Traditional First Nations and Métis Healing Methods: Do They Foster Emotional, Mental and Spiritual Healing?
A Thesis Submitted to the
College of Graduate Studies and Research in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Masters of Education in the Department of Educational Psychology
and Special Education University of Saskatchewan
Saskatoon
By
Sarah L. Binsfeld
Permission to Use
In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a graduate degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the libraries of this university may make if freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor or professors who supervised my thesis work, or in their absence, by the head of the department or the dean of the college in which my thesis work was done. It is understood that any copying or publication or use of this thesis or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my thesis.
Requests for permission to copy or to make other use of material in this thesis in whole or in part should be addressed to:
Department Head
Educational Psychology and Special Education College of Education
University of Saskatchewan 28 Campus Drive
Saskatoon, SK S7N 5X1
Abstract
Critical Incident Technique (CIT) (Flanagan, 1954) was used to explore the efficacy of
traditional First Nations and Métis healing methods in terms of emotional, mental and spiritual healing among self-identified First Nations and Métis students at the University of
Saskatchewan. Three participants were interviewed for this study. Data was analyzed using McCormick’s (1997) ten themes as well as thematic analysis. Findings correlated with
McCormick’s (1997) themes, and no new ones were added and none omitted. The themes and data were discussed in relation to Smart’s (1998) Seven Dimensions of Religion, in order to anchor the findings in a theoretical framework. Recommendations for future research as well as recommendations for counsellors and psychologists regarding integration of traditional First Nations and Métis healing methods in counselling are included.
Acknowledgements
I would like to extend many acknowledgements and thanks to those that helped me along the way. The process of graduate school and writing thesis is not a solitary endeavor. Without the support of many individuals, I hesitate to think where I would be.
First I would like to extend a gracious thank-you to my supervisor, Dr. Tim Claypool. Thank you for believing in me throughout this, encouraging me, offering your invaluable feedback, recommending texts and articles, and supporting the timeframe in which I wanted to complete this thesis. Your breadth of knowledge and level of support are inspirational, and I am so grateful that you agreed to be my supervisor.
Thank you to my committee member, Dr. Lynn Corbett, for your guidance throughout this thesis, feedback and encouragement. Your feedback brought forward many ideas regarding this thesis that I would never have considered. Thank you for being a role model for future practitioners like myself.
Thank you also to Dr. Robert Kennedy for your willingness to share several excellent ideas relevant to my research, which I believe truly believe reflects your passion for teaching and attention to critical scholarship.
Thank you to my parents, Lorne and Linda, who have been there since the beginning, and supported every educational endeavor I’ve pursued. You’ve been my foundation throughout my life, both personal and educational.
Finally, thank you to my husband, Jason, who supported me throughout this process in every sense of the word. When I told you I wanted to leave a secure career and pursue this master’s, you didn’t hesitate for one second to stand beside me throughout. I credit my ability to finish this all in the time I did to you – you gave me the space and opportunity in which to do so.
Dedication
I would like to dedicate this thesis to Lucy, George and Louis. Without your stories, this would not have happened. Your willingness to share some private, intimate times in your life with me is something I cannot express my gratitude enough for. Please know that I truly respect and honor you, and am endlessly grateful. You taught me that although this is my academic piece of work, it is not my story – it is not about me or for me. You reminded me why I set out on this journey in the first place. Thank you, many times over.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PERMISSION TO USE ………..i
ABSTRACT.………..….ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………iii
DEDICATION…………..………...iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS………...v
Chapter 1: Introduction………....1
Personal and Professional Perspective……….1
Present Study………...2
Purpose and Research Question………...2
Rationale………...…...3
Definitions of Terms………...………….4
Chapter 2: Literature Review………...5
Mental Health………...5
Depression and Anxiety………...5
Colonization……….8 Indian Act………...8 Residential Schools………..9 Physical………..10 Sexual……….11 Psychological……….11 Spiritual………..12 Intergenerational Trauma………...11 Genocide………...13
Colonialism and Intersectionality………..14
First Nations Spirituality………16
Cosmology and Epistemology………...17
Counselling with First Nations………...18
Traditional Healing Methods……….19
Tobacco……….……….21
Storytelling……….21
Sweat Lodge………...23
Incorporating Traditional Healing Methods into Counselling………...23
Seven Dimensions of Religion………...26
Chapter 3: Methodology………...……….27
Qualitative Research………...………...27
Critical Incident Technique………27
Participants……….28
Data Collection Strategies………..29
Data Analysis………...………..30
Delimitations and Limitations………31
Delimitations………..31
Limitations………...………..31
Trustworthiness………..31
Informed Consent………...32
Researcher’s Cultural Background………33
Chapter 4: Results………..34
The Participants……….34
Findings……….……....35
Research Question 1: McCormick’s Themes……….……...35
Description of Themes and Classifications of Current Study’s Incidents……...36
Theme 1………...…..36 Theme 2………...………..……37 Theme 3………...…..…39 Theme 4……….41 Theme 5………..…...41 Theme 6……….…41 Theme 7………..………...44 Theme 8………..…...45 Theme 9……….47 Theme 10………...48
Summary of Research Question 1………..………49
Table 1: McCormick’s (1997) 10 themes………..50
Table 2: Number of Critical Incidents Reported………50
Research Question 2: Integration into Counselling………...…50
Summary of Research Question 2………..……53
Chapter 5: Discussion……….…...55
Summary of Findings……….55
Seven Dimensions of Religion………...…60
Overview………...……….60
The Practical/Ritual Domain………..………60
The Experiential/Emotional Domain………..………...61
The Narrative/Mythic Domain………...………63
The Doctrinal/Philosophical Domain……….…………...64
The Ethical/Legal Domain………..…………...65
The Social/Institutional Domain……….…………...67
The Material Dimension………68
Summary………70
Strengths of Current Study……….…………71
Limitations of Current Study………..………...71
Implications for Future Research………...………72
Implications for Counsellors and Psychologists………72
Researcher Self-Reflection………73
Spirituality………..………73
Traditional Healing Methods………..…………...73
Assumptions………...…………73
Experience……….…….74
Conclusion……….75
References………..76
Appendix B: Call to Participate……….………87
Appendix C: Amended Call to Participate……….88
Appendix D: Consent Form………….………...…………...89
Appendix E: Transcript Release Form………..……….91
Chapter 1: Introduction Personal and Professional Perspective
As a non-identified First Nations or Métis person, I feel that an explanation of my drive behind this specific research topic is needed. I have always had a connection to the Earth and a deeply rooted need to share this with others. My first experiences with smudging and drumming were extremely spiritual and meaningful to me, and the level of connection to the Earth and self I felt cannot be described. These forms of healing are specific elements of First Nations
spirituality that I have actively sought out more recently, coupled with my interests in connecting with nature. Through my gradual exposure to varying First Nations and Métis cultures, I was able to understand and appreciate these practices more in depth. As a result, I deeply want to incorporate them into my future counselling practice, and introduce them as spiritual and emotional avenues to healing.
