Islam and International Relations

Islam _{and International Relations}

by

FAHED HAMAD ALMEKRAD

Ph. D. thesis _presented to the

University _{of Wales}

in fulfilment _{of the requirements} for _{the degree of Doctor}

of Philosophy.

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Introduction ₁

Scope andl

SumnaTy Review _{of Literature}

CHAPTER 1: BACK 'GROUND

international Relat-Lon in Pre-Islarr, ₁₉

Political _{inst-itution J-n Pre-lslarrj 21}

ýoreiRn Relations 25

The, Rise _of Islarp _{and concept of Islam 28}

CHA`7'--TETý _{21 : THEE STATE AND ITS 'PILLARS}

31 Thtl- Em _{ergence o. L th; --- f irst} Islamic State

-v 31

So verei gn i tý

Umm _{ah (C omlim, unI -C v} 34

1s 11, _{am anC, N, 3 C. -110- tv} 47

S

-! tap (AuthorJtv`l 61

The CenLre _{of Autnor iv} 80

Lion and

QUal. fica-

Ric-,

-ný to ReEz'st A SuaTý

D ies 84

85 U*

86 90

FRI 3: _{POVER AND TSLAI, ý} C', '., _'ý PTi

--- ýN -

'T- i 11C! V C, I T)

90

ý4

e2aC,

C.,

as a w3'.

e c,

an ý ou r

a

10.3

as a wity of setf txertiism

106

h-477 ks 4 W-ty to _plrotecey Wea)tk.

Ji', -iao' as a wE: \- T

-, T, -ý .- Lt of

I he Co _{1n cl}

T'lle _A

The Pule-z-. of _-T-

III

e Use 0. ý'01,; _{-ý _- ýi}

Sur,, m a

to call to Isla,::

oncc, f

iS

C"2 I XTE 1

O.

n en es -c- o f- C, c) _k--,

The RI-Oit tc) Belleve The R-igh', to Security

Equality _{ar-itong', In-'ividuals} The F. _{Ight to Life}

Interdependence _{a-! onS Individuals}

Islam _{and Peace}

CHAPTER 5; : ISLA', ' A'ýD FOREIGN RELAiION- T

In trod Ll%-- T1 101-1

The Isla=ýc State _{and External Interve-it--ion}

Islam _{and. Prisoners of ýýar Rights}

Isla, -, i and Neutralitry

Islam _{a, ýd Dijplomýacv}

MjeaninQ _of DIplomacy

Muslim _{Coiýce---L-iOT] o. -f Diplomacy}

Diplomatic Treaties

The Policv Towards Envoý's _{in Islair,}

Islarp. and the Excnanoe of Envovs

The Objectlave _{of Isiam, through Diploma: ýcv}

Tslarr, _{and Co=ercial Relations}

Dhimrnas hela--iD: _{ý, ir,} D7a.

- . 01t-Islam.

Trea--ies B

Islam, _and

-i-pol ari;

Is'Lar. r-, ar. 0 tne Sr-a--u-c Quo

I -ural Exchanort islarn _{ariC Cult}

III IlL 113 119 12) 126 IV 122 131 133 137 139 14 1 1444 144 16.9 16L- 166 16'7 itho 1 -0 171 17A 176 1,00 193 195- 20.1 210

Tý _T

-n T D"

7 ý- T,

DN A

lpzroGuc: _{lioT. 221}

Islam

anc Universal Securji-ry

224 Tine Unir-eý N--ýions an, -, ', Collective _{Secu-. ity 24}

22L

TIL: 7

vo -cenr: _i,

--- I 22,7

230

uszze _{a- ýI 5: (fs} rios 2-

2A -

Cc[ lecýLve Secý4i-ity and Isi rn

219

S4

C'IýAPTE'.,, 7: ISSILA', '

247

T, _{-; eCo-itio. -, o -"} Ti _es 2149

Tv-ý--s 04 -ec! ll ýC. s 253

V, _ý

-G _1-ibourhood 253

atvc; ik7o, --,,, _{- .N-! -Z}

C T, _{-i es} 255

the Exchanc-e of Prisoner's 2ýrg

ll, ý-Iitary '17'a\cts Treat: ies, 2E 0

26z - i. -L r-., a '. J. o -, c, 11r ea - le s

le-i- ý

Pe 266

Ine A-r-a-I of the to Cover Non-ýIusll, -. 2-6-)

the MuSlim

1 -1 eA ý-F, L-7. o. in, Non-Muslii,,, Territory 270 27-5 Conclusion

2ý 1 C, _{Ioss--r-, -}

29Y Terminology

29e ATpendix

294 Biblioý--. -aphN

Declaration

I, the undersigned, declare that this thesis which I am now presenting for the degree of philosophiae Doctor (Ph.D.) of the University of Wales has not previously been accepted in full, part or even in substance for any degree at any university nor is it being concurrently submitted in support of candidature for any degree at any other university.

FARAD HAMAD AL-MEK.RAD Candidate

Sta-:ement

I, _{the undersigned, affirm that exce:;:t} acknowleoqed this the0is is the _{investigation and research.} result of

'

I

Acknowledgments

My most sincere thanks _{and gratitude should} be given to Almighty God, who gave me the good health and the patience to accomplish this

thesis.

I must also express my sincere appreciation and thanks to

Professor D. P. Davies for his valuable _{comments, and Dr. Ismail}

Al-Badawi, from Shariah College, Professor Ahmed Al-Baghdad'ý Professor of Political Science, Kuwait University for their kind guidance.

would like especially to thank Professor Rasha Al-Sabah for her concern and encouragement. Thanks must go to my friend Abdel Rahman B. Abbas

for his _{constructive organizational remarks.}

Abstract

Islam _{and International RelaLions}

This _{thesis deals mainly with the role of Islýi. --. i in}

i-nternational relations, _which is based on t*-. Ie Qjryan (the revealed book) and the Sunnah (prophetic tra--'ltion). The

study has used the analytical approach and t*-Ie interdiscipl--nary approach to examine and investigate Islamic J-nternaýional

relations theories in an attempt to demonstrate that they

offer a practical alternative to resolve crises in international

relations. This thesis highlights the Isla-. ic alternative in dealing _{with the major} issues _{in the world todav, namely peace,} security, balance of power, and co-operation among nations.

