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Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujdigispace.uj.ac.za (Accessed: Date).

THE PASSIVE AND CONTACTIVE EXlENSIONS OF ISIZUW

by

MARIA BJSISIWE NTHOBA

Mini Dissertation

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTEROF ARTS in

AFRICAN LANGUAGES

at the

RAND AFRIKAANS UNIVERSITY

Johannesburg

S~rvisor: DR ACduTOIT January 1995

A special wordof thanks to:

Dr AC du Toit, my supervisor, for allowing me to embark on the study of the passive and contactive extensions which has been of interest to me during the whole of my career; herencouragement, skillful and professional guidance, have made it possible for me to succeed in completing this research study.

Lecturers and staff in the Department of African Languages of Rand Afrikaans University, who were of great help in the preparation of this dissertation.

Ms Gladys Chakane, Mssarah Kotane, Ms Mirriam Molekwa, my colleagues, and

Ms

Phindi Hlubi, the principal of WnnieNgwekazi. Thanks for your love and courage.

My friends, Nonhlanhla and Pule Pule who helped mea lot in my studies. Thanks for your motivation.

My sisters-in-law and brothers-in-law, George, Fusi and Ramokgele who are so concerned about my studies.

My mother, Ellen Thembi Ngcobo, and my sister, Sibongile Margaret Khumalo for the love and care they have always given me.

My husband, Aubrey Montwedi Nthoba, and our sons Chatsane and Pitso for being understanding and available for meduring my studies. 'Bataung ba Ramokgele, your moral support is not, and will never be left unrecognised'.

OPSOMMING

Die studie het 'n morfologiese; fonologiese; semantiese en sintaktiese beskrywing van die passiewe (hoofsaaklik) en kontaktiewe werkwoordagtervoegsels ten

doel

Die (produktiewe) passiewe werkwoordagtervoegsel {-(i)w-} vertoon die allomorfe 1-w-1 en

\ I-iw-I, met 'n weier spreiding as wat algemeen deur grammatici erken word. In sommige woorde 5005 ukuIvva word 'n pseudo-passiewe morfeem aangetref (dus ontdaan van semantiese funksie).

Op morfofonologiese vlak is aangetoon dat die foneemIIIvan die "lang" perfektum uitgang {-ile}deur die passiewe morfeem {-w-} vervang word. Dit het voorts geblyk dat 'n kombinasie van die foneme IW enIii ongewild is en dat die onvoltooidheidsuitgang {-a} eerder as die

verwagte{-i} in negatiewe werkwoorde optree. Soook tree die deverbatiewe rnorfeem {-a} op in persoonlike deverbatiewe naamwoorde.

Twee teoriee rakende die palatalisasie van foneme wat deur die passiewe rnorfeem voorafgegaan word, word bespreek, naamlik: Palatalisasie onder invloed van die variant I-yw-I asook diemoontlikheid dat palatalisasie onder invloed van diesemivokaallW plaasvind. TG-reels word vir die klankveranderings voorgestel.

Die insluiting van die passiewe rnorfeem in die werkwoord toon aan dat die NP as 'n begunstigde; ontvanger ofIydensparty van diewerkwoord optree. Produktiwiteit word beperk deur bepaalde betekeniskenmerke van diewerkwoordstam; sobyvoorbeeld tree diepassiewe rnorfeem norrnaalweg nie in onoorgankJike werkwoorde op nie.

Die sintaktiese beskrywing sluit P-struktuurreels; Transformasiereels en Subjek-objekreels in terwyl die invloed van die passiewe morfeem op die transitiwiteit van die werkwoord ook bespreek word.

Daar is aangetoon dat die onproduktiewe kontaktiewe werkwoordagtervoegsel deur optrede van die perfektumuitgang {-ile} onderbreek kan word in werkwoordstamme soos -phatha > -phethe. Hierdie sogenaarnde ''werkwoordagtervoegsel'' kom, met behoud van semantiese funksie, oak by lede van die woordklas ideofoon voor.

TAaE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS OPSOMMING TAaE OF COr-fTENTS

CHAPTER 1 :

INTRODUCTION ii iii 1 1.1 INTRODUCTlON 1 1.2 DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS 3 1.2.1 ProductMty 3 1.2.2 PseucJo.tmtphemes 5 1.2.3 Dtnmytmtphemes 6 1.2.4 AJIormrphs 6 1.2.5 Discontinuoustmtphemes 9 1.2.6 Granmatica/tmtphemes 10 1.2.7 Transitivity andintransitivity 12

1.3 VIEWS OF OTIiER SCHOLARS ON THE PASSIVE AND CONTACTlVE 13

1.3.1 VIeWSonthepassive 14

1.3.2 VIeWSonthe

contactive

16

1.4 TIiE AIM OF TIiE PRESENT STUDY 17

CHAPTER

2 :

THE

PASSIVE 18

2.1 INTRODUCTlON 18

2.2 MORPHOPHONOLOGICAL FEATURES OF THE PASSIVE 19

2.2.1 The a/1omJtph /-iw-/ 19

2.2.2 The a/1omJtph /-w-/ 23

2.2.3 MOIphophonoIcJgc/ changescausedbythepassiveextension 31

2.2.4 TonalmotphoIogyin the fonnationd passiveverbs 34

2.2.5 Devetbativesderivedfrompassivestams 35

2.3 SEMANTlCAL AND SYNTACTICAL FEATURES OF THE PASSIVE 37

2.3.1 NOU1phrasea~that passivize in ZLJu 37

2.3.3 IJdive

sentences

'lithobjec1stMich

camot

be madepassive 2.3.4 ThesdJjectd thepassivesentence

2.3.5 The

agent

d thepassive

sentence

2.3.6 The cJegeed transitivity

in

passive

sentences

CHAPTER 3 : THE CONTACTIVE

42 43 44 46 49 3.1 INTRODUCTlON 49

3.2 THE Al.l..OI\nORPHl-ath-l 49

3.3 THE ALLOIVlORPH I-Ath-/ 50

3.4 THE ALLOIVIORPH I-th-/ 50

3.5 THE SEMANTlCAL AND SYNTACTlCAL FEATURES OF THE CONTACTlVE 51

3.6 CONCWSION 52

CHAPTER 4 : SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

4.1 THE PASSIVE

4.1.1 The sigJificanced thepassive 4.1.2 The rootphophonoIogd thepassive 4.1.3 The S)Tltaxd thepassive

4.2 THE CONTACTlVE

4.2.1 The sigEcanced theconIactive 4.2.2 The rootphophonoIogd theconIactive 4.2.3 The S)Tltaxd theconIactive

4.3 CONCWSION BlElJOGRAPHY 55 55 55 55 58

60

60

60

61 61 62

CHAPTER 1 : INTRODUCTION

1.1 INTRODUCll0N

The Bantu languages with the inclusion of Zulu make use of verbal extensions to modify the semantic features of verb stems. The extensions are the following:

Thereciprocal {-an-}, signifying that the event is carried out bytwo or more subjects mutually; or indicating durative of the habitual action,

eg.:

-gez-a 'wash'

> >

-gez-an-a

'wash each other or

'habitually wash'

The applied {-el-}, indicating 'for or 'on behalfof,etc. eg.:

-pholish-a > 'polish' >

-pholish-el-a 'polish for'

The causative {-is-}, implying that the subject 'causes' or 'makes' or 'lets' someone perform the action, eg.:

-phuz-a 'drink' > > -phJz-is-a 'cause to drink'

The passive{-(ijw-}, indicating that the subject of the sentence is acted upon by an agent. For example: -bhem-a 'smoke' > > -bheny-w-a 'tobe smoked'

The neuter {-ek-}, indicating that the action expressed by the verb is capable without the intervention of an agent,

eg.:

-khohJw.a 'forget' > > -kf1ohIw.ek-a 'forgetable'

The stative extension {-al-}, indicative of an action that is moving into a certain state. It becomesl-el-l in the perfect,

eg.:

-fudun.al-a signifies that the subject is moving into a stateofbeing warm

The positional extension {-am-}, indicating the movement, raising or lowering of thebody. It becomesl-em-! in the perfect thus verbs are distinctly stative in force:

-cath-am-a 'walk on tip-toe'

> >

-catf1.ern-e

'have walked on tip-toe'

The dispersive extension {-alal-}, indicating a dispersive or spreading action, and becoming

l-alel-l in the perfect,

eg.:

-carrb-alal-a 'recline' > > -carm-alekt 'have reclined'

The contactive {-a1h-}, indicating a contact of some sort, and it changes tol-efh-l in the

perfect: -th-ath-a 'take' > > -tf1.e1h-e 'have taken'

The reversive transitive{-~} and{-lJ~}, signifying a reversive action,

eg.:

-v-u-a

cf -v-al-a

'open' 'dose'

-th-uU-a cf -tf1.e1-a

The reversive intransitive {....} and {·uuk·}, have the same significance as their transitive counterparts above, except forthe fact that verbs in which they occur, are all intransitive and often derived from ideophones, eg.:

·khlll'l-uk-a cf kturu

'become loose' 'loosening'

·thuk-uuk-a

cf ttUw 'become untied' 'loosening'

These extensions canbe suffixed directly to the verbal root or to the extended roots already containing oneor more extensions. The semantic, phonological, morphological and syntactical features of the verb are influenced by the presence of the added extension.