Religion was always a substantial part of my life, especially during my childhood. My parents are Catholic, and subsequently so are my brothers and I. We attended church every Sunday, prayed before every meal, and were taught to live a Catholic life. It was not until a serious family illness happened that this religion did not seem to have a strong foundation anymore for me. I was able to explore my views, interests, and in the end, belief system.
Growing up, my father worked for a local tribal council in which he had the opportunity to travel to our province’s numerous reserves. He then moved on to working at a reserve closer to home, in which he became the housing and infrastructure manager. He formed close
connections to many individuals that lived there, which would encourage my own personal spiritual growth in the future.
In February of 2007, my father was diagnosed with a late stage cancer. He sought out numerous Westernized medical treatments such as surgeries, medication and chemotherapy, that caused stress and additional pain. At this time, he also decided to retire from his career, to allow himself the time to focus on healing. It was then that an elder from the reserve in which he had recently retired from gifted him with varying teas and herbs to help him heal naturally. Although I am unsure of what exactly contributed to my father now being 9 years’ cancer free, this
exposure to traditional First Nations healing methods is what began to fuel my corresponding spiritual change.
Going through this terrifying and emotionally challenging time with my father and family opened many personal avenues I needed to explore more in depth within myself. My belief in the Catholic faith began to crumble and I adopted spiritual ways of thinking that were more aligned with a First Nations spirituality. I was interested in learning more about the First Nations healing methods my father had been offered, and thus began my journey on this path.
Working as a teacher within a school division in the province allowed me to experience first-hand many of the emotional and mental struggles that our provinces’ students face daily. Being exposed to different First Nations, predominantly Cree, practices showed me how they could be used to help students deal with their struggles. Weekly smudges and sharing circles with a local Kokum would provide me with some of the most intense and real emotions I had ever felt. I noticed the effects on the students in class immediately, which often translated into increased attention spans, more respectful attitudes and an overall sense of calm. Listening to drumming performances would consistently bring me to tears, as I could feel my spirit, or energy life force, healing to the rhythmic beat of the drum. Many of the students would dance or just sit in silent reflection during these moments; and again, the same immediate after effects were noticed back in the classroom.
This research study is foundationally based on these lived experiences for me, and having seen these practices prove helpful for people’s spiritual and emotional growth. My interests and drive behind this research comes from a place of great love and respect for the First Nations and Métis culture in our province. A further inquiry into these First Nations and Métis traditional healing practices, such as smudging, drumming or sharing circles, and how they facilitate healing is the main goal behind this thesis. Additionally, how and if they can be incorporated into future counselling will be explored.
The Present Study Purpose and Research Question
The purpose of this study was to determine what traditional healing methods (defined later) self-identified First Nations and Métis secondary students at the University of
Saskatchewan deem important to their individual and personal emotional, mental and spiritual healing. The study was open to self-identified First Nations who identified as Cree, Saulteaux or Dene, as they are the most populated First Nations in the province (Tribal Chief Felix Thomas, personal communication, October, 2014), as well as Métis individuals. The proposed study will
be guided by the following research questions: 1(a) To what extent do self-identified First Nations and Métis post-secondary students consider traditional First Nations and Métis healing methods as being important to their emotional, mental and spiritual healing 1(b) What, if any, other mediums do self-identified First Nations and Métis post-secondary students deem
important to their personal emotional, mental and spiritual healing and, 2. To what extent do self-identified First Nations and Métis post-secondary students want traditional First Nations and Métis healing methods included in the counselling process were they to see a counsellor or psychologist.
Presently, there is a lack of this type of research in our local counselling practices as a whole. This study will attempt to fill that gap in the research literature by identifying different traditional Indigenous healing practices and exploring the efficacy of how they can be included in personal counselling sessions with First Nations and Métis individuals.
According to the 2011 National Household Survey of Saskatchewan by Statistics Canada, the population of self-identified Aboriginals in the province was 157,740, or 15.6% of the total population. Of that 15.6%, the largest groups are the members of First Nations people. The self-identified Métis population was 52,450 or 5.2% of the population, which numbers them as the second largest group. There were 290 individuals who identified as Inuit. Knowing this information, this study will focus on the fore-mentioned First Nations groups and the Métis group.
Rationale
This study is important due to the higher prevalence of mental health problems seen among First Nations people (King, Smith & Gracey, 2009) which is strongly rooted in the ongoing colonialism and racism (explored more in depth later in chapter 2) and a tendency by this group to refrain from seeking mental health services that are provided by the Western-European forms of treatment that are common in North America (Trimble & Fleming, 1990 as cited in McCormick, 1996, p. 3). The First Nations Regional Health Survey (RHS, 2008-2010) reported that 34.4% of First Nations individuals in Canada had depression, and 24.3%
individuals had suicidal thoughts. With this in mind, it is important to understand why this is the case, and what can be done to help facilitate healing for First Nations groups. According to McCormick (1997), many traditional First Nations therapeutic approaches do not only include the client, but also relatives and community members. The view is not so much an
individualistic approach to healing, but rather one of interconnectedness, which includes the community, family and elder support. Understanding this, a counsellor who stresses the role of the individual client’s responsibility to their healing needs to be aware that this approach may not be appropriate with all clients.
Incorporating First Nations and Métis traditional healing methods (defined later in this chapter) into counselling is important in our province, especially as we see the population of these groups continually growing. According to Statistics Canada (2006) there were 83,230 self-identified First Nations people in the province, which shows an increase in population to present. Eurocentric based North American approaches to counselling individuals from these groups may not be therapeutically beneficial, therefore a more informed understanding of what could benefit their healing is important, which is a goal of this research. By applying these approaches to counselling in our province, we can begin to formulate a decolonized approach to counselling practice which in turn, might help facilitate healing in our First Nations and Métis peoples.
This study hopes to identify specific practices, traditions and experiences that have helped First Nations and Métis individuals in our province heal and grow emotionally, mentally and spiritually. By discovering this information, there is an opportunity to share it with the psychological community to ensure we, as counselling professionals, are respectfully practicing and applying these approaches when counselling First Nations and Métis peoples.
Definition of Terms
Chapter 2: Literature Review
The following chapter overviews literature in the fields of First Nations and Métis mental health, colonization in North America and the effects on First Nations and Métis peoples,
spiritual beliefs and practices of First Nations communities and Métis people, and the use of spiritual connectedness to healing as a whole.