The thesis, therefore, _{outlines certain concepts and themes} which examine and explore the actual and potential relevance of Islamic law (Shariah) in relation to these issues. The main findings of the thesis include that Islam can indeed

play a positive role in the field of international relations

and that peace is the role and war the exception in most of the theories _{of Islamic} international _relations based on the

QurISn and the Sunnah. Also, the Islamic _{theory of internaýional-}

relations provides a valuable framework of general application

for _{international order.} The concept _{of com-Linity} ý Ummah _s the most impoi-Lant factor which defines the 7, inction _{of the}

and equility _{and to protect religious values.} The concept

of security in Islam is collective _{and is} therefore _concerned

for both Muslims and non-Huslims alike. The purpose of Jihad

is _{primarily to maintain security and justice. The study ha---} found _{that certain issues and themes such as supremacy, power,} security, peace, _war, equality, _neutrality, diplomacy and

treaties _{are reflected} in Islamic international _relations.

The conduct of internal and external affairs in the Islamic

state is based on the Qur'ýTn, Sunnah and human reason (ijtiHad).

In Islam _political life _{and religion cannot be separated} from

each other because Islamic public order is deeply rooted in the

- L,

TRANSLITERATION TABLE

Consonants. Arabic initiai: unexpressed

medial and final: d d

b dh Jzý

t _r Jý

.L

th

0

z L 6

4.14 s

L

gh

h

sh

f

kh

S

q

Urdu and Persian the same except the following:

p

. 10

ý d

-1 z

C.,

-. ch9

Vowels, diphthongs, etc.

short:

-- a;

-

i;

ý U.

. W.

long:

j1

(5 ly

diphthongs:

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ay

ej

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INTRODUCTION

The record of religion _{as a means to establish} international _peace is uneven. _{In the upheavals of human history} it _{has been as often a}

contributing factor _{as an ameliorating one. Yet when attempts are made} to curb the propensity for _warfare that besets humankind, _{the impulse}

remains to appeal to extraempirical, _{or transcendent, notions.} 'fne basic _{dilemma is the perennial question of whether aggression in}

international

affairs

can be curbed, and if so at what price.

In an

effort to provide _{possible alternatives} to the present _{system of}

international _{relations*, this study attempts to investigate the role of}

Islam and its possible contribution

to international

peace.

The study will try to determine _{whether any political programme can}

be derived from the Quýan and Sunnah which could be the basis for an

Islamic _{theory of international relations, particularly because the very}

word "Islam"

means peace, obtainable

as a result

of human beings'

preparedness

to submit to the beliefs

and values which Muslims claim is

given to humanity by God through revelation

and prophets.

Inter-national

relations

is a human activity

in which persons from more

than one nation,

individually

and in groups, interact.

Usage of the

term "International

relations"

by scholars in the field

is not

consistent.

Some use "International

relations"

and "International

politics"

for relations

between governments and use "Inter-national

relations"

as a more inclusive

term.

The study of International

Relations

includes

certain

aspects of nations

and their

governm-2-its

particularly

foreign

policy

making activity.

For more det2ils

see

International

Encyclopedia

of the Social

Science by David L.

In the case of Islam the Qurýi-n represents God's fin3l revelation

to

humanity _{through the prophet Muhammad (PBM), and because Muslims hold} 6

him to be the last _{prophet, he completes the prophetic mission. The}

Quran is the foundation

and mainstay of Islamic

life

and culture.

Muslims believes it _{to be God's final revelation to humanity, in}

addition

the Quýýin itself

claims to preserve and protect

what has

already been revealed to humanity through _{earlier prophets, completing} and perfecting that guidance for the future. As it is considered the

first basic _{source for Muslims and they adhere to it throughout their}

life

as a fundamental

source of knowledge, we must consider it the most

important _{primary source in the study of international relations in}

Islam because substantially

the Qui! dn is concerned with values and norms

which promote peace, justice and equality.

Since the QuýeZn is subject to the space-time in which it was

revealed it has been necessary throughout

Islamic

history

for there to

be exegesis which takes into account new time-space contexts and

different

cultural

milieux,

so that Muslims can meet the ideals and

expectations

of the divine

word within

the intellectual,

political,

economic, environmental

and educational

circumstances

in which they find

themselves.

The second major source after

the QurWn is the Sunnah (prophetic

tradition). The prophet himself _{was not a mere messenger who delivered}

the book of God; he launched a movement, founded a community,

established

a state,

and spent every moment of his prLopheý-Ihood

in

jTi _I

guidim-, directin,, -, leading CD his followers. s e-xa-np'-2 (, '- li-,. -ino

God's guidance, _{consisting of whatever he did or said or approved of, is} (D

the Sunnah. The prophetic _{model is not only the realization of the} ideal, it _{also inaugurates a process through which those who have}

followed

in the footsteps _{of the prophet throughout the ages have}

continued to strive to understand, interpret, _{explain and implement} the

word of God.

Deriving from these two primary _{sources is the Sharj! ah, which} represents a framework and process for decision-making, legal _or

otherwise,

but enabling the Muslim at both an individual

or collective

level

to meet the values and ideals

of the divine

word.

It is claimed

to be the code of conduct for total

life

laid down by Islam, and is the

fulfilment

of the total

man, inner and outer,

individual

and corporate

as he seeks to live by the will of his one and only God.