Mischke (1994:78) states that an investigation of these extended verbs reveals that the term 'extension' could, however, be misleading since it could signify the morphological extending of the verb, while it actually refers to sernantical modification of theverb.

Syntactically, the term 'extension' could either imply an extension of the syntactic properties of theverb, i.e, thetransformationof a single transitive verb into a double transitive verb(eg. applied extension) or it could indicate a reduction of the syntactic properties of the verb, for example, transforming a transitive verb into an intransitive verb.

1.2 DEFINI1l0N OF CONCEPTS

1.2.1 Productivity

Van Wyk (1993) distinguishes between the following types of morphemes:

a) Productive morphemes

A productive or active morpheme is a morpheme which can be used to form new words or stems. According to Van Wyk (1993:13), full morphemes are usually but not necessarily, productive. A full morpheme is a morpheme with thephonological shape

and the meaning or function of the particular morpheme, which has a corresponding basic form, Le. a form that does not contain the particular morpheme or any other morpheme in that position. There must, of necessity, be a semantic or functional relation between the basic and the derived forms. For example:

-bon-a

'see'

-bon-a

'see' > > > > -booel-a 'see for'

-boo-e-a

'cause to see'

Van 'Nyk (1993:13) says productivity can berestricted or unrestricted. A morpheme has unrestricted productivity when it can combine with any root or stem of a given word class. For example:

the diminutive morpheme{-ana} in the case of nouns, and

the perfect extension {-ile} in the case of verbs

In the Bantu languages, any noun canbe made diminutive and any verb can beused in the perfect.

A morpheme has restricted productivity when it canbeused only with certain types of words or stems of a given word class. For example:

the reversive and passive extensions can only be attached to certain verb stems or in a specified context:

- harri>-a > *-harm-w-a 'go' > ...

-ktu1U<-a > *-I<tun,j(-w-a 'get loose' > ...

b) Non-productive morphemes

Van Wyk(1993:14) defines such morphemes as obsolete morphemes that cannot be used to form new words. Such verbal extensions cannot modify verb sterns because they are incapableofbeing attached or detached from the verbal stems asinthe case ofstative l-al-l, l-am-l and contactive extension l-afh./. For example:

-Iimal-a < *·lim-'gethurt' -fuk-am-a < *·fuk-'brood' -thak-ath-a < *·thak-'practise witchcraft' 1.2.2 Pseucb-rmrphemes

Apseudo-morpheme isa phoneme sequence which coincidentally resembles the phonological shape of a morpheme but has nomorpheme status, i.e. it does not have, and probably never has had, the meaning and/or function ofthe morpheme it resembles, Van Wyk (1993:11).

ct.

-1st"t\.wI-a -shunayel-a 'spit' 'preach' in Southern Sotho in Zulu

l-el-l resembles the applicative extension but has no applicative meaning.

Inthis regard, Wlkes (1971) has argued that looking solely atthe form ofa verb stem in order to determine whether or not it contains a verbal extension, cannot bea criterion. The fact that a phonetic sequence like I-w-I inwords such as:

-kheth-w-a -elash-w-a

'to be chosen' 'to be healed'

can be identified as a morpheme, would not mean that 'the same' phonetic sequenceI·w-J in words such as:

.khofw.a .khohfw.a

'believe' 'forget'

must likewiseberegarded as a morpheme.

1.2.3 DIITJT7Ynophemes

Van Wjk (1993: 10) defines a dummy morpheme as a morpheme which does not have the meaning or function ofthe particular morpheme and has never been a morpheme, but is structurally treated as such. Ct.

Afrikaans: Northern Sotho:

sleutel

se+nod+el+a with l-el-l

becoming a dummy morpheme without applicative meaning or function after having been replaced by 1-011-1. Verb stems ending in 1-saI, I-tsa/ in Northern Sotho have dummy causative morphemes causing the applicative and perfect extensions to become1-etsaIand

1-i1seJrespectively, through a ruleofcausative replacement or causative reduplication.

1.2.4 A110tmtphs

Morphs are phonological segmentsofa word representing a morpheme. \MIkes and Kurnalo (1991:34) define the allomorph as the variant the morpheme may take in a certain environment. A110m0rphs are predictable andrule-gov~ed. Two elements areconsidered as allomorphs ofthe same morphemeifand onlyif:

theyhave a common meaning aspect theyare in complementary distribution they occur in parallel formation

A1lomorphs canbe of different phonological shapes, for example:

subject concords of Class 1and1(a) {u}

=lu -

vi:

UTherrbaucla i-aphula 'Themba eats an apple'

UTherrba

v..enza

itiya 'Themba makes tea'

Variant forms which have no phonological similarity are called suppletive alternants, for example:

subject concord{u}of Class1takes a suppletive altemant {a}inthe subjunctive mood:

UmanatMJ(a ekuseni

'Theboywakes in the morning'

UmanaLMJ(a abaselI11ilo 'Theboywakes upand makes fire'

Zerornorphs, onthe other hand, are morphemes with no phonological shape whatsoever, eg.:

the class prefix in the vocative formof the following nouns:

Gogol Malune!

'Grandmother!' 'Uncle!'

Fromkin and Rodman (1988:150)call them zero-forms.

a) Phonological defined morphs

A morph will bephonologically conditioned when it is phonologically changed owing to sound rules operative in the language, eg.:

Class 14 prefix

{ubu-}will take a phonologically conditioned rnorph Itb-I when follO\Ned by the vowel

lei,

eg.:

00+

an

> 'enjoyment'

and it will take a phonologically defined variantIutsh-I when followed bylaJ as in:

utsh+

an

> ulshari 'grass'

Thus the form ofthe morph is determined bythe phonological environment.

b) Morphologically defined morphs

They are conditioned by the grammatical or morphological environment,

eg.:

Classes 1 and 3 prefixes

{U'ro-}will takeItm-Idue not toany neighbouring sounds but tothefad that thestem consists ofmore than one syllable:

I.ITlazi 'woman'

~ 'river

c) Suppletive alternants

The suppletive alternant shares in the semantic value of the morpheme but is not phonologically similar to it, Van der Schyff (1987). Wlkes and Kumalo (1991) also

support this view but refer to it as a syntactically defined morph which is relevant in Zulu subject concords of Classes 1, 1 (a), 2 and 6 in the participial and subjunctive moods,

eg.:

Ubabaykapa izinklri Ubaba uharrila~kapa

UbabalMJkaakape

'Father chops wood'

'Father walks while chopping' 'Father wakes up and chops'

d) Facultative variants or morphs infree variation

Van der Schyff (1987) states that the morph applicable in this case, is subject to the freechoice ofthe language user and is not determined bylinguistic factors. Thistype of morpheme is also found in Zulu:

l-anal orl-anel in the word intorrbazanale 'girl' is the variant forms of the

diminutive morpheme {-ana}

1.2.5 DiscontilXlOUS IOOIphemes

Van der Schyff (1987) says these morphemes are interrupted byother morphemes inwords,

eg.:

the perfect morpheme {-ile} and stative extension 1~1eI can be interrupted by the passive morpheme {-w-}:

-bon-ile > -bon-i....

e

> -txin-i-w-e

'have seen' > 'have been seen'

-bU-e1e >

·b.J.e:....

e

> -bU-e-w-e 'have killed' > 'have been killed'

1.2.6 Granmaticalrmtphemes

According to Van der Schyff (1987), the majority of grammatical morphemes have only a grammatical semantic value - thus only when used in a wider sense. KrOger (1994:1) says they are identified according to semantic correspondences and differences, and they canbe further classified according to their value and function in a word-class category being the semantic framework in which they operate. They can be classified into:

Derivational and inflectional morphemes

Morphologists, such as Fromkin and Rodman (1988), define derivational morphemes as morphemes that can beconjoined to other morphemes (or words) to derive or form a new word with a different meaning. They say:

'The derived word may even be in a different grammatical class than the underived word. For example, when a verb is conjoined with the suffix -able, the result is an adjective, as in desire+able or adore +able.'