Mental Health
Although First Nations and Métis peoples suffer from many of the same mental health problems as the rest of the Canadian population, there is a significantly higher percentage of suicide and depression among First Nations and Métis individuals (Nelson & McCoy, 1992 as cited in McCormick, 1996). However, most First Nations and Métis adults reported feeling balanced in the four aspects of their lives: physically, mentally, emotionally and spiritually (Government of Canada, 2006). Three in ten adult First Nations/ Métis individuals (30%) reported feeling sad, blue or depressed for two weeks or more (Government of Canada, 2006). Depression/Anxiety
The data reflecting higher prevalence of mental disorders is important, but perhaps equally as important are the reasons why. According to Wesley-Esquimaux and Smolewski (2004), much of this depression and anxiety is due to what they call generational grief. The authors define this as “a continuous passing on of unresolved and deep-seated emotions, such as grief and chronic sadness, to successive descendants” (p.2).
The First Nations Regional Health Survey by the First Nations Information Governance Centre (FNIGC, 2012) is a First Nations survey in Canada that provides a sharing of data, sampling and culturally appropriate questionnaire content. It includes information and statistics on the health and well-being of First Nation adults, youth and children. In chapter 5 of the document, it reports that First Nations individuals living on reserve were asked about their emotional well-being. According to the data from 2008, 12% of First Nations people living off reserve had suffered from an episode of major depression in 2001, whereas 7% of the rest of the Canadian population had suffered from the same. The document also reported that most adults said they felt in balance in the four aspects of their lives most of the time (71% felt they were physically in balance; 71% emotionally; 75% mentally; and 69% spiritually).
Nations individuals: clinical and ethnographical. With clinical depression, the authors describe it as a disorder that has common, severe characteristics which are affective, such as sadness; irritability; and joylessness, characteristics that are cognitive, such as difficulty concentrating; and memory disturbance, and vegetative characteristics, such as sleep, appetite, energy
disturbance. An ethnographical description of depression states that depression is a “feeling of sadness, hopelessness, and demoralization that may be as fleeting as a momentary nostalgia or as lasting as prolonged grieving” (Kleinman & Good, 1985 as cited in Waldram, p. 168). Kirmayer (2001) emphasizes that in many cultures, disturbances or alterations in mood, as well as affect and anxiety are perceived as social or moral problems, not mental health problems.
The clinical view on depression, however, is more widely accepted by practicing mental health professionals, as seen through the multiple editions of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), now on its fifth edition (DSM-V). The DSM-V offers a clinical view on depression, and a clinical approach to diagnosing depressive disorders. In order to be diagnosed with a major depressive disorder, many criteria must be met. Some of these criteria include: depressed mood most of the day, almost every day; diminished pleasure in activities nearly every day; feelings of worthlessness; fatigue or loss of energy almost every day; the depressive states are not attributable to the psychological effects of a substance or other medical condition and; there has never been a manic or hypomanic episode (DSM-V, 2013).
Within the DSM-V diagnostic criteria (not to be confused with the causes) for depressive disorders, culture also plays a role. The DSM-V defines culture as “systems of knowledge, concepts, rules, and practices that are learned and transmitted across generations. Culture includes language, religion and spirituality, family structures, life-cycle stages, ceremonial rituals, and customs, as well as moral and legal systems” (p. 749). DeSilva, Aggarwal and Lewis-Fernández (2015) extend this definition by explaining that culture consists of overlapping
systems that are made up of other characteristics which include gender identity and sexual orientation.
DeSilva et al. (2015) discuss four domains that assist and guide clinicians through a cultural evaluation when making a diagnosis. The four domains discussed are: cultural definition of the problem (which looks at incorporating a client’s personal view of language and illness); cultural perceptions of cause, context and support (which looks at the client, as well as the client’s social network, thoughts on the origin of the problem); cultural factors that affect
self-coping and past help seeking (which takes into consideration what the individual has done in the past to cope with the situation); and cultural factors that affect current help seeking (which refers to the individual’s preference for care and those in their social network). This article
demonstrates that there is increasing awareness, sensitivity and inclusion of cultural practices and beliefs.
It is important to note that there are multiple depressive disorder diagnoses within the DSM-V, including persistent depressive disorder, substance/medication-induced depressive disorder and depressive disorder due to another medical condition (DSM-V, 2013). Each of these entails their own diagnostic criteria. Beaulieu (2011) points out in her master’s thesis that mental health in a Western context is defined in relation to disorder, or that an absence of disorder is an indicator that an individual is of good mental health. Beaulieu also says that absent from the definition of mental health in the DSM-IV (the edition used for her thesis) is a consideration of culture, as well as social or historical factors. This is important to the context of this thesis, as culture plays a large part of it, including if discussing the research questions with an individual with a depressive disorder.
This distinction and difference in depression definitions is important, as more attention in the area of First Nation research regarding depression has been paid to the clinical
understandings of the problem and that little research has been done on the ethnographical viewpoint (Waldram, 2004). Little research has also been done on depression that is directly related to the culture, especially in the way that cultures have, and continue to, generate their own stresses and that may contribute to depression (Waldram, 2004). To further the
ethnographical view on depression, Waldram (2004) goes to on say that depression and suicide did not exist among First Nations peoples prior to colonization, and that depression was a byproduct of the drastic and severe alteration in their lives (Waldram, 2004).
Traditionally, different First Nations cultures had words that described problems related to depression, however not in the psychological way that seems to have come post-colonization. For example, in a study of Navajo healing, the authors Storck, Csordas and Strauss (2000) could not find a term that fully defined or described depression in the Navajo language. There were, however, terms that described a person who was worried or distraught, as well as a term for lonely and sick. The authors also found through interviewing Navajo peoples that there was a term for “something is not right that is giving you a problem making a living and taking care of
yourself” (Storck et al, 2000, p. 589). Waldram (2004) explains the reason for this is because depression in these cultures first came about after contact with the European settlers.
Although it cannot be said for certain that depression did not exist before contact, it is prevalent now, and the question is why. There are more than likely multiple contributing factors as to why First Nations and Métis peoples have higher than average prevalence rates of
depression in their communities, but the following section will outline some of the literature’s most germane contributing factors.
Colonization
For the First Nations peoples of Canada, the early years of contact with the Europeans was mutually beneficial, in terms of friendly trade of goods and in the fishing industry (Conrad & Finkel, 2006). However, sustained contact with the Europeans would have a devastating effect on the First Nations people. Over time, the Europeans took the view that First Nations peoples were savages or barbarians (Battiste, 2000). The Europeans took it upon themselves to enforce what would become a cultural genocide on First Nations people, in order to make them more like the Europeans. This was done in countless ways, however, this section will focus on the two forms of assimilation: The Indian Act and residential schools. It will end with an over view of cultural genocide, and a summary of the impacts on First Nations people.
Indian Act
In 1876, the Indian Act was put in place by the Government of Canada as a tool to “deal with” the First Nations people (Steckley & Cummins, 2008, p. 122). Prior to the introduction of the Indian Act, the Indigenous peoples were originally controlled by the military, which allowed them to maintain a fair amount of autonomy (Steckley & Cummins, 2008). However, in 1869 Britain gained full control of all Canada’s Indian matters. This changed marked a transformation in the nature of relationships between First Nations and Europeans (Steckley & Cummins, 2008).