This study will therefore try to determine _{whether any principles}

of international

relations

can be derived

from these sources.

According _{to some authors on international relations} Islam is

viewed as a set of traditions

bound to a point in history

and tied to

its space-time dimension and therefore

incapable

of leading a dynamic

modern state.

On the other hand some authors in the field

of

Inter-national _{relations seem to mix Islamic political} thought _with theories _{of Islamic} inter-national _relations.

The main objective

is to examine these theories

in relation

to the

to inter-national contribution which Isl _{ii can mal}

this _{study will try to investigate whether Islam is capable of being}

applied to international _{affairs. The thesis will promote new modes of} thought, _{a new orientation and a new set of values, thereby creating a} strategy of global _reform.

The purpose of the study is to prepare the ground for studying the

actual

and potential

relevance

of Islamic

doctrine

and concepts to the

current

situation

and in conclusion

to provide an option or model of

reform for the World Community.

This thesis _{also highlights} Islamic _{theory as a possible}

alternative

way of dealing

with the major issues in the world today,

namely, peace, security, balance _{of power and co-operation among}

nations. Therefore, the study outlines certain concepts and themes

which provide an examination of the actual and potential relevance of Islamic Law (-t) _{related to these issues. Hence, the following}

propositions will be examined:

Proposition I

Islam is capable of providing

systematic

and collective

solutions

in inter-national

relations.

Proposition _II

Islam, with its system of Law, can contribute

to international

peace. Its laws are flexible enough to meet the changing cirCumstances

Proposition III

Islam, _{as a political entity, can provide a systematic a7-ýroach to} security _{among Muslim nations.}

Proposition IV

Many aspects _{of the modern concepts of supremacy, poý.. Týer, peace,} equality, neutrality, diplomacy, treaties, _{etc., are reflected} in

The scope _{and methodology used} in _{this study}

The _{methodology used} in _{this study reflects the}

analytical approach by _{examining certain outstanding}

themes _{and concepts, which characterise the way} in _which the _{Islamic state should} interact _{with other countries}

and communities. In this _case the _{study will reflect}

upon the sources of Islam in addition to contemporary

thinking to _come to _{understanding of} those _concepts

which could contribute to the Islamic _{understanding} of

peace, power, justice and equality.

Secondly, _an interdisciplinary _{approach will} be

applied in Islamic history, _culture and politics in

order to provide an understanding of Islam in world

af f airs.

The _{primary sources and most} frequently _quoted

works in this study will be the following _-

A. The Qurlan (revealed book) _{as the} first basic source for Muslims, to which they should adhere

throughout their lives _{as a} basic _{source of}

knowledge. _{For Muslims,} the Qur"an _{is considered}

applicable _{and suitable} for _all times _{and all}

places.

B. The _{second source} is _{the sunnah of the prophet}

ML)Iiammad _which is _considered the _second

source _after the Qurlan, this _{will also} be _quoted to _{support and clarify certain issues.}

C. Basic _{works of Tafsir (commentary on the Qur'dn)} by

classical _{authorities such as al-Tabarl,} Ibn

Kathir, _{Ibn Taymiyah etc.}

D. Historical documents _{also will} be _used in this

study; for example, al-Sirah (Biography of the prophet), such as Al-S-i: rah al-Nabawivvah of Ibn

Hishciml.

E Du-sttAr al-Madl*nak(constitution _of Madinah) _will be examined and analysed in this study.

The _{nature of} this _{work requires an extensive use}

of Arabic sources extant on the subject, written by

scholars in the Arabic language. Relevant literature of

Western _{orientalists will also} be _cited from time to

---

time to illustrate _{certain issues.}

The _{reader of this research has to be aware of the} difficulties in _{the composition and terminology of some} basic _{terms which are taken f rom the Qur-', in and Arabic}

literature. _{For this reason the researcher has drawn up} a glossary _which is to be found _at the _{end of} the thesis

to _enable the _{reader to} familiarise him _or herself _with these terms _{and abbreviations.}

The _{study will} be divided into _{seven chapters. The}

first _{chapter will} focus _on international _relations

before _{Islam. It will present an overview of the}

general setting of the political situation in the pre- Islamic _{period and} how _{Islam emerged} from _{out of} this content.

The _{second chapter outlines} the _{pillars upon which}

the theory _{of an Islamic state} is built, _namely

a. The issue of ummah (community), its meaning and

realisation.

b. _The issue _{of D; ir-al-Isl"ým} (territory _{of Islam).}

C. The issue of Sultah (authority) in terms of the leadership _of the _state including the Khalifak

(trustee), Sultan (power _{of authority) and} Imam

(leader) _{Ahl-al-hal-Walfaqd (those making} decisions), _{Ijmaý (consensus) and how this concept}

shaped the first Islamic _state.

Chapter _Three is _{mainly concerned with the concept}

of Quwwah (power) _{as an} instrument _{to achieve jihýqd} (to

exert) according to Islamic doctrine.

Chapter _{Four will deal with the concept of 'peace'.}

It _{will analyse how Islam perceives peace between}

individuals, _{communities and nations. In addition, this}

chapter _{will examine whether} the _{concept of peace} in

Islam is _{a universal or a strictly} internal _concept.

In Chapter Five _{which will} deal _{with Islam and}

'foreign _{relationsf, attempts will be made to determine}

the basic _relations between _{the Islamic state and the} non-Islamic state. In this chapter, the following -will

be discussed: _{the right of} the _{Islamic nation to}

intervene in _{the affairs of other nations, and the view} of Islam _regarding prisoners of _{war, neutrality,}

diplomacy, _{commercial relations,} the _{status of dhimmas} (non-Muslims) in _{Dar al-Islam} (the territory _{of Islam)}

and the bipolarity system of power and the _{status quo of} the _{modern world.}

Chapter Six _{will attempt} to _{shed some} light _{on the}

concept of security from the Islamic point _{of view.} In

addition, the _{question of whether} this _concept includes the _{non-Muslims or} is _{only concerned with the Muslims,} will be considered. The issues _of love, equality,

justice _{and co-operation will also be examined.}

Finally, Chapter _{Seven will attempt} to _study the concept of treaties and the basic types of treaties.

