern Ireland showed that overall drivers to violent radicalisation by women in was the same as of men which include alliegance to political ideologies, nationalism , avenging personal loss, unadressed injustice and desire to improve society.

A historical review on specific female led groups by Reyes (2016) showed that the Black widows of Russia were driven by witnessing the death or torture of a family member. Collen LaRose commonly known as Jihad jane who became an extremist through the internet was found to be motivated by personal ideologies. Analysts on her actions suggest that she found consolation and a sense of belonging among Islamic extremists. Accordingly, marginalization and isolation lead to desparation to fit in and belong in any setting that seems to give attention and concern to ones needs. According to Speckhard (2017) women in Kosovo felt it a duty to help their fellow sunni brothers and sisters in Syria with expctations of spiritual and materialistic rewards promised. This reason has been attributed to men in the past however, development s show that even females subscribe to religious ideologies.

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www.ijsernet.org Page 45 ideologies, marginalization and religious requirement as key motivators to women participation in violent radicalisation. Moreover, revenge presents itself as a dominant motivator suggesting women mostly tend to be driven by emotions of anger and frustration and as such counter-terrosims startegies must find approaches on appealing to womens emotions.

CONCLUSION

Existent studies have given extensive analyses on roles of women and their motivations in violent radicalisation. Key to note is that there is an over-reliance on secondary data thus limiting the actual realities on the ground. The findings give inconclusive results , however dominant themes are estalished. Revenge is found to be a key motivation to women who use emotions to make key decesions. Another dominant driver is exclusion and dishonour brought about by oppressive partiachial societies. Political ideologies, nationalism, religious pressure were also found to be motivators though on the minor side. At the centre of drivers is societies with ea ch context having its own distinct factors. As such when developing counter terrorism strategies, policy makers must be keen to give tailor-made prescriptions appropriate to social contexts.

REFERENCES

Bhui, K. (2014). Is violent radicalisation associated with poverty, migration,poor self-reported heaalth and common mental disorders? NCBI.

Bizovi, O. M. (2014). Female involvement in terrorist organizations. MercyHurst University.

Bloom, M. (2011). Women and terrorism. Philadelphia: University of Pennyslavania.

Bloom, M. (2016). The changing nature of women extremism and political violence. Turin, Italy: UNICRI.

Carter, B. (2013). Women and violent extremism . GSDRC Applied knowledge services.

Chegg Study. (2017). Relative Deprivation Theory. Chegg Study.

Cragin, R. K., & Daly , S. A. (2009). Women as terrorists: Mothers, recruiters and matrys. Santa Barbara: Praeger Security International.

Crosby, F. (1984). Relative Deprivation and Equity Theories. Plenum Press.

Derry, R. (2014). Maternal Ethic. Sage Pulications.

European Commission . (2015). Migration and affairs . European Commission.

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www.ijsernet.org Page 46 Jacques, K. (2008 ). Female terrorism research . Lacanstaer University.

Kendell, B. (2015). What drives women to extreme acts? BBC.

Lay, K. (2015). Women as Terrorists : An Insoluble paradox, The Absurdity or the threat. Cantebury Christ Church University.

Lopez, P.-S. (2013). Advantages and disadvantages of secondary data.

Organization for security and Co-operation in Europe. (2013). Women and terrorist radicalization : Final Report. Vienna: OSCE.

Reyes, N. (2016). Women and Terrorism: Challenging traditional roles. Undergraduate Journal of Political Science , 119-124.

Skjolberg, K. H.-W. (2006). Facts and fiction in theories of terrorism.

Speckhard, A. (2008). The Emergence of Female suicide terrorists. Studies in conflict and terrorism.

Speckhard, A. (2017). Drivers of radicalisation and violent extremism in Kosovo: Womens roles in supporting, preventing and fighting violent extremism. Research Reports.

Spindlove, J. R., & Simonsen, C. E. (2013). Terrorism today: The past, the players, the futures. Boston: Pearson.

Sutten, L. M. (2009). The rising importance of women in terrorism and the need to reform counter-terrorism strategy. School of advanced military studies.

Taylor, P. J. (2006). Male and female suicide bombers : Differnt Sexes different reasons? University of liverpool.

References

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