Fromkin and Rodman (1988:132)

Van der SChyff (1987) refers to this phenomenon as category shifting, as in the case of the formation of Zulu deverbatives, eg.:

-fund-a

M

'learn'

isi+f1.n:t+0

isifuldo (N) 'lesson'

According to KrOger (1994:18), inflectional morphemes are morphemes that are directly involved in syntax, Le. inflecting the word forsyntactic use, such asthegrammatical markings for number, congruence, mood, negation and aspect. For example:

Tswana: ba-d-t1-is-e > badtlise 'they brought them'

KrOger has the following theories about the inflectional and derivational morphemes:

inflectional processes are determined by the rules of syntax whereas derivational processes are involved in lexical rules of word formation.

inflectional morphemes areadded to complete words, simple monomorphemic words or complex polymorphemic words with more than one morpheme whereas derivational morphemes are added to form or to derive new words with a different meaning.

inflectional morphemes do not cause change from one category to another whereas derivational morphemes can change a word so as to become a member of another word dasslcategory.

Fromkin and Rodman (1988: 132) have made itdear thatsome ofthe derivational morphemes do not cause a change in grammatical dasslcategory. In Bantu languages, suffixes that do not cause a change in grammatical dass, indude:

diminutive morphemel-anal, eg.:

Tswana: Zulu: moIse(N) moIse+ana > uruzi(N) uruzi+ana > 'village' rmlsana(N) > 'village' LmJZana (N) > 'small village' 'small village'

and all productive and some of the non-productive verbal suffixes, such as passive

1-w-1appliedl-el-l, etc.:

Tswana:

-sw-a

M

'die'

-sw+el +a > -sv.ela

M

'die'for'

Zulu: -f-a

M

'die'

KrOger (1994:19) says the class prefixes, verbal prefixes and verbal endings may be considered as inflectional whereas nominal suffixes, verbal suffixes (extensions), the demonstrative suffixes and theadverbial prefix maybeconsidered as derivational morphemes because they change or modify the inherent lexical meaning of the particular item.

However, his view may be argued. Other verbal extensions, such as the causative, only modifies the basic meaning of the verb, or adds certain semantic values, or indicates certain syntactical relations, ego the passive. These extensions are regarded as inflectional morphemes. For example:

-bon-a -bona 'see' > > > -bon-is-a -borlsa 'let see' > > > -bon-w-a -borMoa 'is seen'

\/Velsh (1936:109) views the passive accordingly:

'In addition to itsinflections for voice (active and passive),mood and tense, the verb in Xhosa is inflected to express certain modificationsofits root idea ...'

Other extensions not only modifythe verb but cause a change in the lexical meaning. For example: -phend-lI-a > -phendUa > 'answer' > -pherd-u<-a -pherdU<a 'tum around'

Such extensions are classified as derivational morphemes.

1.2.7 Transitivity andintransitivity

Fromkin and Rodman (1988:183) say:

'In the Lexicon, the Verb TInQ, in addition to being specified as a verb, is specified as being a transitive verb. A transitive verb must befollowed by a

Noun Phrase, its 'direct object'. This additional specification is called subcategorization.'

~R. is suocateqorized as an intransitive verb which means it cannot take an object, which is why 'Suzanne slept the baby' is ungrammatical.

Bantu languages are no exception in this regard.

They consist of many transitive and intransitive verbs. Transitivity can beinfluenced by the indusion of a verbal extension in the verb stem. For example:

UThokoutheng-a isWdi 'Thoko buys a sweet'

UThoko utheng-el-auSiphoiswidi 'Thoko buys for Sipho a sweet' 'Thoko buys a sweet for Sipho'

The inclusion of l-el-l intheverb stem has caused an increase ofthe degreeoftransitivity by one.

1.3 VIEWS OF OTHER SCHOLARS ON THE PASSIVE AND CONTACTlVE

The existing views regarding the morphological components and morphological analysis in grammars of Bantu languages, stem from pioneers such as Grout (1859), Colenso (1890) and Doke (1926). Givon (1971:145), amongst others, has given a possible explanation ofthe origin of the Bantu verbal extensions, pointing out that:

'.... the semantic material added tothe verb bymany ofthe derivational suffixes is very much within the same modal-aspectual verb features ....: 'continue', 'complete', 'repeat', 'do intensively', 'do extenslvely'-termrate' are someofthe features which can beobserved. Their relation to the verb is that of a higher verb to complement verb and may still betermed as complementation T-rule

Wlkes (1971) has studied the semantic, phonological, morphological and syntactical features of all verbal extensions of Zulu.

1.3.1 VieW)onthepassive

Most grammarians agree that thepassive inBantu languages has

two

forms, viz. IW andIMi.

According to Wlkes (1971 :87) the formIMi:

'verskyn slegs inkombinasies met werkwoordbasisse waarvan die fonologiese struktuur IKJ en N (N) KI is.'

However, it may benoted that language users will freely use both IW and

riW

indifferent verb stems, other than the ones with phonological structures mentioned above, eg.:

-ftn.a > -fun-w-a > -ful.iw-a 'want' > 'to be wanted'

Verbs with three or more syllables do not, however, acceptI-iw-I.

Ziervogel, Ngidi and

toew

(1967:72) support the view by Doke (1926) that -CVC-, -CVCVC-, etc. radicals take the extension I-w-I, eg.:

-jikijel-a 'throw' > > -jikijel-w-a 'tobethrown'

The useofI-w-Iwithcertain verb stems results in sound changes. Du Toit (1985:64) says the follOVlling about palatalization:

'Wanneer die passiewe agtervoegsellW in In werkwoord optree en sodoende ontoelaatbaar kombineer met 'n konsonant, byvoorbeeld:

*/4~+w+a1 */4ab+w+aI 14ulwal Iet.ad waJ (word gepla) (word geslag)

vind bilabiaalpalatalisering plaas, waartydens die bilabiale segmente Ip, ph, b, b,mIverander word na

It!

f.

cs

tf,

J1I

onderskeidelik.'

Regarding the syntax of which includes the passive morpheme, Ziervogel et al (1967:73) states the following:

'The passive indicates that the grammatical subject undergoes theactionofthe predicate or that it is subjected to the action by a grammatical agent which is represented by an identifying copulative.'

For example:

Ubonwayindoda

and without an agent:

'He is seenby a man'

'He is seen'

~

I

The optionalityofthe agent is supported by Givon (1971:150):

Wth respect to both passive and stative derivations, a complementizer /bel must be involved as the higher verb in the derivation, plus a special caseof equi-NP-deletion (and in the case ofstative derivation also agent deletion). The passive derivation may thusbecharacterized as:

... -1YtICI,

Although the above example is based onChiBemba passive suffix/-iwaJ, theallomorph/-iw-/ is alsorealised as a passive morpheme inBantu languages. The agent deletion is also found

in Zulu passive structures,

eg.:

Indoda ibufe-we

'The man has been killed'

Ziervogel et al (1967) state that the passive stem must have a subject concord agreeing with the subject while a passive predicate with/ku-Ias its subject concord, may take an object as substantive but not an object concord. For example:

Kubizwa

ilia

'A dog "is called'

1.3.2 VieW;ontheconIactive

According to \MIkes (1971:160), the contactive has the following variant forms:

a) /-at-l bv. /-pat-l /-tat-l

'neem' 'vat'

b) /-AT-I 'Slegs een geval kon in Zoeloe opgesPOOr word waarin hierdie morfofonemiese variant voorkom. Oit is nl. in die afgeleide werkwoordstam

/-errbes-l

'iemand aantrek' /-arrbat-l 'aantrek' waar hierdie variant morfofonologies verteen-woordig isindie foneemreeks/-es-I

wat

ontstaan a.g.v. die kombinasie van I,:,AT-Imetdie variant /-I-J.I van die 'ou' kousatiewe morfeem. Dud':

l-errbe&-l

=

l-ermAT-

+

-I.J.I

c) I-At-l 'Tree opin kombinasie met dievariant 1-l...eI van

/-ftniJat-+-ile/

=

J-ft.ITMt. +-1...eI

'(iets) in geslote hand vashou'.

d) I-t-l

ego

--

I-furiletel 1-cLy,ff;.f Itt-WI I-rmrrlit-l IrrIiI

'snatch' from the ideophone 'to snatch vigorously'

'bite at' from the ideophone 'tobite at strongly'

According to 'MIkes the contadive suffix allows transitivity.