The Indian Act was created in order to “guide Canada’s relations with First Nations peoples by imposing several restrictions on them in order to meet two main goals, to ‘civilize’ the First Nations people and to ‘assimilate’ them into Canadian society” (OTC, 2008, p. 22). It is important to know that the Indian Act was not a new piece of legislation put forth by the
Government of Canada, but rather a compilation of various pieces of existing statutes; its purpose was to centralize all legislation and to solidify the position of First Nations peoples as wards of the state (Steckley & Cummins, 2008). The Act reflected the core assumptions and
beliefs that were held by the dominant Euro-Canadian society regarding the Indigenous peoples in the mid to late 19th century (Coates, 2008).
The Indian Act caused poor relations between the First Nations peoples, the Canadian government and the people of Canada. The act essentially governed all aspects of the First Nations people’s lives, and included control of defining who ‘Indians’ were; enfranchisement of First Nations peoples; administering reserve lands; managing sale of time; administering money to the bands; determining the processes of leadership selection (through chief and council elections); regulating alcohol; and prohibitions on certain activities, particularly of a cultural nature; restricting women’s involvement in land negotiations and giving First Nations people no power to enforce laws on the reserve (OTC, 2008).
The Indian Act went through numerous amendments over the years. The OTC (2008) focused on the amendments in the years 1884, 1895, 1927 and 1951. In 1884, the ceremonies of Potlatch and Tamanawas Dance were prohibited and those found participating in the activities were sentenced to jail. This prohibition was in place for 75 years, and the ban was lifted in 1959. In 1895, all traditional dances and customs were prohibited; the ban was lifted in 1933. In 1927, all legal assistance for First Nations people was made illegal. The ban was lifted in the
amendments of the Indian Act in 1951. In 1951, revisions were made to the act. These revisions included: women of First Nations cultures could take part in land decisions, if a woman married a non-First Nations man she would lose status (as an Indian), restrictions on alcohol were
reinforced, as stated previously the legal assistance ban was lifted, and the creation of Section 87 (now Section 88) which allowed provincial laws to cover areas not covered by the Indian Act, for example child welfare matters (OTC, 2008).
The Indian Act still exists today. Few documents in our country’s existence have generated as much debate, anger and sorrow as the Indian Act has (Coates, 2008). Yet in spite of this, the Act still continues as a central element in the management of Aboriginal affairs in the country
(Coates, 2008). Residential Schools
Throughout Canada, many First Nations children attended residential schools between the years 1831-1996 (Legacy of Hope [LOH], 2015). These residential schools were part of a policy of assimilation that was continued for over one hundred years and severed the connection between many Aboriginal people and their ancestral culture (Corrado & Cohen, 2003).
Residential schools ran from the 1800s until the mid 1990s, when the last school closed
(Bombay, Matheson & Anisman, 2014). Children were sometimes forcibly removed from their homes and brought to the schools, in which they were housed in large numbers, and kept
separated from their families and communities (Corrado & Cohen ,2003). Bombay et al. say that by the 1930s, an estimated 75% of all First Nations children ranging in age from 7 to 15 attended residential schools. Devastatingly, children as young as the age of 3 were being forcibly removed from their homes to live at residential schools which were designed to kill the Indian in the child (Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, 1996). In the context of residential schools, killing the Indian meant disconnecting children physically, emotionally, mentally and spiritually from their language, culture, land and their communities as well as from their own sense of identity as being Indian (Chansonneuve, 2005). In addition to the various forms of abuse, numerous deaths occurred at these residential schools, including children who went “missing”. The term missing is placed within brackets, as the fate of these children is unknown. The Missing Children
Research Project was created in 2007 to name as many missing children as possible, as well as to provide documentation of their fates or how they died (MacDonald & Hudson, 2012).
Duncan Campbell Scott, the Deputy Superintendent-General of the Department of Indian Affairs, supported this assimilation with residential schools, and in 1920 said:
“I want to get rid of the Indian problem. I do not think, as a matter of fact, that this country ought to continuously protect a class of people who are able to stand alone … Our object is to continue until there is not a single Indian in Canada that has not been absorbed into the body politic and there is no Indian question, and no Indian Department” (as cited in Corrado & Cohen, 2004, p. 6).
The residential school system was a way in which the church and the Canadian government alienated First Nations children from their culture, family and spiritual practices (Corrado & Cohen, 2004). This alienation caused four different types of abuse among those who attended residential schools: physical, sexual, psychological and spiritual (Corrado & Cohen, 2004; Kirmayer, Brass & Tait, 2000).
Physical. The physical abuse of children in residential schools was used to enforce school rules; the most common was the use of a strap (Corrado & Cohen, 2004). There are countless stories of physical abuse told by residential school survivors, and many of these can be found on the Where Are The Children website (Legacy of Hope, 2015). On the website, many
residential school survivors share their stories through a video format interview. The stories shared and the experiences endured are heartbreaking to watch. One of the individuals, Harry McGillivray, shares the physical abuse he endured at the Prince Albert residential school in Saskatchewan: “We were underfed, I guess. We were always hungry… we used to go and steal in the farmer’s fields. We used to go and steal carrots or whatever vegetables there were” (LOH, 2015). He also talks about being told to shut up when he tried to speak in Cree, and how he witnessed others getting lickings for trying to speak their language.
David Striped Wolf shared his experiences in a story that was heartbreaking and
haunting. He described how it was when he left his family. His parents and grandparents tried to prepare him with candies and oranges (because he always had them at home) to help him feel more comfortable. He explained that the nuns and priests were very kind, however once they left and his parents and grandparents were no longer around, the nuns and priests changed. The nuns slapped him around to stop him from crying, and told him they’d give him something to cry about. David Striped Wolf also shares that he did not return home during the summer months, and his father came to visit about a month after he arrived. He remembers crying and grabbing his dad’s leg. After his father left, the nun slapped him around, made him sit in the corner, and then sent him to bed without supper because he was a bad boy (LOH, 2015).
Sexual. According to Corrado & Cohen (2004), sexual abuse appears to have been a common occurrence in residential schools. Just as with physical abuse, there are countless stories and memories of this horrific form of abuse. Again, Corrado and Cohen outline some of these stories, including that of Billy Diamond, a Cree from the Waskaganish community in Northern Quebec. He describes incidents of sexual abuse at the Kamloops residential school in British Columbia where some male supervisors showed an interest in young Cree boys. These supervisors would entice these boys to their rooms with sugar cubes (Corrado & Cohen, 2004).