This _{chapter will} focus _on the legality _of the

conditions of the treaties _with enemies as well as with

friendly _nations.

Summary Review of Literature

Classical _{Theory of International Relations (750}

- 1100 AD)

In the classical Islamic literature _{most of the theory of international relatioi} is presented under the Title _{of Siyar which includes} Jihad, treaties, DhimmTS (the non-Muslim subjects of the Muslim _state), MuahidTns (non-Muslim _{parties of peace}

agreement with the Muslim state), MustImin- (enemy subjects _{granted safe conduct} by Muslims _{to enter} Muslim _{territory), besides the question of Jiýad between}

Dar qi-Harb. (the non-Muslim states or territories _{at war with} the Muslim state) and Dar 4-Islam (territory _{of Islam).}

Basic _{work of the classical Arab writers include Abu-Hanifah who gave the}

name SiVar to his lectures on Islamic law of war and peace. Later these lectures

were incorporated by his disciple Muhammad al-Shaibani in to Kitab al-Saghir and Kitab _{al-S. iVar} (4411VIbn A. Y)4, _{V., another venerable jurist, wrote a separate chapter} on Siyar. In the. Kitab-al-Kharaj. _{of Abu Yusuf,} there is a lengthy discussion _on rules concerning Jihad, _{peace treaties,} the distribution _{of the spoils of war,}

2 Jizq. 4k(poll tax), Kharaj (land tax) _{and arbitration.}

Al-Shafi _{1, in his basic work Al-Umm, wrote about the same issues, under} the title _{of al-Ji;}

-yqk. These aspects of international relations are treated

by the above jurists _{as unclassified} historical _{material and this is mixed with} other subjects in the same code of faith, ethics and criminal law.

1. Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Shaybani, Sharh al-Sivar al-Kabir, (commentary

on thý book of the 6recAL- Si-yar) dictation oT Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Sarakhsi and p --

edited by Sallh _al-Munaj - jij(Cairo Marhad al-MaýhýTutat bi Jahia(t _al-Duwal alArabiyyah, 1958.

2. Ab-u-YtTsuf, Kitab _al-Khargj, (The book of Land Tax) narrated bv Muhammad 1. Al-Banna, Cairo, _{Dar al-Islah,} 1981.

These writers succeeded in linking these issues _{with the main source of Islam,} the Qurýan. Thus, _{the classical} theory _{covers the sum of medieval} Iluslim juristic

opinions on issues of Muslim external relations as expounded in the work of major jurists _{and thinkers, such as al-Shaybani, al-Shafi 1, al Ilawardi, al-Gazzali and} Ibn Taymiyyah.

Although _{these jurists and thinkers were in agreement on the basic principles}

of Islam and on some of the basic philosophical and theorlogical issues, this does not rrean that they had uniform legal opinions. Examples from the area of interna-

tional _relations itself(Siyar) demonstrate the lack _{of a unified classical} legal

code. This point has important implications for the Islamic theory of international relations, as will be explained later.

Other _{major works on international relations} from Islamic _{jurisprudence include} that _{of al-Mawardi} in his basic _{work Al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyah} 3 _which deals _with

4

Khilýfah (Caliph), _{peace and war.} A lengthy discussion _{about the rules of war} and peace during the Abbasid period (750 _{- 1100 AD) and during} the fast moving territorial _{expansion of early} Islam has been presented by the above author.

The early Muslims _{realised the importance of political authority as a central} power for the establishment and continuity of the Islamic Ummah. After the death of the Prophet (PBUH), the first Muslim 'government' of the first Khali ah

Abu-Bakr decided _{to suppress the tribal uprising against the central political}

authority _{of Madinah} in order to maintain the Ummah. The decision was historical, since the issue _{was both organisational} and philosophical.

3. See Abu--al-Hasan eAli ibn Muhammad ibn Habi--b al-Basrl: - al-Baghdý`di: - al-Mawardi-,

(1057 AD/450 AH). Al-Ahkam _{al-Sultani-yah*Wa al-Willa*yat al-Di-niý-vah} (The Ordinance of Government and the R61igious Offices), Cairo, published by al-Halabi, 1966.

Such classical jurists _{as 'Abdal-Qahir, al-Baghdadi, al-"Iawa---di,} Abu YýJEr and al-Ghazzali, who wrote between the Ilth and 14th centuries, i7sisted on a

single unified supreme central political authority.

The jurists _{seem to have emphasized central authority as the concrete model} of a simple, single state of the prophet in the city state of Madinajq(622-632).

In regard to the relations between Muslims and non-Muslims, such relations did improve due to the example stablished by the early Muslim _{communiýy in giving}

communal and legal autonomy to non-Muslims, in displaying lenient attitudes,

better defined _{rules and more restrained use of power.} In spite _{of this the} jurists did not deal with the concept _{of equality,} justice _{and security} for

the non-Muslim in the framework of the Islamic state. Because of lack of clarity on these issues there is need for a major investigation to analyse them. This

will be udnertaken in later chapters by the author of this thesis.

4. See tAbdil-Qahir _{ibn TAir al-TaM 17M i al-Baghdidi} (1038 AD) AhkaF. al Im5mah w('. 3 Shurýt al-Zu 4ama' (Ruies of Imamah and Qualifications for Leader _-chip)

pp. I 20-2ý)-,.