1.4 THE AIM OF THE PRESENT SlUDY

The purpose of this study is to analyze the passive and contadive extensions in Zulu from semantic, phonological, morphological and syntadical pointsofview.

CHAPTER 2 : THE PASSIVE

2.1 INTRODUCTION

The passive morpheme{-(i)w-}appears in variant allomorphs,eg.:

'give' -fun.a 'want' > > > > -ph-iw-a 'to be given' -ftn-w-a 'to bewanted' -bon-ile > -bon-i-we 'has seen' > 'has been seen'

-bUal-a >

-1JUa-w-a

'kill' > 'to be killed'

However, not allverbal roots ending in J-w-J are passives. There areverb stems with /-w-J at the end butwhich are active in form. Such verb stems are called pseudo-passives,

eg.:

-Jw.a 'fight'

-zw.a

'heer'

-khoIw-a 'believe' -khohIw-a 'forget'

The above pseudo-passives have no basic form like examples in thefirst paragraph. Some ofthe pseudo-passives can be passivizedby the indusionofthe allomorphJ-iw-I,

eg.:

-Iw-a 'fight'

-zw.a

'hear' > > > > -iw-iw-a > 'to befought' -zw.iw-a 'to beheard' -liw-a

2.2 MORPHOPHONOLOGICAL. FEATURES OF THE PASSIVE

2.2.1 The allotoorph I-iw-/

According to Khumalo in Nkabinde (1988:73), the passive suffix assumes theshapeI-iw-/with all monosyllabic verb roots.

The environments in which this allomorph1-rN-/ occurs, canbeillustrated as follows:

a) Monosyllabic verb stems (Cradicals)

Doke (1984:130) identifies three types of monosyllabic verb stems to which the passive extension maybeadded:

i) Regular verb stems

-y-a > -y-jw.a

'go to' > 'tobe gone to'

-ph-a > -ph-iw-a 'give' > 'tobegiven'

-s-a

> -s-iw-a

'bring' > 'tobe brought'

-kh-a > -kh-iw-a 'pick' > 'tobe picked'

ii) Verb stems with latent

i--(ijrn-a > -m-iw-a

-(i)v-a > -v-iw-a

'exceed' > 'tobe exceeded'

-(i)zw.a > -zw.iw-a 'hear' > 'tobe heard'

-(Qrrb-a

> -fri>.iw-a 'dig' > 'tobedug'

iii) Defective

verb

stems

These are verb stems that do not have the verb ending -a, viz. -azl(know),-thl (say), and-she> (say):

-sh-o > -sh-iw-o 'say' > 'to besaid'

-th-i > -th-iw-a 'say' > 'to besaid'

The above examples in (a) indude both transitive and intransttive verbs butother monosyllabic verb stems cannot be passivized if the passive morpheme is the only suffix,

eg.:

-w-a

'to fall' -sfl.a 'tobum' -o-a 'to rain' > *-w-iw-a >

...

> *-sfl.iw.a >

...

> *-n-iw-a >

...

Their passivation willbeillustrated under thetopic: 'Combination of passive extension with other extensions'.

b) Dissyllabic vOlAlel verb stems (Ve radicals)

The view that the allomorph/-fw.I also appears with VC verbal radicals, is supported by most grammarians amongst others, Grout (1859:121) and VVelsh (1936:101). For example: -and-a 'increase' > > -and-iw-a 'tobeincreased' -ang-a > -ang-iw-a 'kiss' > 'tobekissed'

-ehl-a > -ehl-iw-a 'alight' > 'tobealighted' -oog-a > -oog-iw-a 'save' > 'tobesaved'

-ab-a > -ab-iw-a 'divide' > 'tobedivided'

However, it shouldberealised that some Zulu speakers may freely use either /-iw-/ or

I-w-/in passivation of other dissyllabicvowel verb stems with the same phonological shapes as those mentioned above,

eg.:

Wetfl.iw-a ngWani Ieligama? Wetfl.w-a ngWal1leligama?

Yos-iw-a nglilani inyama? Yos-w-a ngubaniinyama? 'By whom is the meat roasted?

But *-eb-w-a or -e1sh-w is unacceptable in Zulu, it can only be passivized by the allomorph Pm-I, -eb-a 'steal' > > -eb-iw-a 'to be stolen'

This brings us to the conclusion that theI-iw-Iallomorph is used:

obligatorily with monosyllabic verb stems

obligatorily with dissyllabic vowel verb stems with bilabial consonants, eg.:

-ab-a 'divide' -eb-a 'steal' > > > > -ab-iw-a 'tobe divided' -eb-iw-a 'tobe stolen'

with most dissyllabic vowel verb stems and freely alternate with I-w-I in a fem ofthese verb stems. For this reason the relation between I-w-I and I-iw-I can beformalized as follows:

I-w-

x

-m-t

where - means phonologically defined allomorph as environments inwhich 1-fN./ occurs have been clearly illustrated above.

2.2.2 Theallotrorph I-w-/

Malcolm (1960:65) says:

'... it is the general rule for the formation of the passive to suffix

-wa

in the verb'.

However, -a does not form part of the passive extensionI-w-/ as

-a

is a basic verbal ending and the passive morph is inserted before -a. For example:

-bon-a > -1Jon.w-a 'see' > 'to be seen'

-fun-a > -fun-w-a 'want' > 'to bewanted'

-elaph-a > -elash-w-a 'cure' > 'to be cured'

-babaz-a > -ba1shaz-w-a 'haul' > 'to be hauled'

The use of the allomorphI-w-I, regardedby, amongst others, Van Wjk in Phatudi (1992:12), as the basic form, is given here belO\N in the listofverb stems classified according to their phonological shapes:

a) Bisyllabic consonantal verb stems

For example: -bong-a 'praise' > > -bong-w-a 'to be praised'

-fi.n.a > -flIl-w-a 'want' > 'tobewanted'

-val-a

> ~.w-a 'dig' > 'tobedug'

-khab-a > -khatsh-w-a 'kick' > 'tobekicked'

Some of the bisyllabic verb stems accept both I-w-I and I-m-J allomorphs in their passivation, eg.: -bong-a but -thand-a is not accepted, -thand-a > > > -bong-iw-a

=

*-thand-iw-a -thand-w-a

-bong-w-a 'tobepraised'

'tobeloved'

b) Polysyllabic verb stems

For example:

-jikijel-a > -jikijel-w-a 'throw' > 'tobethrown'

-stunayel-a > -shrcyayel-w-a 'preach' > 'tobepreached'

-1dUun-a > -IdULIlY-w-a 'speak' > 'tobespoken'

Polysyllabic verb stems cannot accept I-iw-/ in their passivation.

c) Polysyllabic vowel verb stems

For example:

-arrba1h-a > -arrbath-w-a 'clothe' > 'tobeclothed'

-errees-a

> -ermes-w-a 'clothe' > 'tobeclothed'

-elaph-a > -elash-w-a 'cure' > 'tobecured'

-eluk-a > -eluk-w-a

'weave' > 'tobewoven'

-anJ-a > -am-w-a 'initiate' > 'tobeinitiated'

d) Combination with other extensions

The passive extensionI-w-Jmay combine with all theproductive verbal extensions, viz. reciprocal, applied, causative and neuter. According tosatyo (1985:228), thefollowing phonological typesofextension series generally occur:

i) VC VC

1 2

ii) VC VC VC

iii) VC VC VC VC

1 2 3 4

iv) VC VC VC VC VC

1 2 3 4 5

Although satya did hisresearch primarily on Xhosa, his findings areapplicable toZulu aswell. Some illustrations to show the above combinations with thepassive extension

I-w-I arethe following:

i) VC+ C or C + VC

l-an-! + I-w-I or I-w-I + l-an

-buz-a 'ask' -thand-a 'love' > > > > -buz-an-w-a

'ask among one another'

-thand-an-w-a

'show love among themselves'

I-w-I +l-an-! is used interchangeably with l-an-! +I-w-I without any

semantic changes or differences,

eg.:

-thand-a > -thand-w-an-a > -thand-an-w-a 'love' > 'to show love among themselves'

l-el-l + I-w-I

-sh-a > -sh-el-w-a 'bum' > 'tobeburnt for'

-Nw-a

'become dark'

> >

-hlw-el-w-a

1-is-! + I-w-J

-w-a > -w-is-w-a > -Wswa

'fall' > 'to be caused to fall'

-bon-a > -bon-is-w-a > -boniswa 'see' > 'to be caused to see'

l-ek-l + I-w-J -h1~ 'trouble' -Iahl-a 'throw' > > > > -h1ush-ek-w-a > 'to betroubled by'

-Iahl-ek-w-a >

'to be gone astray'

-hiushek'Na

-Iahlekwa

In the above examples, the passive is always final except for the reciprocal which can also appear in final position, eg.:

-1hand-w-an-a > -thandvvana 'to show love among themselves'

ii) VC + VC + C

l-an-! + l-el-l + I-w-I

-bon-a 'see' > > -bon-an-el-w-a

'meet'

l-an-! + l-ek-l + I-w-I, this sequence is not attested.