Psychological. Just as the residential school system inflicted physical and sexual abuse on children, it also inflicted psychological abuse. The isolation of family, friends and
community, suppression of their native tongue, imposition of an unknown religion and belief system, harsh punishments, and inadequate nutrition and clothing are all examples of
psychological abuse (Corrado & Cohen, 2004). Loneliness has also been identified as a central aspect to psychological abuse, and many survivors still recall this loneliness as being
Spiritual. As Corrado and Cohen (2004) state, First Nations spirituality is foundationally based on the themes of trust, sharing, respect, honor and acceptance. These values did not exist in the residential school setting. In fact, children were forced to adopt a new and foreign system of beliefs and values. They were not allowed to practice their cultural ceremonies, but now instead were forced to adhere to religious rituals. These First Nations belief systems were ridiculed, demeaned and substituted with Catholic rituals (Corrado & Cohen, 2004). Intergenerational Trauma
Residential schools continue to be a source of intergenerational trauma still felt in First Nations communities (MacDonald & Hudson, 2012; Bombay, Matheson & Anisman, 2014; Menzies, 2008). Not only do the effects of this trauma affect those individuals who were forced to attend, but also their families and children. The RHS (2008-2010) reported that a higher number of “First Nations adults who had attended residential schools reported having been diagnosed with at least one chronic health condition, compared to those who did not attend residential schools (76.1% vs 59.1%) (p. 118). The RHS also provided the following data. 44.2% of all First Nations adults who attended residential schools were defined as having low
psychological stress, compared to 50.3% of First Nations adults who did not attend residential schools. 21.5% of the adult First Nations individuals who had attended residential schools reported that they had thought about attempting suicide at some point throughout their lives. The RHS provided data that showed the negative impacts that residential school attendance had on individuals, reported by the First Nations adults who attended them. The highest percentage of individuals who experienced a negative impact was isolation from family (77.6%) followed by verbal or emotional abuse (73.1%). 68.6% reported a loss of cultural identity, 62.6% reported a loss of language, and 62.0% reported a loss of traditional religion/spirituality.
Of the individuals surveyed, 52.7% reported having one or more parent who had attended a residential school, and 46.2% reported that one or more of their grandparents had attended a residential school (RHS, 2008-2010). The RHS classified participants who had either their mother or father or any grandparents attend a residential school as children of residential school attendees. Those children of residential school attendees who reported symptoms of depression differed depending on whether it was a parent or grandparent who attended a residential school: 30.8% who had both parents attend residential school reported symptoms of depression; 31.4% who had one parent, but no grandparents, attend residential schools reported symptoms of
depression; 25.1% who had at least one grandparent, but no parents, attend residential school reported symptoms of depression; and 20.4% who had neither parents or grandparents who attended residential schools reported symptoms of depression. The data from the RHS shows a link between depressive symptoms and familial residential school attendance, suggesting that those who directly attended residential schools are not the only ones affected. In addition to symptoms of depression there is a persistent tendency to abuse alcohol or sedative medication or drugs as a way to suppress negative emotions or deal with these difficulties, often starting at a very young age (Corrado & Cohen, 2003). Bombay et al. discuss that the lack of traditional parental role models of individuals who attended residential schools may contribute to the
transmission of negative child-rearing practices with their own children, which may contribute to the data shown by RHS (Bombay et al., 2014; Evans-Campbell, 2008).
Residential schools, together with colonialism and genocide, have not only affected the individuals immediately involved in it, but has also had a negative effect on families and social structures as well (Evans-Campbell, 2008). Evans-Campbell explains that although we see the effects of this, our abilities to fully understand the impacts of these traumatic events and to implement appropriate and effective treatment interventions is limited by our current trauma models. These traumatic events and stressors have been both acute and chronic, resulting in current negative side-effects which felt today, including: symptoms of depression, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), negative feelings of self-esteem and self-worth, addiction problems and suicidal tendencies, in both residential school survivors and their children (RHS, 2008-2010; Evans-Campbell, 2008; Bombay et al., 2014).
Genocide
The stripping of beliefs, language and self, together with the addition of various forms of abuse has resulted in what Battiste (2000) calls cultural genocide. Battiste says that indigenous peoples worldwide are still experiencing trauma and stress from genocide and the destruction of their lives by colonization. Battiste also talks about free will, and how our spiritual side is what drives us to pursue freedom, and that oppression involves a denial of the individual spirit and its quest for self-expression. Arguably, the word ‘cultural’ can be stripped from this term, and just be called genocide, as many scholars do (Duran & Duran, 1995).
The forced assimilation denied this freedom and expression of spirit to the First Nations people of Canada. It stripped them of their identity. Battiste (2000) says that colonialism,
slavery, intolerance, discrimination, and war are all cruel experiences that share a common element: the denial of the victims’ relevance. This systematic destruction of First Nations culture, language, values, spirituality and lives is still felt in today’s society (Duran & Duran, 1995). Duran & Duran explain that First Nations peoples in Canada were, and continue to be, exposed to one of the most “systemic attempts at genocide in the world’s history” (p. 28). This forced assimilation and colonization by the federal government has left a legacy of this genocide (Stewart, 2009). Epistemicide is another term use to describe the severing of these knowledge systems, language and spirituality (Grosfoguel, 2013). Not only was there a genocide on First Nations lives, but also on First Nations language, knowledge and spirituality. This epistemicide on ways of knowing and living has severed connections to cultural and spiritual roots for many First Nations individuals, and needs to be considered when discussing healing of First Nations individuals.
Connecting this genocide back to the increased levels of depression and anxiety
experienced in First Nations people begins to explain why this is the case. Battiste (2000) states that the most destructive personal experience of colonized people is that of intellectual and spiritual loneliness. This loneliness is the root of low self-confidence, a fear of action and a tendency to believe these pains are deserved; the colonized people start to blame themselves for this pain.
Colonialism and Intersectionality
Duran and Duran (1995) state that psychology is a “coconspirator in the devastation and control of those peoples who are not subsumed under a white, male, heterosexual, Christian subjectivity” (p. 7). Largely due in part to colonialism, we currently live in a society that has been conditioned to be racist, homophobic, sexist, transphobic, and fosters a highly
heteronormative patriarchy (Hunt & Holmes, 2015). Decolonization is a concept that has been researched by numerous scholars, however the effects of settler colonialism in terms of queer rights and gender and sexuality have remained on the peripheral of research topics, as can be seen when attempting to find studies on the topic (Hunt & Holmes). The core of this thesis is to approach counselling in a way that supports decolonization of the process; in so doing this, it is important to consider many variables and viewpoints. Hunt & Holmes, two women from British Columbia who identify as queer women, one of whom, Hunt, is a First Nations individual from
the Kwakwaka’wakw nation (called the Kwakiutl band by the Canadian government) explore the effects of colonialism on queer and transgender First Nations peoples.