Islamic _{theory of international relations} by contemporary _{Muslim scholars}

In modern times not much has been written by Muslim _{scholars about}

international _{relations according to the QurJgn and the Sunnah, although} there 0

is an attempt among some contemporary Muslim authors to consider Islamic

international _relations in general. Major _{works related to the study} include:

5

Muhammad Abu-Aahrah, _{in his book, Islam in International} Relations, (1964).

6 _1-

'Ali _{A Mansur, Al-Shariah al-Islamiyah wal Q, anun Al-Duwali al--ýAm, (1969).}

WAbah Mustafa Al-Zuhaili, 7 The Effect _{of War in Islamic} Jurisprudence, (1965).

8

Muhammad Hamidullah, _{The Muslim Conduct of State,} (1968). 4

Aby-Sulayman Abdul-Hamid, 9 The Islamic _{theory of international relations,} (1987).

These writers establish that the Islamic Da4wah, the invitation to adopt

IsIam, _{was based on logical persuasion and idealism, not on force and violence.} 10

Notwithstanding _{their valuable contribution in this} field, _{no attempt} has been made by them to investigate how Islamic _{international relations can play}

a significant role. The author will therefore examine the Islamic solution in dealing _{with world crises, and to what extent} Islam _{is applicable to modern}

polftical issues.

5. Muhammad Aýu-Zahrah, _{al-'Alaqat-al-Duwaliyah Fi al-IsIgm,} (International kelations

in Islam, Cairo, 1964).

6.6AIi _{A. Mansur, Al-Sharfah al-Islamiysýwal-Qanun al-Duwali al-Am,} (Islamic Shariah and Public International Law), Cairo: _{Dar al-Qalam,} (1969).

7. Wahbah Mustafa _al-Zuhafl-i, Athar _al-Haro Fi al-Fiqh _al-Islamý,. (The Effects _of War in I; Iamic Jurisprudence), Daýascus: _{Dar al-Fikr,} (1965).

8. Muýammad Inlamidullah, The Muslim Conduct _{of State,} Lahore, Pakistan, Muhammad Ashraf Print, (1968).

f

9. Abu-Sulayman Abdul Hamid, The Islamic Theory _{of International} Relations,

published by the International Institute of Islamic Thought, Washington, (1987)

10. For a detailed account of these doctrines see Hamidullah The Muslim Conduct of State, op. cit.

These are some examples from the writer who have recoanised ₀ the

effectiveness _{of the spiritual} bond of Islam as a u-, ifying force _amidst divergent _{ideologies and the legacy of the impact oý- the west on Islam.} On the other hand, _{these are scholars who emphasise ýýhat at present,}

there is no other force _except Islam _{capable of brinoing harmoný- in the} Muslim _world.

Montgomery _{Watt writes:}

"There _{is little hope of increased harmony and adiustment except} through _{the operation of the religion of Islam. "I.} '

Contemporary _{writers have given little or no attention to important}

issues in international _{relations in modern times, such as peace, security,}

neutrality, balance of power among nations, and diplomacy. These contemporary writers also seem to ignore the important questions in international relations.

To what extent can Islam face a modern international crisis and what methodology can Islam provide as a framework for solving modern crises?

The next question that _arises is how to give a practical form to these various feelings and attitudes so as to bring about unity in thought ₀ and

action among the Muslim countries, thus giving ₀ a new life and strength to the

Muslim world.

-. 11. Montgomery W Watt,

"Thought _{on Islamic} Unity", _{T'-. e Islamic} Quarterley, Vol. 1119 No. 3, October 1956, _{pp. 193-194.}

Theory _{of Islamic International Relations} as discussed by non-Muslim _scholars

Modern theory _{of Islamic} international _{relations has to a certain extent} been examined by some non-Muslim _scholars. Major _{works relati-ig to the study of inter-}

national relations include the contemporary _{writings of "ajid} Khadduri in his book The Islamic _{Law of Nation. He states that as far as the relation between the}

Islamic _{state and non-Islamic state is concerned it is based on two communities,}

Dar al-Isl9m (abode or territory _{of Islam) and Dar al-Harb} (abode _{or territory} of war). Furthermore, the DaIr al-Islam, Khadduri contends, _{was theoretically} in a

state of war with Dar al-Harb because the ultimate _objective of Islam was to 12

bring _{the whole world under its sway.}

Some writers have argued that this Islamic division _{of the world} into two communities resembles the more recent communist division _{of the world} into the communist and capitalist arts, with all efforts directed to "convert" the latter

into _{the former by all possible means.} 13

The controversial concept of the jih: Td is referred to by many writers as the instrument _{which would} be used to transform _{the Dar al-Harb} into _{the Dar al-Islam.}

Unfortunately, _{an erroneous idea among these writers is that} Islam _{attained its gr(} success by violent means, and that the jihad was Islam's instrument in achieving

this _expansion. 14

12. Majid Khadduri, The Islamic Law of Nations: Shaybanis Siyar, (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1966, _{p. 10).}

13. See for _example, Nagib Armanazi, L Islam _{et le Drioit} International, (un-

published doctoral dissertation, University of Paris, 1929; the same in Arabic _wit certain _additions "Al-Sharifo. AtýDuwali AL-Islam, Damascus, 1930).