I~k-l + I~I-I + I-w-I -Iahl-a 'lose' > > -Iahl~k-el-w-a 'tobegetting lost for'

I~k-l + I-is-! + I-w-I

-h1uph-a 'trouble'

>

>

h1lJSh.ek-is-w-a

'tobecaused tobetroubled by'

I~I-I + l-an-! + I-w-I

-bhal-a 'write'

>

>

-bhal~I-an-w-a > -bhalelamNa 'tobewriting for each otber'

iii) VC + VC + VC + C

l-an-l + I-is-! + l-el-l + I-w-I

-ahltd<-a 'part from'

>

>

-ahllJ<-an-is-eI-w-a > -ahilKiniselwa 'tobecaused to be separated for'

iv) VC + VC + VC + VC + C

I-is-! + I~I-I + I-is-! + l-el-l + I-w-I

-pIlnis-a 'articulate'

> >

-phiny-is-el-is-el-w-a > -ptinyiseliselwa 'tobe made to articulate (a sound) at (a certain point)'

In all these combinations, from ii) to iv), the passive extension is always used in final position.

e) The passive of the perfect and statives

The allomorph/-w-/ also appear in the formation of the passive of the perfects and statives. According to Ziervogel et al (1967:73), perfects and statives are made passive as follows:

i) The-I- of the full perfect suffix/-ilelis replaced by /-w-J in the passive,

eg.:

-lahl':i1e

'have thrown away'

-ph-ile 'have given'

-akhis-ile

'have caused to build'

> > > > > > -Iahl-i-w-e

'have been thrown away'

-ph-i-w-e

'have been given'

-akhis-i-w-e

'have been caused to build'

According to Van der Schyff (1987), the perfect verbal ending {-ile} is interrupted by the passive extension. This also happens with other Zulu perfect verb stems ending on/-elel' /-errel, /-erel, etc. The allomorph /-w-J is inserted before the ending -e, and Van der SChyff refers to these as discontinuous morphemes as stated in the previous chapter. Examples:

-bU-a1a > -bU-e1e > -bU-e-w-e > -bUewe 'kill' > 'have killed' > 'have been killed'

-phak-ama > -phak-eme > -phakeny-w-e > 'lift up' > 'be lifted' > 'been lifted'

-erri>-atha > -eJTbethe > -errblh-w-e > -enile1tMe 'clothe' > 'beclothed' > 'been clothed'

-bon-ana 'see each other' > > -bon-ene 'seen each other' > > -bonen-w-e >

'been seeing each other'

ii) The short perfect is made passive by inserting /-w-/ before ending -e, eg.:

-Iahl-a 'throw' > > -Iahl-e > 'have thrown' > -Iahl-w-e >

'have been thrown'

-lahlY.e

The use ofallomorph /-w-/ inverb sterns with different phonological shapes has beenillustrated above. However, in certain regions, Zulu speakers use both /-w-/ and/-iw-J in some of the dissyllabic verb stems, eg.:

-dons-a 'pull' > > -dons-iw-aI-dons-w-a 'to be pulled'

Owing to semantic restrictions, other polysyllabic verb stems cannot be passivized at all, eg.:

-1<IurU<-a > 'get loose' > -1dUduna1-a > *-ktUdunal-w-a > > *-I<tu1ytJ(-w-a 'swell' > -khokhob-a > 'stoop' , > *-khokhob-w-a > > *-khokhoIsh-w-a

f) The combinationof/viand /V

The passive extension tends not to combine withthevowei/iJ. Psmentioned later on, the normal personal derivational suffix{-ijis not used in nouns derived from passive verbal stems, nordonegative verbs inthe imperfect take theexpectednegative ending {-i}when the passive extension is present in the verb, eg.:

Uyabcnva 'He is seen'

Umasifundvva "If it is learnt'

Akabonvva (*Akatlor'PM) 'He is not seen'

UmasingafulcMla (*singaf1.JldlM) "If it is not learnt'

2.2.3 MotphophonoIcJgc/changescausedby the passiveextension

a) Palatalization

The usage of the allomorph /-w-/ with certain verb stems results in sound changes. These sound changes occur when /-w-/ follows the bilabial consonants, Ip, IriV,

'rTfJI,

IbI, ItrI,

1m

and IrrtJI, which become palatals. This is called palatalization. Palatalization also occurs when the semi-vowel

Iylfollows these consonants. Khumalo in Nkabinde (1988:75) believes that:

'... the passive suffix is IW, but that an allomorphy rule converts it to lyW before polysyllabic roots. The palatal glide inlyW, we argue, triggers palatalization, and therefore the glide is deleted by the general rule we term Y-deletion. The rule thatconvertsIWtolyWwe term Passive Glide Formation.'

Khumalo's view is that palatalization is an assimilatory process in which a bilabial stop sheds its pointofarticulation features and assimilates to thoseof an adjacent palatal glide, while retaining its manner of articulation and laryngeal features. Hefurther daims that the type of dissimilation that occurs when

two

labial segments are juxtaposed, results in a palatal glideIylwhich either deletes by general ru,e or in the correct environment, triggers palatalization. Hefeels a principled accountoflabial dissimilation in Zulu has been provided for the first time, eg.:

e-si-gUJhu-ini

e-si-gubhw-ini by Glide Formation e-si-gubhy-ini by Labial Dissimilation e-si-gt.jy-ini by Palatalization e-si-guj-ini by Y-Deletion esi9l4ini (calabash-location)

Nkabinde (1988:80)

However, many pioneers in Bantu language grammars, amongst others, Doke (1984:27), Ziervogel et al (1967) and \,MIkes (1971), daim that palatalization is caused by the influence of/vi on the preceding bilabial consonants. For example:

-ItapaJ >

ltatfwa

'take out' > 'to betaken out'

Ipli > Idw

-Ibophal > IboIwaI 'tie' > 'to betied'

IptMi >

JIw

-Iporllla/ > IpontIwaI 'pump' > 'to bepumped'

1rTfN/ > IntIw

-I1obaJ > IIotIwaI 'write' > 'to bewritten'

IbN > Idw

-Ig.tilaJ > _IfJI.X5waJ 'dig' > 'to bedug'

ItbN > _I~

-Ibarrbal > IbandgJal 'catch' > 'tobecaught'

Irrt»i > _IrdgJ

-Ithunal > _I~ 'send' > 'tobesent'

\M1ere

1m

becomes

ITi,

the nasal/Nl hasassimilated to the palatalized sound and has thus been palatalized to

lri.

b) Palatalizationby analogy

Polysyllabic verbal roots with bilabial consonants occurring inthe second syllable, and those verb stems that are derived and thus already extended, result in palatalization ofthe bilabial consonants. Du Toit (1985:74) says:

'Analee palatalisasie van bilabiale segmente binne die werkwoordstam vind plaas wanneer die passiewe werkwoordagtervoegsel IW nie direk na die bilabiale segment optree nie, byvoorbeeld':

1100+el+

w

+aI ~ */lobelwal

'is written for'

-t

/lotI

elwal

19ab+el+w+aJ ~ */galielwal -t 19adelvval

'is poured in large quantity'

c) fv1orphophonological rules forpalatalization in Zulu

DuToit (1985:64) states that consonants which exhibit the features [+Iab] and [-cont], Le./p, ph,

0,

hiwill acquire the features [+high] and [+cor] and thusbechanged into

It! !

d

d?J

respectively when followed bysemi-vowelIW. This phonological rule can beformalized as: [ +cons] +Iab -cont -t [+hi9h] +cor / [w]

For example: */4ab+w+aI *1

et

uph+

w

+aI I

tatf

WdI let.uJ WdI 'tobe stabbed' 'tobe troubled'

Du

Toitalso states that a nasal with the feature [+Iab], i.e.

1m

will acquire the features [+high] and [+back], i.e.