Hunt & Holmes (2015) explain that the term queer, when used as a verb, is “a
deconstructive practice focused on challenging normative knowledges, identities, behaviors, and spaces thereby unsettling power relations and taken-for-granted assumptions” (p. 156). Riggs (2010) extends this definition to include reference to something that challenges “normative forms of naming” (p. 349). Additionally, Riggs explains that the term queer is to resist normalization and domestication. In order to render gender and sexual differences (in relation to the
heteronormative society) abnormal, we must name it, make it visible and then in turn challenge it (Hunt & Holmes; Riggs, 2010). Hunt & Holmes discuss that decolonization, or resistance to colonialism, is found in everyday life by First Nations individuals, in terms of honoring the land and the connection to it, as well as to community and other individuals, and living Indigeneity. This is supported with large scale rallies and protests as forms of resistance, taken up by
Indigenous families, communities and people. Hunt & Holmes discuss how colonialism was the erasure of Indigenous peoples and culture, and coupled with this erasure was the imposition of a system that suppressed gender and sexual rights.
Many Indigenous peoples who identify as queer or transgender now use the term Two-Spirit, which expresses a complex spectrum of gender and sexual identities which are rooted in a traditional Indigenous worldview (Hunt & Holmes, 2015). The term Two-Spirit also applies to individuals who embody both masculine and feminine spirits and qualities. Two-Spirit
individuals not only address homophobia and transphobia in our society, but also colonial power (Hunt & Holmes). The authors discuss that in order to decolonize this community, focus can be put on understanding First Nations gender and sexual identity practices and understanding Two-Spirit historic issues (the authors do not discuss this more in depth, nor do they make
recommendations for further information).
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and queer (LGBTQ) psychology is a “branch of psychology concerned with the lives and experiences of LGBTQ people” (Clarke, Ellis, Peel & Riggs, 2010, pg. 3). This branch of psychology was created to address two prominent ideas: first, that
homosexuality was once considered a mental illness, and second, that psychology research has primarily focused on the experiences of heterosexual and non-trans people (Clarke et al.). The authors explain that the terms lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and queer are often terms that are
associated with western cultures, and that non-western cultures use different term to describe sexual and gender identities. The authors also highlight that the field of LGBTQ psychology has primarily focused on the experiences of white, able-bodied, middle-class urban-dwelling gay individuals, with little research on other communities (including First Nations). The authors do not include information or research on Two-Spirit individuals from a First Nations background. The authors point out that there is a gap in the research for LGBTQ individuals who experience social marginalization related to race and culture; although not specifically named, one can make the assumption that this would include Two-Spirit people.
Simply lumping Two-Spirit individuals into the LGBTQ community in terms of psychology and counselling is not enough; we must also consider, understand and respect the individuals culture and spiritual beliefs. A person is a combination of their lived experiences, values, beliefs, culture, not just their gender or sexual identity. Knowing and understanding this goes beyond being respectful and inclusive, it requires a more in depth knowledge of the
individual’s background and belief system. The next section will look at First Nations spirituality and cosmology, in order to begin to bridge a connection.
First Nations Spirituality
First Nations spirituality embodies a combination of holistic and naturalistic approaches; it is one of connection with the Earth: plants and nature, other humans, and all living sentient beings. It is one of respect, love, thankfulness and no sense of ownership. It is not a belief system that centers around a God or church, but rather around the entire universe. Connecting with nature and the vibrancy of life was, and continues to be, First Nation spirituality.
First Nations cultures adopted a dialogue between mind, body, emotions and spirit (McCabe, 2008). This means that they believe in a balance between all four of these aspects in order to create a healthy person. The medicine wheel is a very prominent symbol in First Nation spirituality; it represents all four of these aspects. The medicine wheel shows four different quadrants: spiritual, mental, physical and emotional, all housing equal parts that make up a larger whole (McCormick, 1996). The medicine wheel reinforces the concept of interconnectedness and the belief that one part cannot be the center but must instead work in harmony with all of the other parts in order to create a healthy individual (McCormick 1996, p. 166). McCabe (2008) says that the medicine wheel is a process (healing), a ceremony (sweats, sharing circles) and teachings (a code for living). This means that it can be a place as well as an action and a
presence at the same time. The medicine wheel, summed up, is a way of understanding and conceptualizing the unexplainable (McCabe, 2008) for First Nations spirituality.
For First Nations people, a mental illness comes from an imbalance in these four quadrants (McCabe, 2008; McCormick, 1996). Wyrostok & Paulson (2000) also say that this imbalance, or illness, is associated with some form of soul loss or an illness of the spirit. In order to heal this imbalance, or illness of the spirit, many traditional First Nations people turn to family, friends or traditional healers for help, rather than mainstream mental health professionals (McCormick, 1997). Many Western cultures have rejected the idea of a mind, body, emotions and spirit dialogue or connectedness, and therefore First Nations peoples have looked to plants, animals and community for understanding and healing (McCabe, 2008).
Cosmology and Epistemology
Like other cultures in the world, First Nations people have stories about creation and how the world and universe came to be. Willie Ermine, an Indigenous Studies professor from
Saskatchewan, explains that these creation stories are the core of spiritual foundation, and the events leading to the creation of the universe are the basis for the Cree belief system (The
Encyclopedia of Saskatchewan, 2006). In Napoleon’s master’s thesis from 2014, he explains that Nîhiyaw (Cree) cosmology is “not easy to categorize through a western lens and does not clearly fit into the religious categories of monotheistic, polytheistic, and pantheistic” (p. 36) beliefs. Napoleon explains that kihcimanitow (which means great or sacred spirit) differs from gods of monotheistic religions in the way that kihcimanitow acts as a reminder of human weakness and that the spirit’s teachings “emphasize humility and de-emphasize self-centerdness” (Napoleon, pg. 37). Napoleon also explains in his thesis that the Nîhiyawak (Cree) do not believe that they are dominant over the natural world (animals and plants, for example).
Battiste and Barman (1995) discuss Aboriginal epistemology and humanity in relation to the cosmos and the universe. They explain that many philosophers and holy people among Aboriginal people have explored the process of self-actualization, and humanity in relation to the cosmos has provided insight into our existence. In order to find meaning in the outer space, people have turned inwards to seek answers. This inner being, or the soul or spirit, is the universe manifested within and permeates outwards into everything, including the cosmos. This
permeating soul or energy interconnects everything, from plants, animals, other humans and the entire universe. Napoleon explains that there is no clear separation or boundary between self, the
environment, society and the cosmos (Napoleon, 2014). This energy is what connects all forms or concepts and is the starting point for Aboriginal epistemology.
In order to understand the mysteries of the universe, one must meet the stream of consciousness shared by the universe. Elders have a familiarity with this life force energy and consciousness, and are capable of tapping into it to channel it into multiple modes, including healing (Battiste & Barman, 1995). The Cree word mamatowisowin describes the ability to tap into this consciousness, and demonstrates the ability to travel inwards.