14. Majid Khaddur, _{War and Peace in the Law of Islam, Balzi-more: John Hopkins} University Press, _{1955, p. 52.}

It follows, _{according to Khadduri, that arrangements made between the Dar al-Islam}

and the Dar al-Harb must of necessity be short-lived because they carry with them 11

no aplied recognition of equal status _under Islamic law. 17

James E Dougherty _{and Robert} L Pfaltzgraff _{in their} book Contending Theories of International Relations argue that:

"the _{prophet Muhammad preached the jihad (holy war) as a sacred duty and a} guarantee of salvation, and for several centuries Moslem theorists, accepting

the reality that Arab rulers _{were for the most part a war minded group,}

assumed that the world is divided into the Dar al-Islam (the peaceful abode of the true believers and those _{who submitted} to their tolerant rule) and

the Dar al-Harb (the territory _{of war).} Inasmuch _{as Islam was a universalist}

system of belief, the two territories _{were always} theoretically at, war with. each-other, for _{war was the ultimate} device for incorporating recalcitrant

peoples into the peaceful territory of Islam. The jihad, therefore, was a form of bellum justum (just _{war), not entirely unlike that of medieval}

Christian _writers. " 16

PJ Vatikiotis _{recently in his book Islam and the State,} (1987) _claimed that jihad

"is _{a most amenable notion to the purposes of state: it can legitimize} aggressive policy. " 17

He further _{states that political order in Islam emphasises the community,}

not the individual and it seeks a unitary not a plural civilization and political

culture.

Another _{author claimed that internationalrelatio'ns in Islam are not simplý}

based on Qurl; *nic sources. Other traditional, _{cultural and environmental}

influences, _{such as tribalism,} Byzantine-type despotism, Iranian-style _court practices and later Turkish autocracy also helped to shape it. 18

Majid Khadduri, The Islamic _{Law of Nations, op. cit. p. 12.}

16. James E Dougherty _{and Robert} L Pfaltzgraff, Jr. Contending Theories _of

International _{Relations. Philadelphia: J. B Lippincott Company, 1971, p. 149.}

17. PJ Vatikiotis, _{Islam and the State, published by Croom Helm, 1987, p. 21.} 18. GE Von Grunehaum, Medieval Islam, Chicago, _{1945, p. 24.}

In similar _{view iMajid Khadduri argues} that:

"the _{Islamic theory of international relations is to be found neither}

in the Qur'an _{nor in the prophet Muhammad's utterances.} It _{was rather} the product of Muslim _{speculation at a time when the Islamic} Empire

had reached its full _{development. 19}

According _{to Khadduri, the Islamic state passed from its beginning through} various stages of evolution, culminating in a golden age of ascendancy often

referred to as the Islamic _{classical period} during _which the Islamic theory of external relations _{was formulated.} 20

These modern theories _{of Islamic} internatinal _{relations among the orientalists} raise the question to what extent these _{works are applicable} to Islamic _principles and to what degree are'they valid? This study attempts in later chapters to

examine these theories.

I

19. Majid Khadduri, "The Islamic Theory _{of International} Relations _{and its} Cont- emporary Relevance", Islam and International Relations, ed. J. Harris Proctor,

New York: Praeger, 1965, _{p. 29.} 20. _{lbid., p. 30.}

CHAPTER ONE

BACKGROUND

I. International _Relations in _Pre-Islam

In _order to _{understand the values and principles of} Islam, _{a knowledge of the pre-Islamic situation will be}

useful. The _{geographical make-up of} Arabia _and its

climatic _{conditions were among} the _major factors that

shaped the life _and influenced the _{activities of} its

people. Hitti, _who is _{a specialist} in Arab history, observ-es:

"The _geographical

trackless _desert

sections has its who inhabited it. Arabian _peninsula

wo earliest _seal Babylonia

2 it influence.

division _{of the land by the} into _{northern and southern}

counterpart in the _people ... like a thick wedge, the

thrust itself between _{the t}

:s of culture, Egypt _and

could not escape their

The people of Pre-Islamic Arabia _were divided into groups or tribes and moved from _place to _place in _search

of water and grass for their camels and _sheep. Their

nomadic life, which depended largely _{on camel} breeding,

2. Philip Hitti, The Arabs: A Short History, Regenry Company, 1970), _{p. 22.}

(Chicago: _Henry

was characterized by an intense competition for water

resources and pastures to maintain the economic base and to _provide for the _{welfare of} the tribes _{as a whole.}

The qhazw (raid) was a common phenomenon among Arab tribes _of the _{pre-Islamic period.} This type _of hostile

relation during the Jahilivvah (ignorance) period can be

illustrated in _the following _examples. The first _{was a}

qhazw known as Harb al-Bas5s in which the tribes of Banu

Taghlib _and Banu Bakr fought for forty _{years over} the

killing _{of a camel. The second was} that _of Harb Dahis wall-Ghabraý a war fought between the 4 Abs and the Dhaiban

over a horse race. 4 The "asabivvah (tribal loyalty) of the _{people was another} important _{characteristic of} that

period. Ibn Khaldun identifies asabivvah as "a social

solidarity found only in groups related by blood ties or

by _{other ties which} fulfil the _same function. 51,

Hitti _says that "tribal loyalty (asabiyyah) is 0

the _{spirit of the clan.}

.. a tribal spirit. If He further

states that "asabivvah implies boundless and

unconditional loyalty to fellow clansmen., 16 This form of

---

3. _{Deiranieh Akram Raslam, The Classical Concept of Islam,.}

unpublished thesis, Howard University, 1975, _{p. 22.}

4. _See for _{exainple Ibrahirn Ha saý,} Tarikh _{al-Islam as-Sivasi}

wal-diniv- _wal- thaq&fl- _wal- iltim-a _i. (Cairo: Maktabat _an-Nahda al-Misriyya6,1959), _{pp. 44-45.}

k

5. _{Ibn Khaldun, The MuqaddiTnah Vol. I. Ch. 2 p235} trans. by Muhsin _{Mahdi, London, 1957.}

6. _{Philip K. Hitti,} History _of Arabs: From the Earliest _{Tý-r, --}

solidarity among the tribes represented and promoted social integration among other tribes.