If'

when it occurs beforeJvJ. This rule can be formalized as:

':

+Iab For example: [ +nas ] ~ +high +back I [w] */lun+w+aI */thun+w+aI IllJMfaI

ItnpNaI

'tobe bitten' 'tobe sent'

However, a small class of stems fail to undergo palatalization because their roots cannotbe passivized

at

all, and they are lexically marked [-passive]. For example:

I-bab-al 'bebitter' ~ *1-bab-w-aI ~ *I-batfwaI 19ab-al ~ 'depend on' */-gab-w-aI .~

*/gatIwaJ

2.2.4 Tonalrootph%gfinthefbnnationd passivewtbs

According to Doke (1926:249), there is no change of tone sequence in the formation of passive verbs with the allomorphJvJ,

eg.:

l~u:phaI

Ithandal

~ I~

u:I

waI 'trouble' ~ Ithal'dMil 'love'

~ 'tobe troubled' ~ 'tobe loved'

However, in the formation of the passive of the monosyllabic and vowel verbs, there is slight alteration owing tothe addition ofan extra syllable inthe allomorphliW. This passive syllable may reflect a difference in tone sequence, for example:

lukU:phaI lli<wa:zil ~ 1&Jqlhi:wal ~ IUaNazi:wal 'to give' 'to know' ~ 'tobe given' ~ 'tobe known'

2.2.5

Devetbatives

derived frompassive

stems

According to Ziervogel et al (1967:25), the term 'deverbative', is generally used for nouns which are derived from roots and extended roots of verbs.

Deverbatives are derived by prefixing the required class prefix and suffixing the required deverbative ending such as

-a

or-0to passive roots,

eg.:

-ft.nis.w-a 'tobe taught' -thand-w-a 'tobe loved' isi-flIlcis.w-a 'educated person' isi-thand-w-a 'lover'

There is nochange intonal sequence intheformation of passive deverbatives with allomorph /W, however, the change is found in passive deverbatives with allomorph fMi as was mentioned in 2.2.4.

Most of the noun dasses maybeformed from passive verb sterns,

eg.:

Class1 -mangaJel-w.a 'tobe accused -pIl-iw-a 'tobegiven unnangalel-w-a 'the accused' lJTl)h-iw-a 'recipient of gift'

Class 2 abarmngalel-w-a 'the accused' abaph-iw-a 'gift recipients' Class 7 -bosh-w-a 'to be imprisoned' -rneny-w-a 'to be invited' isibosh-w-a 'prisoner' isimeny-w-a 'guest'

Uke other derivative verb stems, the passive verbs are able to form both the personal and impersonal nouns. For example:

personal deverbatjves

UlllhMa

abaptiwa 'gift recipient' 'gift recipients' Impersonal deverbatives isiphM.o iziphMo 'talent' 'talents'

Inthe formationofpersonal deverbative nouns, it is realised that the deverbative ending{-i}

is not used because the passive extension does not combine with vowel '".

NounsofClass 1 (a) which are names of people canbeformed from passives that are in the perfect tense, for example:

-khethi-w-e 'to be chosen' -fihli-w-e 'to be hidden' uKrethiY.e 'Khethiwe' lEihli\l\e 'Fihliwe'

2.3 SEMANllCAI.. AND SYNTACllCAL. FEATURES OF lHE PASSIVE

According to Suzman (1987:246), the syntactic explanation of the passive is as follows:

'The passive in Zulu is formed by interchanging the logical subject and object of the sentence, prefixing a copulative element Irg-I orIy-ltothe derived agent and adding a passive element

HOw-!

to the verb stem'

For example:

Won ubona lITIana 'John sees the boy'

Urriana Wonwa nguJon 'The boy is seen by John'

2.3.1 NOI.IlpIrase

argcmenL5

thatpassivize

inZtJu

Most noun phrase arguments that passivize inZulu, stand inbeneficiary, recipient and patient relation to the verb, eg.:

a) Beneficiary

Umarm

i.Vekela

usana

U<ucJa

Umarm

u-phekel-a

usana

UwcIa

'Mother she-cook for (pres) the baby food' 'Mother cooks food for the baby'

Usana l~keM9 ngunama U<uclalU<ucJa ngumma Usana Iu-phekel-w-a ukudIang-lITlama

'The baby it-cook for (pass pres) food it is mother' 'Food for the baby is cooked by mother'

(pass

=

passive element)

b) Recipient

Won uphauLalaisipho Won u-ph-a tLalaisipho 'John he-give (pres) Lala a gift' 'John gives Lala a gift'

ULaIa ~ isipho nguJon'lsipho siphiwa Li.ala

rvJJon

ULaIau-J»iw-a isipho ng-uJon

'Lala she-give (pass pres) a gift it is John' 'Lala is given a gift by John'

c) Patient

Umarm~kalJ<ucIa Umarm u-phek-a 00da 'Mother she-cook (pres) food' 'Mother cooks food'

Ukuda~kwa ngunama Ukuda ku-phek-w-a ng-lITlaml 'Food it-eook (pass pres) it is mother' 'Food is cooked by mother'

The above examples illustrate the usage ofpassive in different noun phrase arguments. Suzman (1987:245) points out that the passive in Zulu has multiple functions and occurs in a variety of statements:

a) Object relatives 'Nith full noun agents

eg.:

lrok\\e elitheng-w-eng-lITSma likhona

'The dress (RC) it-buy (pass) it is mother it-here' 'The dress that is bought by mother is here' (RC

=

relative concord)

b) W701lM7at - subject questions

eg.:

Usinik-we ngLblni isitsha?

'You-it-give (pass-past) it is who the dish' 'Wlo gave you the dish?'

(past=past tense)

c) Impersonal passives

eg.:

KJ.d<tMehlel-w-a ebusika 'It-cough (pass) inwinte~ 'It is coughed inwinte~

The above uses of the passive constructions suggest that the passive is an integrated form in Zulu.

we

have realised in the noun phrase arguments that passive in Zulu is very similar to passive formation in other languages. In the active sentence, the verb agrees with the logical subject and in the passive, it agrees with the derived subject,

eg.:

Urrlana uthanda inlarimane 'The boy loves the girl'

Inion mzane ithandl.\e ngurlana 'The girl is loved by the boy'

2.3.2 P5-nJesandT-nies

The semantic and syntactic formation of the passive has been explained by most linguists in terms of phrase structure rules (P5-rules) and transformational rules (T-rules). According to Palmer (1971: 159), theP5-rules donot generate the surface structure, i.e. structures that are seen or structures after transformation, but generate the deep structures, i.e. structures that are implied or structures before transformation. For example:

Surface structure

Unnlwana uh..1Y-w-a

yirla

'The child is bitten by the dog'

In order to illustrate the T-rules in the above structure, the P5-rules must be applied first.

Deep structure

Ilia i1una lI'mlwana 'The dog bites the child'

P5-rules NP + VP NP + V + NP CP + NS + V + CP + NS CP + NS + VR + TENSE + CP + NS in + NS + VR + TENSE + un + NS in + ja + VR + TENSE + un + nlwana

in + ja + lun + TENSE + un + nlwana

I-rules

Irfa + IlI1l + a + l.I1'ntYtena

NP + VR + TENSE + NP

1 + 2 + 3 + 4

a) T-passive (obligatory)

1+2+3+4 ~ 4+2+w+3+cop+1

umtwa + IlIl1 + W + a + y + Irfa na

b) T-SC (subjectconcord) (obligatory)

1+2+3+4 ~ 4+SC+2+w+3+cop+1

umtwana + u + IlI1l + W + a + y + irla

c) Morphophonemic roles (obligatory in this strudure)

1+2+3+4 ~ 4+SC+2+w+3+cop+1

umtwa + u+ IlIlY + w+a+y+irja na *-IlIT'MB -llIlY+w+ a

1m

>

IJi

(palatalization) i

+

irta y + irta

'" > IyI (glide formation)

NP = Noun Phrase VP = Verb Phrase

VR = Verb Root

CP = Class Prefix

NS = Noun Stem

~ = 'is transformed into'

From the above example, it is noticed that the T-rules transform structures by changing the order of elements, by deleting other elements and by adding new elements. The SC of the logical subject has been deleted and the SC of the derived subject is added.

2.3.3 Ac1ive

sentences

'Irfthobjects 'Irhich

camot

bemadepassive

In the previous discussion, we dealt with the interchanging of the logical subject and object of the sentences in the formation ofthe passive sentences. However, there are sentence structures in Zulu with objects that cannot bemade passive, for example:

IntaIlbazaneiphuna amabele 'The girl develops breasts'

•ArTBbele aptulyw-ayintDnlbazane *The breasts are developed by the girl'

lsilonda sipluna lbaw 'The sore discharges pus'

·Ubow~-w-ayisilooda 'Pus is dischargedbythe sore'

Abantubaptunainqina

'People have taken a hunting trip'

Inqina iptu1y-w-a ngabantu

In the abovestructures, the verb-ptuna(corne out) has been used idiomatically as both the transitive and intransitive verb. The object 'inqina' canbemade passive whilst the objects 'arnabele' and'ubavu'cannotbemade passive with the verb-ptuna used idiomatically. The PS-rules and transformations cannot account for such sentence structures in which objects are used with intransitive verbs where the object is idiomatic or expresses the result ofa process. Lee (1988:14) stresses that semantics shouldbeincorporated into syntax in order to deal with such structures.