Indigenous language and culture contain the accumulated knowledge of ancestors, and many believe that language itself has a spirit (Battiste & Barman, 1995; Napoleon, 2014). Napoleon explains that wîsahkîcahk, a central figure in nîhiway cosmology, represents a trickster. This trickster has been used as a metaphor by elders (or Old Ones) to aid young individuals into various realms of knowledge (Battiste & Barman). This figure represents
“adventure, creativity, humor, and about our relatedness to all other life forms” (Napoleon, 2014, pg. 54). Participation in cultural ceremonies are also a way to directly experience cosmology (Napoleon, 2014). Cultural ceremonies and spiritual practices encourage inward journeys by the participants and are “sacred acts that give rise to holy manifestations in the metaphysical world” (Battiste & Barman, 1995, pg. 106).
Counselling with First Nations
With the knowledge that First Nations people traditionally seek alternate routes for healing rather than westernized counselling, and more specifically why they do, it is important to understand ways in which to offer some of these traditional healing methods, beliefs and views into mainstream counselling practices. Traditional westernized counselling approaches stress the role of the individual client, whereas the First Nations cultures seek out a sense of community for healing purposes. Counsellors who stress the role of individual responsibility need to understand this may not be appropriate with First Nations clients (McCormick, 1997). Since many
psychologists lack an understanding of First Nations traditional practices and beliefs, counselling can become another form of colonization (McCabe, 2007; McIntyre, 1996 as cited in McCabe, 2007). By not acknowledging, accepting and encouraging First Nations beliefs in counselling, we are essentially pushing our own westernized psychological beliefs and practices on them, which becomes another form of colonization. How then, do we facilitate a traditionally, holistic,
welcoming approach to counselling with First Nations peoples? We do this by incorporating their traditional beliefs and practices in our counselling sessions.
Traditional Healing Methods
Birds make their nests in circles, for theirs is the same religion as ours” (Chief Hehaka Sapa, Sioux Nation; Friesen, 1998).
Incorporating traditional First Nations healing methods into counselling can be foundationally based on the medicine wheel. By understanding all four quadrants, and what methods of healing are appropriate for each, these healing practices can be powerful. The medicine wheel can help counsellors to hear their own inner dialogue of healing (their beating hearts) which can then in turn help facilitate their hearing the beating of the hearts of others (McCabe, 2008). This can become the healing connection between the healer and the person seeking help (McCabe, 2007; McCabe 2008). However, a more in depth knowledge of the medicine wheel, what it represents and an underlying cosmology related to it is important before making a decision on whether or not to incorporate it into counselling.
The medicine wheel begins simply (but simultaneously not simply at all) with the circle. The circle represents the interconnectedness as well as continuity (Battiste & Barman, 1995). In Johnson’s Ph.D. dissertation (2015), the importance of circular models is also discussed. Johnson explains that a foundational belief in First Nations cultures is that everything in the universe is alive and interconnected, and the importance of maintaining reciprocity with the world can be understood with a holistic circular model. Johnson explains that many processes in the natural world work in cycles (for example the hydrological cycle which describes global moisture), which is important as First Nations cosmology is strongly rooted in the environment and land. The circle, which is the foundation of a medicine wheel, is sacred and it epitomizes Indigenous beliefs. It also represents that the entirety of life is sacred, spiritual and interconnected – humans, plants, animals, the sun, the stars, and everything that exists in the cosmos (Missens, Anderson & Dana, 2014).
Superimposed on the circle are four points which represent the four directions (north, east, south and west) and the power or medicines which each direction represents. The medicine wheel represents a compass for human understanding, and can help individuals contemplate the interconnectedness and continuity of events and their lives (Battiste & Barman). Battiste and Barman discuss how each direction of the medicine wheel corresponds to different aspects. East
is associated with the sun, which represents spring, new beginnings, fire and enlightenment, which brings transformation. South is associated with water and refers to the summer season. West is associated with earth and symbolizes the value of insight. North is associated with air and winter, and the authors note that they have also seen it associated with fire. Additionally, each direction is associated to different phases of human growth and evolution. North is associated with a newborn or an elder, east is associated with child, south is associated with adolescent, and west is associated with adult.
Direction also corresponds to different aspects of humanness: north is associated with the cognitive realm, east is associated with the spiritual realm, south is associated with the
emotional, or psychological realm, and west is associated with the physical realm. All of these areas connect in a holistic manner to represent a continuum or a balance. It represents the interconnectedness of all human aspects of growth, all human aspects of self, as well as
connectedness with the four directions, seasons, medicines, environment, and cosmos (Battiste & Barman, 1995).
In the past, and still presently, many First Nations people have made sincere attempts to adjust to mainstream society (Brown, 2001). However, Brown (2001) indicated that many First Nations people are now reintegrating the sacred ways of healing traditions into their lives. In fact, many non-First Nations people are turning to similar therapeutic approaches too. Individuals that are longing for a real world of true freedom have turned in every possible direction for alternative answers. Many non-First Nations people are drawn to Native American traditions that express rich spiritual relations (Brown, 2001).
Time is also of relevance to First Nations culture. They view time as cyclical, and often do not have tenses in traditional language for past or present, but rather focus on the present (all that we have) (Brown, 2001). Western cultures, on the other hand, do not typically devote as much time to cultivating relationships with families, our surroundings or the beings with whom we share the land (Brown, 2001). A lot of Western cultures focus on the past, the future, what upcoming plans are being made. This takes away from the present, which is the time in which to cultivate relationships. Traditional healing ceremonies and rituals offer a sense of timelessness, or time outside of ordinary time (Brown, 2001).
There are numerous traditional healing practices, and between each group of First Nations peoples the practices may vary. It would be important to understand the group(s) in
which the healer is working with in order to adapt practices to reflect the appropriate and respectful way of incorporating them into counselling. The following section will explore burning tobacco, the power of story and the sweat lodge, and will conclude with how to incorporate these into counselling sessions.
Tobacco
In many First Nations communities, tobacco has an important meaning. It is used as an unspoken agreement between the giver of the tobacco as they ask for something from the
receiver, which is often teachings, or help with a problem (McCabe, 2008). Tobacco is believed to activate powerful healing forces within oneself (McCabe, 2008) which can help unite the four quadrants of a person. Tobacco is a symbol of personal integrity and respect for all sentient beings and all of creation, and therefor is very important to the inner dialogue of healing (McCabe, 2008).
The smoking of tobacco through a pipe may also be important for some First Nations groups. For the Plains Indian, the pipe itself is identified with the human person, for example it’s bowl being compared to the heart (Brown & Cousins, 2001). Purifying the pipe with sage or sweet grass is analogous with a human’s own purification (Brown & Cousins, 2001). When the pipe is full, it is believed that the entire universe is captured in the filled bowl. The fire that is used to light the pipe is understood to be an expression of the Creator that is the ultimate
principle of all things (Brown & Cousins, 2001). When a person consumes the smoke, all things become one with the smoke that rises up to the heavens (Brown & Cousins, 2001).