It _{was customary} in Pre-Islamic Arabia for the

largest _and the _most influential family to be _entrusted with the leadership of the tribe and the administration

of its affairs. This family would use their power to

influence _{other tribes and to maintain economic advantage} through _ghazw (raids) _{against weaker} tribes.

II. Political Institutions in Pre-Islamic Arabia

When there _werl disputes _among the tribes, the

shalkh (tribal chief) and the Kahin (soothsayer) _acted

as arbitrators. The _{shaikh was elected} by the _{elders of} the tribe _usually from _{among members of a single family,}

known _{as Ahl-al-bait, "the people of the house". He was}

advised by _{a council of elders called} the Mallis,

consisting _of the head _of the fami lies _and

representatives _{of clans} within the tribe. 7 The source

of legitimacy _of the Majlis was the custom of the

practice _of the _ancestors, which owed such authority as

to _{the Present, (8th ed., London: MacMillan & CO. Ltd., 1964),} pp. 27f289.

7. _{Bernard Lewis, The Arabs} in _{History, Hutchinson Publi! 71hirq} group, Great Britain: ed. 1985, p. 29.

it _{had to the general veneration for precedent and found} its _{only sanction} in _{public opinion.} 8 _{The tribal chief}

(Sha, A-kh) was the symbol _of tribal authority and was its

representative in inter tribal _or foreign _relations. In

the _{study of Arab} tribalism, _{Gabrieli states that:}

"Within its democratic _{and patriarchal}

structure, the tribe _{acknowledges a} freely

elected head (Sayyid, Sheikh) _with limited

authority confined particularly for advice

and guidance _... The _{affairs of common}

interests _{are discussed and decided by the}

assembly _of the _entire tribe _{where great}

prestige is attached to the _{wisdom of old}

age, prowesý in war and to eloquence in skill and poetry.

By the _{end of} the _{Pre-Islamic period, the Arabs were}

divided into _{many political units of which Mecca, Medina} and Taif were a part. Indeed Mecca (Makkah) _{was the most} developed _{of these three cities. Hamidullah states,}

"Mecca _alone had _{a city state governed} by council of ten hereditary c1liefs who enjoyed

a clear division of power. 1110 Professor _{Saab observes:}

"Another factor _gave to the _political

organization of Mecca its importance. Mecca

enjoyed full political independence. While

the _{Syrian and} the Iraqi fringes _of the Arab

peninsula and the south of Arabia were

Ibid.

9. _{Gabrieli Francesco, MohanTnad and} the _{Conquests of} Islam,, (New York: _McGraw-Hill Book Coinpany, 1968). _{pp. 30-31.}

10. _{Muhainmad Hainidullah,} Introduction to Islain, (Paris:

Centre _Cultural Islainique, 1969), _{p. 4.}

subjected on the _{eve of} Islam to foreign

rule, Mecca suffered foreign influences

without being _subject to foreign

domination. ""

The _{region of} hijaz (the _{western coast of} the

I

Arabian _{pennisula) escaped} the _{power struggle which was}

taking _place between the _{Byzantine and} the _Persian

empires over Arab lands. The Persians established for

themselves _{"a sphere of} influence in the _{Persian Gulf and} along the south coast of Arabia. 1112 The Hejaz, with its

type _{of nomadic} life _and its inaccessible _{land seemed}

unattractive to colonial adventurists. "With the

available arms and means of communication". Watt _states, "it _{was a} task beyond _{the strength even of great} empire. lll3

The major tribe _that dominated in _{Mecca, during the}

pre-Islamic period was the Quraish. The founder _of the

Quraish, _{QuSoq Ibn Kilab, soon afterwards established} the

institution _{of Dýr al-Nadwah, a conservative assembly of}

notables _of the Quraish family and expanded the

administrative _activities of his government. Dieranieh

stated that:

"Political _{and social offices were} divided

among the major clans according to their

---

11. _{Saab Hassan,,} "The _{Spirit of} Reform in Islam", Islamic

Studies, _{II, No. 1,} (March, 1963), _p-30.

12. _{W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammed:} Prophet _and 17+-7itesman,

(London: _{oxford University} Press, 1961) _{p. 4.} 13. _{Ibid., p. 5.}

status. This _{expansion of} government

institutions _{was politically motivated. it}

was dictated by the _earnest desire of Quraish

leaders _to include _all its _clans in

conducting the affairs _of Mecca in order to

guard againstliactionalism _{and jealousy} among

their _clans. "

The _most important Meccan institutions _{were al-}

15

Hijabah, _{al-Sigavah, al-Rifaýdah and} D5r _al-Nadwalt. The

first three _were traditional _{offices and concerned}

themselves _{with social and religious matters.} Al-Hijabah 0

was the custody of al-Kalabak. It dealt with the opening,

closing and the maintenance of the holy shrine. It was

also known as Sidanat Al-Ka(bah. Al-Siqavah concerned

itself _{with providing an adequate supply of water for the}

pilgrims. Al-Rifadah was to provide food for the

pilgrims during the holy season of the pilgrimage to the

Meccan _shrine. Dar _{al-Nadwah was} the _political

administrative office of Mecca and its most influential

institution. _{Its authority and} its functions _were

similar

to

that

of

a

congress

of

parliament.

it

.0

consisted of two houses, the najlis, and the al-mala.