2.3.4 ThestJJjectd thepassivesentence

According to Lee (1988:5), the Universal Passive rule based on relational grammar is:

Direct Object ~ SUbject

Lee says this universal syntactical rule of passivization (OBJ) ~ (SUBJ) can beinterpreted as a process in which 'OBJ' occupies its passivized subject position where it expresses result/effect. Although Lee based his findings to Korean and English languages, this is also the case in Zulu. For example:

UMbopha wagwaz-a uShaka 'Mbopha stabbed Shaka'

UShaka wag"vaz-w-a ngU\nbopha 'Shaka was stabbed by Mbopha'

Hovvever, not all sentence structures follow the same rule,

eg.:

KuyaktMehlel-w-a ebusika 'It is coughed a lot in winter'

K1M.j(-w-a- ekuseri emaphancleri 'It is woken up early

at

the rural areas'

The above sentences are used with the impersonal subject concordlku-I

=

'it is' in English, and they have no subjects which are derived from the sentence objects. Because these are intransitive verbs, it can be concluded that the intransitive verbs used with the impersonal subject concord lku-I are without passivized subjects. This suggests that the universal syntactic rule of passivization (OBJ) ~ (SUBJ) does not apply in other sentence structures with intransitive verbs in Zulu. Consider the following:

Kuful.w-aabasebenzi 'Workers are needed'

KLVek-w-e

inyama

'The meat has been cooked'

The above structures are transitive verbs used with the impersonal subject concordlku-Ibut have passivized subjects because it is assumed that thedeep structure subjects are'unfilled':

x

ufu1aabasebenzi 'X wants workers'

X~ke inyarm 'X has cookedmeat'

where X stands for a dummy subject.

2.3.5 Theagentd thepassive

sentences

Lee (1988: 16) says theagent, which he refers to as a 'byphrase' in English, is a residual and unnecessary productofthe application of the P5-rules and transformations. Inthe P5-rules and transformations, the objectofthe active construction is preposed to the subject position of~s passive counterpart and the subject ofthe active sentence is postponed to the'by phrase' of its passive counterpart, followedbyan~entDeletion rule, yielding and agentless passive construction. InZulu, this'byphrase' refers to the'copulative phrase'. For example:

1) UThokougeza lITfltwara 'Thoko bathes the baby'

2) Urmtwaraugez-w-a nguThoko 'The baby is bathed by Thoko'

3) Urmtwarauyagez-w-a 'The baby is bathed'

In view of the fact that both 2) and 3)are grammatical, the Agent Deletion rule must be optional. Phatudi (1992:9) states that the agent is an optional constituent, and not an obligatory constituent ofthe passive sentence. Nkabinde (1988:136) says this probably happens when the agent noun constitutes 'old information'. According to Satyo (1985:143), this type of passive sentence structure is called 'truncated passive'. The copulative which marks the agent is left out and such passive sentences are used quite regularly in Zulu.

Other passive structures, besides:

NP, (Subj)

are the following:

1) 'NP, (Subj) 2) NP, (Subj) For example: VP (Pass) VP (Pass) VP (Pass) NP2 (Cop) and and NP₂ (Instrumental) NP₂ (Locative) NP, (Subj) VP (Pass)

Inclu yakh-iw-angezitiri 'The house is built with bricks'

Igolide Iin»iw-aeGoIi

'The gold is dug at Johannesburg'

The passive structures used with the impersonal subject concordlku-Ican have thefollowing shapes: VP (Ku + Passive) For example: (NP) Locative , NP Instrumental NP Copulative NP Kuyalari-w-aeSomaliya 'It is starved at Somalia'

Kvvakh-iw-a ngoIshariemakhaya 'It is built with grass in the rural areas'

2.3.6 Thedegee d transitivity

in

passive

sentences

The following types of passive sentences are realised in Zulu:

a) Passive with transitive sentences

In these sentences, the verb occurs with a direct object (00). Wlen this type of sentence is passivized, the00is placed in sentence - initial position. For example:

USoiuclaU<ucIa 'Sol eats food'

UkLda kucI-iw-anguSoI 'Food is eatenbySol'

In this structure the degree oftransitivity is not reduced. However, if the~ent Deletion rule (optional) is applied, thestructure may become agentless (Le. truncated passive):

UkucIa klrfad-jw.a 'Food is eaten'

b) Passive sentences with double transitives

eg.:

USoi lI'lik-a tLala isMd 'Sol gives Lala a sweet'

ULaIa Ll'ik-w-ais\WinguSoI 'Lala is given a sweet by Sol'

or

Isvki Iinik-w-a LLaIa nguSoI 'A sweet is given to Lala by Sol'

The above structures indicate that the indirect object can also be passivized. The syntactic position of the first object, i.e. the position immediately after the verb, is accessible to both object NPs. That is, when the00is passivized, this slotwillbe occupied by the indirect object, and when the indirect object is passivized, the slot is occupied by the00. Having said that, the agent is optional, the degreeoftransitivity maybe reduced by one in such structures,

eg.:

ULaIa Ll'ik-w-ais\Wi 'Lala is given a

sweet'

or

1S'Md Iinik-w-alLala 'A sweet is given to Lala'

Also consider the following:

ULaIa uyarik-w-a, (thinaasirik-w-a) 'Lala is given, (but

we

are not given)'

Depending on the 'old information' constituted by both objects, they maybe deleted, reducing the degree of transitivity by

two

as illustrated above.

c) Intransitives

According to Satyo (1985:142), stative verbs do not allow passivization in the same way that transitive and double transitive verbs allow it. This is also applicable to Zulu, for example:

Inganeisuthi

'The child is food-enough'

AbantutBldlNehielarjalo 'People cough a lot'

Although stative and other non-stative intransitive verbs in Zulu may notallow passive counterpartsoftheir active sentences, these verbs may still undergo passivization with the impersonal orindefinite concordIkJJ.I. Thefollowing structures indicate theabove-mentioned

ve«

Kuyasuth-w-a eMelika

'It is well-fedlfoocl-enough in Americai

I<JJ<IlNehlel-w-arlalo 'It is coughed a lot'

CHAPTER 3 : THE CONTACTIVE

3.1 INTRODUCllON

\MIkes (1971: 160) says that anunproductive extension cannot normally bedetached from the verbal stem in which it appears. secondly, it cannot increase the number ofverbal derivatives in Zulu by combining with any new verbal stems that have become part of the Zulu lexicon.

Consider the following:

-pha1h-a -furbeth-e -narrtith-a

'hold'

'have held in closed hands' 'ponder'

The contactive verbal extension is recognised as three allornorphs in the above examples. According to \MIkes (1971), these allornorphs occur in different environmentsofthecontactive verbs.

3.2 THE AU.OMORPHl-ath-l

The allomorph 1-a1h-/ is regarded by most grammarians ofZulu as a norm variant of the contadive, appearing in most contactive verb sterns, eg.:

-thabath-a -1Iulgath-a -errbath-a -thakath-a -bhanila1h-a 'take' 'search' 'put on clothes' 'practise witchcraft' 'pat with the hand'

3.3 THE ALLOMORPHI-/J.jfy

This morphophonological allomorph is regarded as a discontinuous morpheme as it is interrupted by the perfect long ending I-ilel which hasa morphophonological effect onit. For example: -phath-

+

-ile -ermath-+-ile

=

=

-phAth-+-i...

e

"

e

/ -enilAfh.+i...e -, ./

e

= = -phethe -erri:lethe 'has carried' 'has put on clothes'

This allomorph occurs in the perfect tenseofthe contadives with extension1-a1h-l. VaNel

coalescence subsequently takes place whereby Ia!+Iii

-+

lei as illustrated above.

3.4 THE ALLOMORPH1-1h-I

This morphological allomorph appears in verb stems that are derived from ideophones. For example:

hIY.t >

ngqongqo >

'snatch' 'knock'

This allomorph is also to befound inthe word category ideophone as Von Staden (1974:175) also holds the view that:

'... is duidelik dat die kontaktiewe werkwoordsuffiks in hierdie ideofone werksaam is. Die vormkenmerke 1-a1h-l, I-eth-I, I-ith-I, I-dh-I en l-lJth.I is

naamlik morfofonemiese variante van hierdie suffiks ....'