Storytelling
Storytelling has been a part of Indigenous cultures since humans have been on this earth (Lawrence & Paige, 2016). Words have power, and telling myths or stories is a sacred act in First Nations cultures (Brown & Cousins, 2001). Words themselves are thought to have the power to bring forth myth into today. By telling stories, First Nations peoples are able to bring stories from the past into the present. The words are thought to be able to give one the sense of being present in the story (Brown, 2001). While there is diversity among First Nations oral traditions, most groups believe in the creative force behind spoken words, and that the telling of myths has the power to make mythic time present, a part of the now (Brown & Cousins, 2001). Storytelling is also sacred for First Nations people as it embodies one of their most sacred values:
disengage at any time. However, with storytelling, it is an experience shared with others in the community in which the listeners must participate in a story with whoever is telling it (Brown & Cousins, 2001).
Stories serve a variety of functions for First Nations communities, which include
entertainment, the maintaining of cultural traditions and sovereignty, the encoding of knowledge, and to provide a foundation for First Nations identities (Johnson, 2015). They promote
communal connectedness, and relay powerful messages about how to treat the earth (Lawrence & Paige, 2016). As discussed earlier in this chapter, the importance of cycles was, and continues to be, important to Indigenous cultures and spirituality. This importance is portrayed through storytelling, and even when stories were told. For example, Indigenous peoples who lived in colder climates told stories in relation to the seasons; they were told between the first and last frost. For Indigenous cultures that lived in warmer climates, and where frost did not occur, storytelling was done when seeds were planted. This was done because of the belief in the power of the stories’ words. At the time of seed planting, plant people and animal people were at their most powerful, and telling stories at this time could emit harmful consequences, due to the power in the words. For example, animals who heard the stories could outwit human hunters and stay hidden forever so that humans could not find them (Lawrence & Paige, 2016).
Offerings of sacred herbs, such as tobacco, cedar, sage or sweet grass were given before commencing a story with seasonal intent that had a teachable message. These stories were
considered to be an important link to the cycle of life and death, and this reciprocity of herbs was a way of honoring all of creation (Lawrence & Paige, 2016). The stories told are not simply about humans, but also about plants, wildlife, rocks, thunder, water, sun, the moon, creation, wind and nature, which are all considered to be “as alive as the breath that carries them from one person to another” (Lawrence & Paige, 2016, p. 65). Everything has a purpose in the world, therefore everything has a story to reflect this. Telling these stories is a holistic process which connects body, mind, spirit and heart. It also allows for deeper understanding of self, as well as of creation, the universe, and life’s great lessons (Lawrence & Paige).
This can be incorporated into counselling through the use of storytelling about one’s own life: struggles, triumphs, pain and healing. By sharing stories of pain and suffering as well as of healing, finding self and meaning in life, First Nations people can begin to facilitate healing (McCabe, 2008).
Sweat Lodge
Much like the medicine wheel, the sweat lodge is a place, and a process all at the same time” (McCabe, 2008). The physical set up of a sweat lodge resembles a beaver hut in the fact that it is dome like. When a sweat is in progress, all light is blocked out. It has four symbolic doors that reflect the directions of the medicine wheel (McCabe, 2008). Each shelter represents the universe. The circular edge defines the bounds of the universe (Brown, 2001). In the middle of the sweat lodge is an open fire, which represents the Creator, the center of all existence. The smoke hole at the top of the sweat lodge allows smoke to carry prayers to the spirits (Brown, 2001). The poles of the structure act as a means to draw down the power from above and the tipi’s structure creates an exchange between this world and the heavens (Brown, 2001).
The purpose of the sweat lodge is to help individuals with their personal problems, when there are decisions to be made and where a great event is pending (McCabe, 2008). It assists in the inner dialogue of a person because it creates an atmosphere in which a person is able, and encouraged, to get in touch with self. It allows a person to become fully aware of their thinking, feelings, behaviors and spirit by shutting out visual stimuli and placing an emphasis on letting go of the things that interfere with the flow of healing energy, such as negative thoughts and anxiety (McCabe, p. 148).
Incorporating Traditional Healing Methods into counselling
According to McCabe (2008), many counsellors are trying to respond to the requests for incorporating these methods into counselling with First Nations clients, but many clients are leaving feeling disappointed. Harris, Edlund and Larson (2005) found that First Nations individuals in the United States reported the highest rates of mental health problems, yet they also reported the highest levels of feeling their needs were unmet when discussing their
experiences with mental health service providers. This indicates, according to Beaulieu (2011) that there are obvious shortcomings within the Western model of the mental health system when trying to provide support to the Indigenous population. This has led to research being done on this topic, in order to address what can be done to better be able to service the Indigenous population.
As noted in the previous section, there is vast diversity among the Western culture and First Nations cultures. By ignoring some of these key values within the First Nation cultures
(such as the importance of family and community, the interconnectedness of all things and the balance of a human’s four aspects) and imposing a Western approach to counselling, this is another form, or continued form, of oppression, according to Duran (2006). According to Duran, it is important to understand and be respectful of Indigenous ways of life, views on the world, healing and spirituality, in order to foster and develop a helping relationship.
Creating this trusting relationship begins with the counselling setting itself: how the room is laid out and decorated, the initial meeting between client and counsellor and even the identity of the healer (Duran, 2006). These elements set the foundation for a therapeutic relationship, and according to Duran (2006) there are specific elements of each dimension that a counsellor can include to strengthen the relationship with First Nations clients.
Duran (2006) talks about the healing container, which is essentially the boundaries in which a therapeutic relationship happens, or rather an office. He says that most Western practitioners talk about these boundaries in terms of the building and the ethics involved in the therapeutic relationship, however an important aspect is usually missing when counselling with First Nations clients – a metaphorical spiritual boundary. This spiritual boundary allows the clients to feel safe as they move through the healing process with the counsellor. Duran explains that First Nations clients pay close attention to this container, and treat it somewhat like a
ceremony. With the therapeutic relationship and space being viewed as a ceremony, it makes this experience of critical importance for this client.
Duran (2006) discusses specific objects a counsellor can place within the counselling space. These objects should be visible when entering the space, as the First Nations client may relate to some of these objects as much as they may relate to the counsellor, either
subconsciously or consciously. The main object Duran suggests is a small clay burner in which to burn sage, cedar or sweet-grass. Since these herbs play a vital role in traditional First Nations ceremonies, most First Nations client recognize this as an important aspect in their lives. It also may resonate with the client that the counsellor is doing something special to prepare the room in terms of cleansing it. The smoke from these herbs can also act as a boundary between spiritual or psychological forces that are creating suffering for the client and the physical space in which the healing is taking place (Duran, 2006).
According to Duran (2006), the identity of the healer, or counsellor, also plays an important role in the therapeutic relationship. The author notes that when most individuals are