The _inallis, the _{council of} the heads _of the clans of

Quralsh, _was the _upper house _of Dar al-Nadwah and the

policy-making office. Al-Mala), the general assembly was

---

14. _{Deiranieh Akram} Raslan, The Classical Concept of State in

Islam, _{op. cit., p. 45.}

15. _{Hassan Ibrahim} Hassan, Tarikh _al-Islam as-Sivasi wal-dini

wal-thacrafl wal-ijtimý'ý'ý_, (Cairo: Maktabat al-Nahda al- Misriyyah, 1959), _{p. 39.}

I

merely an advisory office. It included the _{notables of} Mecca, its businessmen _{as well as} the _{chief military}

16

personnel. Dar al-Nadwah, _as an institution, is

comparable to the public institutions _of debate _{of modern} times. Saab _states:

"The _{senate and the council (the upper and} lower houses _{of Dar al-Nadwah.} ) had _{such a} traditional _{and moral prestige} that there _was very seldom a decision concerning the. destiny

of Mecca which was not debated in one or the other of them. 1117

Dar _{al-Nadwaýwas also} the _place designated for the

departure _{and the return of} trade _{caravans as well as the}

official centre for military expeditions and war

activities. 18

III. Foreign Relations

Pre-Islamic Arab _{society was not} isolated from the

civilized

world

but

rather

lay

on the

fringes

of

that

world. Bernard Lewis observes:

"Persian _{and Byzantine culture,} both _material and moral, permeated through several channels most of them connected with the trans-Arabian

trade _routes. Another factor of some

importance _was the _{settlement of} foreign

colonies in the peninsula itself. A number

---

16. _{Saab Hassan,} "The Spirit _of Ref orm in Islam" op - cit. _, P-9.

17. _Ibid.

f p-10.

. V, -Y, _Vol. 5, Cairo:

18. _{Zaydan J r3l,} Talrikh _al-Tarnaddun al-Islým Dar _al-Hilal, 1958.

of Jewish and Christian _{settlements were}

established in different _{parts of} Arabia,

both _{spreading Aramaic and Hellenistic}

culture. The _{chief southern} Arabian

Christian _{centre was} in _{Najran where a}

relatively advanced _political life _was

developed. 1119

The Arab _convents to judaism _{and Christianity} lived

especially in the Yathrib which was later renamed Madina. There _{were also some channels which connected} the _Arabs

to the Romans _and the _{Persian empires,, which} helped in

the development _{of Arab} border _{states on} the _Arabian

frontiers _{of Syria and Iraq.}

In fact, the Arabs _of the _{pre-Islamic period} knew

sufacra (diplomatic) mediation used to stop disputes in

their _own tribes, _{as well as} in _{conflicts with other} tribes. _{Umar Ibn Al-Khdtab} (the _second trustee _{of Islam)} was the last ambassador of Quraysh during the Jahilivvah

(ignorance) _period. 20 _{The most} important Meccan

officials, according to Hamidullah were,

"A minister of foreign relations, a minister

guardian of the temple, (al-Kalbah), a

minister of oracles, a minister guardian of

offerings to the temple, one to determine the

torts _and the damages _{payable, another} in

charge of the municipal council or parliament to _enforce decisions _of the _ministries.

There _{was also a minister} in charge of the

military affairs _.... as well as reputed

caravan leaders. 1121 ---

19. _{Bernard Lewis,} The Arabs in History, OP-cit., p. 30.

20. _{Muhammad Ali} Al. Hassani: International Relation in Quran and Sunnah, Maktabat Al-Nahda, Jurdan, 1982.

Clan _{representatives} had _{equal rights} in _tribal

decision _making, "independent _{of each other, and}

acknowledged no political superior". 22 This type _of approach to collective political leadership is _similar to the _modern theory _{of national} integration _as formulated

by _Arend Lijphart. The Politics _of Accornnodation.,

focused _{on elites' negotiations and compromises} in _a

spirit of accommodation to settle decisive issues and

23

conflicts by pragmatic solutions. He provides us with

three _{major characteristics of political accommodation.}

(1) the _{pre-eminent role of} the top leaders; (2) the

participation of the leaders of all blocs in the

settlement; and (3) the principle of proportional

representation. 24 Of these three aspects, only the

first

two

apply

to

the

political

life

of

Quraish,

for

their tribal _{policy making} included _{all, clan} leaders _and the _{notables of Quraish, Major} decisions _{were accepted}

as binding _{on all} clan leaders.

Into this _{environment MuhammeAd was} born. His life

---

21. _{Hamidullah, Introduction} to Islam, _{op. cit., p. 4.} 22. _{Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, op. cit., p. 17.}

23. _{Arend Lijphart, The Politics of} Accommodation, Pluralism

in _{the Netherland (Berkely: University of California} Press, 1968)f _{p. 103.}

24. _{Ibid., p. 111-}

was influenced by the human conditions of his time and the _{political and social} institutions _of his tribe, the

Quraish. He dissociated himself from idol _{worship and}

spoke of a new way of life, advocating religious

monotheism under Islam.

IV. The Rise _of Islam _and the Concept _of Islam

At the _{age of} forty, Muhammad _claimed to have

received Wahy (revelation from God). Muhammad (570-632).

the Prophet,, belonged to the _well-known Arab tribe _of

Quraysh. He _claimed to be _{an appointed} Prophet _and

Messenger _of Allah. This Wahy, the _{word of} Allah

0

(according to the _Islamic faith, the _{Qurlan) constitutes}

' IT 1 25 -(

the _{First source of Shariah} (Islamic law) _Shariah is

based _{upon the} doctrine _{of Al-Tawhid} (unity), the Oneness 10

of God, the unity of mankind and universal divine law. The Qur j an was revealed gradually over a period of about twenty-two _years (610-632 _{A. D) and became} the _{main source}

of law _among Muslims. The traditions of the prophet of Islam formed the _{second major source.} During this _short

period, Islam _succeeded in transforming the polytheistic

multi-tribal society of Arabia into a monotheistic

society. Muhammad's claim to prophethood and his call

for _{social action} to _reform the institutions _of Arabia

---

25. _{Abu-Sulyman Abdul Hamid,,} The Islamic Theory of

International _{Relations, 1973, p-10.}

were threats to the established status quo of the Meccan elite because he called for the liberation of man