Ideophones: phukuthJ

,mkotho vikitti qekethe khalakatha

'of plunging in, dip under' 'of swallowing wholesale' 'of falling in a heap' 'of sitting'

'of falling precipitately'

The relation between the variant forms may thusbe formalized as:

{-ath-}

=

/-ath-l - /-Ath-I 00 /-th-/

3.5 THE SEMANTlCAL AND SYNTACllCAL FEAl1JRES OF THE CONTACllVE

The contactive extension /-afh./ indicates 'touching' or 'contact' of some sort between two objects during the action. Forexample:

In -phatha 'carry', there is a contact or touching of some sort between the carrier and what is being carried. In-errbatha, between the person and the garmentlblanket, in-hlY.4tha, between the snatcher and what isbeing snatched.

Syntactically, a sentence with contactive in Zulu, may have the identifiable subject and object. The subject or object may be simple:

a) W7en it is definite

eg.:

Abantubathabatha isiddBasifhabathile 'People take the foodIThey take it'

b) W1en it is indefinite

eg.:

I<ukIwittrNaamatstMele 'Chickens are snatched'

c) W1en it consists of a single INOrd

eg.:

Ubelethe l.fli(akhe 'His wife has given birth'

d) W7en it consists of compound subjects/objects

eg.:

Abafana nalTBnlDnDazanebahlWtha

amasWci

namakhekhenezithelo 'Boys and girls snatch sweets and cakes and fruits'

Most of the contactive verbs are transitive, therefore the contactive sentence will usually contain a subject and an object. Wlen the impersonal subject concord is used, the structure will beagentless.

3.6 CONCWSION

Although the contactive extension is unproductive, it canbe used in combination with other extensions that are productive:

a) Contactive +Passive

eg.:

-tfu1gath-a > -thlIlgath-w-a 'search' > 'to be searched'

-thabath-a > -tha1shath-w-a 'take' > 'to be taken'

b) Contactive +Neuter

eg.:

-phath-a > -phath-ek-a > -phathek-a 'hold' > 'holdable'

c) Contactive+Causative

eg.:

-thath-a > -thath-is-a > -thathis-a

'take' > 'help to take'

-errilath-a > -errilath-is-a > -eniBttls-a 'put on clothes' > 'help to put on clothes'

d) Contactive +Applied

eg.:

-tfu1gath-a > -tiulgath-el-a > -tfu1gathela 'search' > 'search for'

-narriXtfl.a 'ponder' e) Contactive +Reciprocal

eg.:

> > -narriJith.el-a 'ponder on' > -nanDthel-a -thakath-a > 'practise witchcraft' > -thakath-an-a > -thakathan-a

'always practise witchcraft'

-bharrbath-a 'pat with hand'

>

>

-bharrbath-an-a > 'habitually

pat

with hand'

CHAPTER 4 : SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

4.1 THE PASSIVE

4.1.1 The sigificanced thepassive

The passive verbal extension indicates that the (grammatical) sUbject is acted upon by an agent that may be either implied or overtly expressed. V\ttlen expressed, the agent appears in the form of a copulative,

eg.:

Ukuda kuphelMa ngu-lwunama 'Food is cooked by rromer'

lkati lishayvayingane 'The cat is beaten by the girl'

UborMe

nguye

(na) 'He has been seen by him'

4.1.2 The rmrphopID1OIogyd thepassive

The following rules apply to the passive extension:

a) -G- and -VG- verbs take the passive extension J-jw.f

-da >

-diwa

'eat'

-pha > -pfW.e 'give' -akha > -al<hiv.a 'build' -silo (defective) >

-smw

'say'

> 'is eaten' > 'is given' > 'is built' > 'is said'

b) -CVC-, -CVCVe-, etc. radicals take the extension I-w-/

-bona > -borI\Na 'see' > 'is seen'

-babaza > -ba1shazwa 'haul' > 'is hauled' -jikijela > -jikijelwa 'throw' > 'is thrown'

c) Certain specified -VC- roots, as well as all-VCVe- verbs take the extension I-w-/

-efli)esa -arrbatha -enclala > > > -errileswa -arrilathwa -erdalvva 'dothe' 'wear' 'spread' > > > 'is dothed' 'iswom' 'is spread out'

d) Perfect and stative verbs take the allomorph I-w-J

i) The1-1-/ is replaced by /-w-J in the passive

-laillile > 'have thrown aNaY' >

-1a1iMe

'have been thrown away'

-bulele 'have killed'

> >

-buleYle

'have been killed'

ii) TheI-W-[ allornorph is inserted before the ending /1#

-phakeme > -phakenyv..e

'be lifted' > 'been lifted'

-bonene > -bonerMe

'have seen each othe~ > 'have been seeing each other'

e) Morphophonological changes are causedby/-w-J

i) \J\k1ere the final consonant of the verbal root is a bilabial:

IbI ~/t!I I-khabal ~ I-khatf waJ 'bekicked'

IttY~/ctg 1-gttilaI ~ I~ 'bedug'

IrrbI~/mg l-barriJal ~ lba~ 'beheld'

IpI ~/t!1 l-tapaJ ~ ltat!waf 'beextracted' IplY~/f I l-boP1aI ~ lbofwaf 'betightened' IrrP~/ntfl I-~ ~ l-pontfwaJ 'bepumped'

1m~1fI 1-II.mal ~ 1-llJMGI 'be bitten'

ii) In the case of verbs that are derived and thus already extended, if the

final

consonant of the root is bilabial:

I-laphelal 1-gUJhe1al ~ l-lafeM81 ~ I~elwal 'watch' 'dig for' > > 'bewatched 'bedug for'

iii) In the caseofpolysyllabic verbal roots with bilabial consonants occurring inthe second syllable: I-babazal ~ I-stunajelal ~ I-bat!azwdI l-shpljeM81 'haul' 'preach' > > 'be hauled' repm:tR1

iv) Palatalization of bilabials caused byI-wi can beformalized as:

+cons] +Iab .

{[:l}

+Iab

J

[ +hi9h J +cor +nasal +high +back I {w}

f) The passive extension/-w-I, can combine vvith all the productive and unproductive verbal extensions

eg.:

neuter + causative + passive

-h1ush-ek-is-w-a

'tobecaused tobetroubled by'

contactjve + applied + passive > >

-h1~ 'trouble'

-pha1h-eI-w-a 'tobecarried for'

4.1.3 The syntaxd thepassive

> >

-phatha 'carry'

a) The grammatical subject either undergoes the action indicated by the verb or it is subject to the action by a grammatical agent:

IntenDibhakaamakhekhe 'The lady bakes cakes'

Amakhekhe altJalMayinIooD 'Cakes are baked by the lady'

b) The grammatical agent is expressed by a copulative partide and this is restricted to transitive verbs.

c) The transitive verbs used with idiomatic objects cannot be made passive owing to semantic restrictions:

IntenD

ipuna

amabele 'The lady develops breasts'

d) P$-rules and T-ru/es

i) can only apply to transitive verbs without idiomatic objects but cannot apply to intransitive verbs.

ii) the T-passive is obligatory.

iii) the T-subject concord is also compulsory as the passive stem must have a subject concord agreeing with the grammatical subject.

e) The transitive passives with the impersonal subject concordlku-Ias its SC, may take an object as substantive but not as object concord.

f) In the case oftheintransitive verbs which cannot take objects, the impersonal SClku-I

is used:

KuyaldMehielwa ebusika 'It is coughed in winter'

g) The degree of transitivity maybereduced by one or two if the copulative phrase, the agentive adverb, is deleted:

Urmlwma~

U<ucIa

rvrnama

Urmlwana ~LIa.da

UrmlwanauyaphMa

'The child is given food by mother' 'The child is given food'

4.2 THE CONTACllVE

4.2.1 Thesig'ificanced the

contactive

The contadive extension indicates acontact between animate subjects and animatelinanimate objects. For example:

In-furba1ha'hold in closed hand', there is contad between a person's hand and what is insideit.

4.2.2 TherrrxphophonoIogd thecontactive

It is realised that:

a) /-ath-lis the basic form of the contadive and is found in mostofthe contadives.

b) in theperfed tense /-ath-l becomes /-efh./ owing to morphophonological changes caused by/-ilelto the basic form/-ath-l. For example:

-qlKith- + -ile -qLj<Ath- + -i...e

< , ,./'"

e

'have contained'

c) the other variant formofthe contactive which was discussed, is/-U1-I, appearing in derived and also underived contadives,

eg.:

rarra >

-nama1ha

-be1e1ha

'adhere'

'carry on theback' This variant also appears in ideophones with a contactive semantic value.